I.I  1  JK' AK  Y 

i  >r  mi, 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 


Jinn  1 


/  ca 


Kion  No. 


A; 


FACING 


THE 


TWENTIETH   CENTURY 

©ur  Country:  llts  power  anfc  peril 


The  POWER  of  Our  Country,  generated  by  Anglo-Saxon  civilization 
and  made  effective  through  the  American  institutions  of  State, 
Church,  and  School. 

The  PERIL  of  Our  Country,  manifest  in  the  claims  of  Politico- Eccle 
siastical  Romanism  to  universal  dominion,  and  in  its  relations 
to  political  parties,  politicians,  platforms,  legislation,  schools, 
charities,  labor,  and  war. 

The  Republic  FACES  the  twentieth  century  with  the  power  to  avert 
the  peril  when  both  power  and  peril  are  recognized. 


PRUDENS  FUTURI 
QUI  TACET  CONSENTIT 

BY 

JAMES  M.   KING 

General  Secretary  National  League  for  the  Protection 
of  American  Institutions 


NEW  YORK 

AMERICAN   UNION   LEAGUE  SOCIETY 

1899 


COPYRIGHT,  1899, 

BY 

JAMES  M.   KING. 
All  rights  reserved. 


JK  3< 
.  K5 


AUTHOR'S  PREFACE. 

THE  Republic,  with  the  momentum  secured  in  making  more 
than  a  century  of  glorious  history,  is  about  to  move  into  the 
twentieth  century  and  work  out  its  manifest  destiny  in 
extending  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  the  millions  which 
come  under  its  benign  rule. 

Without  attempting  an  elaborate  discussion  of  any  one  of 
the  themes  here  considered,  I  have  essayed  to  give  a  brief 
survey  of  the  sources  of  our  civilization,  of  the  institutions 
which  conserve  and  promote  this  civilization;  of  the  peril 
which  menaces  these  institutions,  and  of  the  legal,  organic, 
and  moral  forces  which  may  be  depended  upon  to  protect 
them. 

I  hope  to  contribute  a  mite  in  producing  that  disposition 
of  mind  and  poise  of  judgment  among  citizens  which  are 
indispensable  to  a  people  confronted  with  difficult  problems 
for  solution,  and  who  have  great  responsibilities  to  meet  and 
priceless  liberties  to  perpetuate. 

I  desire  to  reach  that  honest  citizen  on  the  farm,  in  the 
workshop,  in  the  factory,  and  in  the  different  departments  of 
industry  in  city  and  village,  who  does  his  own  thinking  and 
voting,  and  who  counts  one  in  the  class  of  citizens  who  give 
character  to  American  citizenship  and  vigor  to  American 
patriotism.' 

I  seek  to  inspire  that  kind  of  patriotic  pride  of  country, 
which  is  based  upon  an  intelligent  conception  of  the  cost  and 
character  of  our  institutions,  and  which  is  jealously  alert 
against  the  insidious  approaches  of  any  foe  that  would  either 
compromise  or  undermine  our  constitutional  liberties. 

We  are  living  in  a  seriously  interesting  and  instructive 
period  of  both  national  and  international  history.  The  men 


4  Authors  Preface. 

who  created  the  Republic  faced  their  responsibilities 
effectively  and  magnificently.  We  shall  have  both  the 
courage  and  ability  to  face  our  broader  responsibilities  if 
we  adhere  to  the  principle  that  the  safe  method  of  procedure 
is  for  a  nation  to  act  from  high-minded  and  unselfish  motives. 


NEW  YORK,  January,  1899. 


NOTE. 

In  a  word  I  desire  to  record  my  gratitude  for  all  the  assistance  I  have  received  in 
the  preparation  of  this  volume.  Those  who  have  aided  me  in  any  measure  have  one 
and  all  requested  that  no  mention  be  made  of  their  names.  Their  request  is  com 
plied  with,  but  their  help  is  appreciated. 

Conscious  of  the  imperfect  presentation  I  have  made  of  the  information  imparted 
to  me  from  many  sources,  I  am  thankful  for  the  valuable  and  authentic  facts,  and 
trust  that  the  readers  will  weigh  these  facts  and  bear  with  the  inadequate  method  of 
their  array.  J.  M.  K. 


OF    THK 

UNIVERSITY 
PA 


CONTENTS. 


PART  I. 

THE  SOURCES  OF  AMERICAN  REPUBLICAN  CHRISTIAN 

CIVILIZATION. 

PAGE 

The  Hollander, 13 

The  Pilgrim, 19 

The  Puritan, 28 

The  Huguenot, 38 

The  Quaker, 53 

The  Scotch, 56 

The  Cavalier, 57 

The  English  Roman  Catholic, 59 

Other  Mention, 60 

PART   II. 

AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 

The  State. 

Liberty  and  Law,      ..........  62 

The  State  and  Its  Power, 66 

Nationality  and  Sovereignty, 66 

Sources  of  the  Powers  of  the  State, 68 

Historic  Origin  of  the  Republic, 69 

Material  Resources  and  Strength, 72 

The   Church. 

The  Relations  of  Civil  and  Religious  Liberty,          ....  78 

Sphere  and  Function  of  Church  and  State,  .....  79 

Limitations  of  Civil  and  Religious  Liberty,       .....  80 

Separation  of  Church  and  State, 81 

5 


G  Contents. 

PAGE 

Dangers  from  the  Union  of  Church  and  State,          ....  82 

Historic  Statement  of  the  Origin  of  Religious  Liberty  in  America,  84 

America's  Contribution  to  Religious  Liberty,       ....  90 

Religious  Resources,           .........  93 

The  School 

Free  Common-School  System, 96 

Higher  Education  Accessible  to  All, 106 

Education  Out  of  School, .110 

The  Free  Press  as  an  Educator,  112 

PART   III. 

ANGLO-SAXON  AND  LATIN   CIVILIZATIONS. 

Spain  in  History  the  Representative  Latin  Type,  .  .  .  .121 
America's  Early  Escape  from  the  Grasp  of  Latin  Civilization,  .  133 
American  Populations  and  Civilization  Essentially  Anglo-Saxon,  .  140 
The  Spanish-American  War  of  Civilizations,  ....  146 
Our  New  Possessions,  .........  163 

PART  IV. 

THE  MENACE   TO  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS   FROM   POLITICO- 
ECCLESIASTICAL  ROMANISM. 

Preliminary,      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .175 

Claims. 
Concerning  Universal  Dominion  in  both  Spiritual  and  Temporal 

Affairs, 187 

Concerning  the  Essential  Character  of  Civil  Liberty,  .         .          208 

Concerning  Religious  Liberty  and  the    Relations  of   Church  and 

State,  218 

Concerning  the  Voter  as  a  Responsible  Sovereign,       .         .  230 

Relations. 

To  Party  Politics  and  to  Politicians, 250 

To  Legislation,      .  ...          287 


Contents.  7 

PAGE 

To  Judicial  Administration,    . 308 

To  Executive  Administration, 311 

To  Education  and  the  Schools, 319 

To  the  Press  and  Literature,         .         .                  ....  358 

To  Charitable,  Reformatory,  and  Penal  Institutions,        .         .         .371 

To  Labor  and  other  Organizations, 392 

To  the  Boycott  and  the  Boss, 403 

To  "  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion,"        ...                  .  409 
To  the   Government  of  the  Commercial  Metropolis  of  the  New 

World, 418 

To  the  Spanish- American  War,    ....  461 

Methods. 

To  Make  Condescending  Concessions  to  American  Institutions,       .  477 
Concerted  Action  as  Romanists;    Promoting  Isolation    and   Soli 
darity,  and  Obstructing  Assimilation  in  Citizenship,    .         .  481 

Decline. 

Decline  in  Numbers  and  in  Political  Power  throughout  the  World,  501 


PART  V. 

POWERS  TO  PROTECT  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 

Constitutional  Intrenchment  of  American  Principles  and  Institu 
tions  in  the  Organic  Laws  of  the  Nation  and  of  the  States,  .  518 

The  National  League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions,      519 

The  Free  Common  Schools.  The  Free  Principle  Must  Be  De 
fended.  Patriotic  Platform  for  the  Defense  of  the  Schools,  544 

The  Recognition  and  Nurture  of  the  New  Patriotism,  Manifested 
in  the  Multiplication  of  Patriotic  Organizations.  Organiza 
tions  Based  upon  Revolutionary  Ancestry  or  Patriotic 
Heredity,  .  549 

Organizations  Based  upon  Consciousness  of  Present  Perils  from 

Ecclesiasticism,  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .561 

The  Safe  and  Rational  Restriction  of  Immigration,       .         .         .567 


8  Contents. 

PAGE 

Safeguarding  the  Ballot,       .......  569 

A  Perfected  Civil  Service, 572 

The  Spoils  System  and  the  Merit  System,    .          .          .  573 
The  Principles  of  Unsectarian  Christianity  the  Basis  of  Our  Civil 
ization,  and  the  Guarantee  for  Its  Perpetuity,    .         .                  .  579 

PART   VI. 

MANIFEST  DESTINY, 535 

PART  VII. 

APPENDIX. 

Memorable  Events  in  American  History,  1492-1899,       .         .         .  595 

Some  Ecclesiastical  Definitions: 

Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law,    ......  602 

Gladstone  on  the  Vatican  Decrees,    .         .         .         .         .         .612 

Some  Chronological  Records  of  the  Pope's  Relations  to  the  Span 
ish-American  War, 614 

Vatican  and  Papal  Authorities  Friendly  to  Spain  and  Hostile  to 

the  United  States  during  the  Spanish- American  War,       .         .619 

The  Pope's  Letter  on  "  Americanism  ";   the  Submission  of  Arch 
bishop  Ireland  and  the  Paulist  Fathers, 621 

Immigration  Statistics  from  the  Foundation  of  the  Government,  625 

Qualifications  for  Voting  hi  each  State  of  the  Union,      .         .         .  626 

The  Flag, 628 

INDEX,  .         .  629 


LIST  OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 


PAGE 

ALFONSO,  KING  OF  SPAIN, 169 

DUKE  OF  ALVA, 121 

AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS, 136 

AUGUSTIN, 160 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  THE  NATIONAL  FLAG, 68 

ELAINE  AND  BURCHARD, 409 

BLANCO, 160 

H.  F.   BOWERS, 564 

CAPTAIN  BOYCOTT,          .........  401 

GEORGE  ERNEST  BOWMAN, 550 

J.   B.  BRONDEL, 293 

JOHN  R.   BROOKE, 160 

SCHLEY'S  FLAGSHIP  "BROOKLYN,"         ......  162 

WILLIAM  ALLEN  BUTLER,     ........  528 

CAMARA, 129 

THE  CAPITOL,  WASHINGTON,          .         .         .         .         .         .         .    1,  73 

JOHN  F.  CARROLL, 457 

CARAVELS  OF  COLUMBUS, 136 

CERVERA, 129 

CHARLES  V.,           ..........  121 

CHARLES  IX.,         ..........  121 

R.   L.   CHAPELLE, 293 

UNITED  STATES  COAT  OF  ARMS,             ......  1 

COLUMBUS,      .          .          .         .         .          .         .         .         .         .         .136 

CONGRESSIONAL  LIBRARY,       ........  73 

MICHAEL  A.   CORRIGAN, 301,  457 

COUNTRY  SCHOOL  HOUSE, 104 

RICHARD  CROKER, 457 

J.  L.   M.  CURRY, 544 

EDWARD  S.   DEEMER,             564 

CHAUNCEY  M.   DEPEW, 550 

GEORGE  DEWEY, 129 

MRS.   MARY  LOWE  DICKINSON, 559 

MORGAN  Dix,                                                                                   .         .  550 


10  List  of  Illustrations. 

PAGE 

DORMAN  B.   EATON, 520,  528 

FANEUIL  HALL, 68 

FEDERAL  HALL, 1 

FERDINAND,  .          .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .136 

UNITED  STATES  FLAG,  ........          1 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .112 

FRANKLIN  PRESS,  .          .         .         .         .         .         .         .          .112 

JAMES  CARDINAL  GIBBONS, 293,  301 

WILLIAM  W.  GOODRICH,        ........      550 

A  GRADED  SCHOOL  BUILDING,       .......      104 

ULYSSES  S.   GRANT,       .........      152 

FREDERICK  GRANT, 152 

SAMUEL  EBERLY  GROSS, 550 

JOHN  GUTENBERG,          .........      112 

EDWARD  HAGAMAN  HALL,      ........     550 

J.   C.    HARDENBERGH,  564 

BENJAMIN  HARRISON,  ........     261 

J.   A.    HEALY, 293 

HENRY  IV., 121 

PATRICK  HENRY,   .          .          .          .         .         .         .         .          .         .13 

HOE'S  PRESS,   1899, 112 

HENRY  E.  HOWLAND, 528,  550 

INDEPENDENCE  HALL,  68 

JOHN  IRELAND,       ..........      301 

ISABELLA,         ...........      136 

JOHN  JAY   (HUGUENOT), 13 

JOHN  JAY  (NATIONAL  LEAGUE),  ......     520 

JAMES  M.    KING,  .........      520 

RICHARD  HENRY  LEE, 13 

ROBERT  E.    LEE,  .          .          .         .         .         .         .         .         .152 

FITZHUGH  LEE,       .          .          .         .          .          .         .          .          .         .152 

LINARES,  160 

MONUMENT  TO  LUTHER  AT  WORMS, 81 

MONUMENT  TO  FAITH,  24 

MACIAS,  .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .          .160 

BATTLESHIP  "  MAINE," 156 

WRECK  OK  THE  "  MAINE," 156 

MRS.    I.    C.   MANCHESTER, 559 

MRS.    DANIEL  MANNING,         .  559 

SEBASTIAN  MARTIN ELLI, 193 

M.    MARTY,  293 


List  of  Illustrations.  11 

PAGE 

PRESIDENT  McKiNLEY  AND  THE  WAR  CABINET,           .         .         .  147 

WILLIAM  McKiNLEY, 1 

HUGH  MCLAUGHLIN, 457 

CATHERINE  DE  MEDICI,  .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .121 

WESLEY  MERRITT, 160 

NELSON  A.   MILES, 160 

MONTOJO, 129 

THOMAS  J.  MORGAN, 261 

SAMPSON'S  FLAGSHIP,  "NEW  YORK,"                                                  .  162 

NEW  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  LOBBY, 301 

OFFICERS  OF  THE  NATIONAL  LEAGUE  FOR  THE    PROTECTION    OF 

AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS,          .......  520 

OLD  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  LOBBY, 293 

DEWEY'S  FLAGSHIP,    "OLYMPIA," 162 

PAPAL  APOSTOLIC  DELEGATES  FOR  THE  UNITED  STATES,      .         .193 

PANDO, 160 

WILLIAM  H.  PARSONS, 520 

WHEELER  H.   PECKHAM, 528 

WILLIAM  PENN,     . 13 

PHILIP  II., 121 

POPE  LEO  XIIL, 188 

POPE  Pius  IV., 121 

POPULATION  OF  EACH  STATE   AND  NUMBER  OF  PERSONS  TO  THE 

SQUARE  MILE,          .         .         .         ...         .         .         .         .  585 

POSSESSIONS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1899,           ....  593 

PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  FROM  1789  TO  1850,     .         .  64 

PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  FROM  1850  TO  1899,             .  64 

RALPH  E.  PRIME, 550 

QUEEN  REGENT  OF  SPAIN,              169 

S.  LANSING  REEVE, 564 

PATRICK  W.   RIORDAN, '  .         .         .293 

ROMAN  CATHOLIC  POPULATION  IN  EACH  STATE  AND  PROPORTION 
OF  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  MEMBERS  TO  ALL  OTHER  DENOMINA 
TIONS,  499 

RULERS  OF  GREATER  NEW  YORK,         ......  457 

"RuM,  ROMANISM,  AND  REBELLION," 409 

PATRICK  J.  RYAN, 293,  301 

SAGASTA,  PRIME  MINISTER  OF  SPAIN,             .....  169 

WILLIAM  T.   SAMPSON, 129 

E.   W.   SAMUEL, .564 

FRANCIS  SATOLLI, 193 


12  List  of  Illustrations. 

PAGE 

CHARLES  T.   SAXTON, 544 

WlNFIELD    S.    SCHLEY,      .....                            .  129 

MRS.  MAY   WRIGHT  SEWALL, .  559 

JOHN  SERVER, 564 

WILLIAM  T.   SHATTER,            .....  160 

CHARLES  D.  SIGSBEE, .         .  156 

CHARLES  R.   SKINNER,             ......  544 

MRS.   LE  ROY  SUNDERLAND  SMITH,        .                            ...  559 

MRS.    HENRY  SANGER  SNOW,           ....  559 

SPAIN'S  POSSESSIONS  AT  THE  HEIGHT  OF  HER  POWER,         .         .  472 

SPAIN'S  POSSESSIONS  IN  1899, 472 

A  STATE  NORMAL,           ......  104 

J.   A.   STEPHAN,      ......  301 

WILLIAM  STRONG, 520 

PETER  STUYVESANT,        .....  13 

TREASURY  BUILDING, 73 

ROBERT  A.  VAN  WYCK,         ....  457 

JOHN  H.   VINCENT, .  544 

WAINWRIGHT,          .  .156 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,             .....  1 

WASHINGTON  MONUMENT, 73 

WILLIAM  WAYNE, 550 

ALEXANDER  S.   WEBB, 550 

WEYLER,                  I48 

JOSEPH  WHEELER, 100 

HENRY  B.    WHIPPLE,       ...                   550 

WHITE  HOUSE, ..73 

STEWART  L.    WOODFORD,  550 


/,>//>/    H "/;////;-,'/  (/'/////</;/). 
l\i triil;  11,-nry  (Scotch). 
John  Jay  ( lln^ncnot  I. 


/V/Vr  Stity-'t-sanf  (Hollander). 
William  l\'nn  ((Quaker). 
Richard  J/t'tirv  Let'  (Cavalier}. 


SOME    LKADKKS    IX    SHAPING    AMERICAN'    CIVILIZATION. 


FACING  THE  TWENTIETH  CENTURY. 


PART  I. 

THE   SOURCES   OF   AMERICAN  REPUBLICAN 
CHRISTIAN   CIVILIZATION. 

THE    HOLLANDER. 

THE  first  dim  outlines  of  knowledge  concerning  the  region 
now  called  Holland  have  been  set  before  us  in  Caesar's  accounts 
of  the  battles  and  marches  of  his  conquering  legions.  A  region 
it  might  have  been  called  then,  yet  not  a  land.  The  words 
terra  firnia  would  scarcely  apply  to  a  vast  expanse  of  morass 
and  thicket,  often  all  but  submerged  by  the  furious  waves  of 
the  stormy,  ever  threatening  sea.  As  the  child  is  father  to  the 
man,  so,  in  the  first  faint  dawnings  of  the  history  of  a  people 
may  be  discerned  some  characteristics  which  distinguish  that 
people,  as  the  story  of  later  generations  is  rounded  out  and 
recorded.  That  quality  in  a  race  which  held  it  steadfast 
while  fighting  against  nature  for  a  home  so  uncertain  in  its 
conditions  that  it  was  sometimes  land  and  sometimes  water; 
which  enabled  it,  though  often  overpowered  and  almost  swept 
out  of  existence  by  giant  physical  forces,  to  slowly  but  cer 
tainly  overcome  after  centuries  of  combat,  has  marked  that 
people  through  all  the  years  of  its  history.  Patiently,  slowly, 
with  untiring  labor  and  constant  vigilance,  they  drove  back 
the  waves  and  set  a  bound  to  the  ocean.  But  while  they 
were  toiling  to  wrest  this  Low  Land,  this  Hollow  Land  from 
the  sea,  they  were  also  developing  and  strengthening  within 
themselves  that  power  which  enabled  them  to  convert  a  marsh 


14  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

into  a  rich  and  fruitful  garden ;  to  build  within  its  limits 
wealthy  and  powerful  cities,  where  science,  art,  and  music 
went  hand  in  hand  with  progress  in  material  industries, 
while  they  swept  the  broad  bosom  of  their  ancient  enemy 
with  fleets  of  merchantmen  and  war  vessels.  Nor  was  this 
power  to  achieve  success  in  these  directions,  great  as  it  was, 
their  most  prominent  characteristic.  Motley  says:  "In  the 
development  of  the  Netherland  nation  during  sixteen  centu 
ries,  we  have  seen  it  ever  marked  by  one  prevailing  character 
istic,  one  master  passion,  the  love  of  liberty,  the  instinct  of 
self-government." 

The  succession  of  Charles  V.  to  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Netherlands,  and  the  dawn  of  that  religious  movement  called 
the  Reformation,  two  events  which  occurred  early  in  the  six 
teenth  century,  gave  the  signal  for  the  beginning  of  a  long 
and  terrible  struggle.  The  history  of  this  reign  was  marked 
at  every  stage  by  rapacity  and  political  oppression.  These 
rich  provinces  had  their  treasuries  emptied  to  support  the  Em 
peror's  ambitious  projects,  had  their  industries  hampered  and 
their  liberties  restricted.  Above  all,  he  sought  to  extinguish 
their  religious  freedom.  To  repressive  edicts  were  added  the 
terrors  of  the  Inquisition,  and  by  the  time  Charles  abdicated, 
passing  the  sovereignty  into  the  hands  of  his  son,  Philip  II., 
upward  of  fifty  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Nether 
lands  had  suffered  death  for  their  religious  opinions.  But  if 
the  reign  of  Charles  was  rigorous  and  harsh,  that  of  his  son 
was  marked  by  relentless  cruelty.  Religious  persecution  was 
carried  on  with  redoubled  vigor,  and  the  infamous  Alva  was 
sent,  at  the  head  of  thousands  of  Spanish  troops,  to  crush  the 
rebellious  provinces.  It  was  inevitable,  considering  the  tem 
per  of  the  people,  that  a  rebellion  should  ripen  into  a  war, 
which  drew  the  Prince  of  Orange  to  the  front  as  their  leader, 
and  that  the  Abjuration,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  of 
the  Dutch  Republic,  should  ultimately  follow.  A  few  years 
later  these  people  saw  their  beloved  Prince  and  leader  fall  by 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  15 

the  assassin's  hand,  but  with  indomitable  energy  they  marched 
forward,  while  others  of  that  princely  family  arose  to  perpetu 
ate  and  embellish  the  name  by  heroic  deeds  for  a  noble  cause, 
until  an  exhausted  enemy  held  out  the  flag  of  truce  and  was 
forced  to  acknowledge  the  Low  Countries  free. 

In  this  memorable  year  of  1609,  when  the  Dutch  republic 
took  its  place  among  the  nations,  events  were  quietly  occur 
ring  in  another  part  of  the  world  which  were  to  be  an  active 
factor  in  founding,  at  a  later  era,  a  greater  republic,  which,  in 
its  turn,  would,  for  liberty  and  right,  meet  in  the  clash  of 
arms  the  ancient  enemy  of  its  Netherland  prototype.  The 
voyage  of  the  celebrated  Half  Moon,  under  the  command 
of  her  equally  celebrated  captain,  Henry  Hudson,  has  taken 
its  deep  significance  from  later  events.  It  was  but  a  small 
vessel,  manned  by  a  crew  of  twenty,  making  her  first  cruise 
along  an  unknown  shore,  cautiously  feeling  her  way  through 
strait  and  bay,  past  wooded  islands  to  the  broad  surface  of  a 
noble  river,  traversing  many  miles  of  its  shining  waters,  and 
returning  with  its  cargo  of  furs  and  its  story  of  adventure, 
to  the  home  port  in  Holland.  Yet  this  little  boat  was  the 
pathfinder  for  a  world's  traffic,  and  on  those  wooded  slopes 
was  to  rise  a  great  city  where  all  nations  and  tongues  would 
congregate.  For  some  years  Hudson's  discovery  was  only 
fruitful  in  pointing  out  the  way  for  the  beginnings  of  a  profit 
able  trade  in  furs  with  the  Indians  of  the  islands  and  shores 
which  he  visited.  A  fort  was  built  near  the  site  of  the  pres 
ent  city  of  Albany,  as  a  trading  post  to  reach  the  natives  of 
the  interior,  a  few  rude  buildings  erected  at  the  extremity 
of  Manhattan  Island,  and  the  name  of  New  Netherland  given 
the  region.  However,  there  was  no  definite  project  for  colo 
nization  until  after  the  establishment  of  the  West  India  Com 
pany  with  many  rights  and  privileges,  one  of  which  was 
exclusive  trade  with  America.  Under  their  charter  Peter 
Minuit  was  appointed  the  first  governor,  and  he  arrived 
at  Manhattan  in  the  spring  of  1626,  authorized  to  buy  land 


16  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

from  the  Indians,  aiid  construct  a  fort,  warehouse,  and  other 
necessary  buildings. 

On  the  6th  of  May,  two  days  after  his  arrival,  the  Governor 
made  that  celebrated  purchase    from   the    natives,  whereby 
Manhattan  Island  came  into  his   possession  at  the  price  of 
twenty-four   dollars.     The   fort,    warehouse,    and    buildings 
were  soon  constructed,  and  an  upper  story  in  one  of  the  latter 
was  fitted  up  for  religious  worship.     They  had  no  minister  as 
yet,  but  two  persons  were  appointed  to  read  the  Bible  and 
lead  in  devotional  exercises  every  Sabbath  morning.     Other 
colonists  shortly  arrived,  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  their 
number  was  nearly  two  hundred.     With  the  habits  of  thrift 
and  diligence  in  which  they  had  been  trained,  it  is  not  sur 
prising  to  learn  that  "  they  had  all  their  grain  sowed  by  the 
middle  of  May,  and  reaped  by  the  middle  of  August."     Two 
years   later  we  find   that    "  the  learned  and  energetic  John 
Michaelius  was  employed  to  officiate  at  religious   meetings 
and  instruct  the  children."     Thus  from  the  first  these  Dutch 
colonists  built  a  strong  foundation  for  education  and  religion. 
In  order  to  give  greater  impetus  to  colonization  and  extend  it 
throughout  the  province,  an  offer  was  made  by  the  company 
to  any  of  its  members  who  should  found  a  colony  of  fifty 
adults,   by  which  they  would  receive  large  grants  of  land, 
special  privileges,  and  the  title  of  patroon.     In  this  way  set 
tlements  were  planted  along  the  Hudson  River  and  in  sections 
now  included  in  Delaware  and  New  Jersey,  though  the  aris 
tocratic  and  feudal  features  of  the  plan  were  not  favorable  to 
the  best  growth  of  the  province.     After  a  few  years  Mi  unit 
was  succeeded  by  Van  T wilier  as  governor,  and  with  him 
arrived    the   first   minister,    named    Bogardus,    for    whom    a 
church  was  shortly  built.     This  was  a  plain  wooden  struc 
ture,  without  architectural  beauty,  but  historically  interesting 
as  the  first  church  edifice  on  Manhattan  Island.     Under  this 
administration  the  island  village  received  the  name  of  New 
Amsterdam.     Hut  the  path  of  these  Dutch  governors  was  not 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  17 

an  easy  one,  and  in  1638  Van  T wilier  retired  to  make  way  for 
Kieft.  He  chose  as  counselor  Dr.  La  Montagne,  a  man  of 
high  breeding  and  varied  learning,  a  French  Huguenot,  who 
had  fled  from  religious  persecution  and  settled  at  Manhattan 
the  previous  year.  Thus  we  may  already  get  a  glimpse  of 
the  cosmopolitan  character  of  the  future  metropolis.  During 
Kieft's  rule  the  company  adopted  a  more  liberal  policy,  which 
had  the  effect  of  increasing  the  number  of  new  settlers,  and 
the  greater  religious  freedom  attracted  people  from  New  Eng 
land,  who  made  settlements  on  Long  Island  and  in  West- 
chester,  while  others  became  inhabitants  of  the  thriving 
village  of  New  Amsterdam. 

In  1647  arrived  the  last  and  the  greatest  of  the  Dutch 
governors,  Peter  Stuyvesant.  He  was  a  man  of  stern,  proud 
appearance,  military  bearing,  of  great  energy  and  decision  of 
character,  of  severe  morality,  yet  kindly,  sympathetic,  and 
large-hearted.  He  found  many  discouragements  in  the  condi 
tion  of  affairs  in  the  province.  Before  this  time  there  had 
been  many  misunderstandings  with  the  English  settlements, 
owing  to  conflicting  patents  and  indefinite  boundaries.  The 
patroon  system,  with  its  special  privileges,  was  a  source  of 
perplexity  and  annoyance.  Above  all,  injudicious  treatment 
of  the  Indians  had  been  followed  by  disastrous  and  shock 
ing  results.  Beside  these  questions  which  confronted  the 
Governor,  his  attention  was  at  once  drawn  to  the  necessity  for 
improvement  in  the  condition  of  the  town,  and  under  his 
energetic  direction  many  changes  for  the  better  were 
inaugurated.  Though  the  Dutch  were  earnest  and  serious, 
they  did  not  manifest  a  sour  severity ;  and  though  they 
evinced  a  keen  commercial  spirit,  they  were  not  mercenary  or 
miserly.  So  far  as  circumstances  permitted  the  people  lived 
generously,  and  there  was  much  pleasant  social  intercourse 
among  the  settlers.  In  New  Amsterdam  the  Christmas  festi 
val  was  especially  observed,  as  was  also  the  custom  of  New 
Year  visits.  In  1653  New  Amsterdam  was  made  a  inunici- 


18  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

pality  and  suitable  officials  were  appointed.  In  1656  its  popu 
lation  had  reached  one  thousand.  But  events  were  impending 
which  were  to  place  the  control  of  the  province  in  other 
hands.  In  1664  it  was  seized  by  the  English.  New  Amster 
dam  became  New  York,  and  Fort  Orange  was  called  Albany. 
But,  though  it  was  lost  forever  as  a  Netherland  possession,  the 
Dutch  had  taken  firm  root  in  the  soil  and  made  an  indelible 
mark,  to  be  discerned  through  all  the  future  history  of  the 
province.  That  country,  whose  rich  and  flourishing  cities  were 
brought  low  by  the  hand  of  tyranny  and  wasted  by  fire  and 
siege,  was  to  see  them  reproduced  again,  when  its  children 
founded  the  metropolis  of  the  West.  The  descendants  of  a 
people  which,  with  wonderful  persistence  in  the  face  of  repeated 
defeats,  rescued  a  country  from  the  waves  and  made  it  fertile 
and  flourishing,  had  the  happy  privilege  of  founding,  in  the 
New  World,  a  great  State  upon  which  nature  had  bestowed 
every  bounty.  Throughout  its  length  and  breadth  the  Dutch 
name  is  preserved.  The  important  families  of  New  Nether- 
land  have  their  lines  perpetuated  by  distinguished  descend 
ants,  and  the  race  which  Caesar  could  not  conquer  is  repre 
sented  in  the  New  World  by  a  long  list  of  brave,  steadfast, 
God-fearing  men.  These  men  have  ever  been  active  in  foster 
ing  those  rights  and  privileges  for  which  their  forefathers 
fought  with  such  unyielding  determination,  such  unexampled 
bravery.  That  right  of  free  and  fearless  speech,  and  that 
high  standard  of  morality,  in  civil  as  well  as  religious  matters, 
which  permitted  the  first  Dutch  preacher  to  rebuke  from  his 
pulpit  the  Governor  in  his  pew,  are  still  manifest  in  the  life 
of  the  State.  Her  press,  her  schools,  her  laws  are  all  signifi 
cant  of  her  origin.  The  declaration  in  favor  of  complete 
religious  toleration,  which  the  Netherlanders  incorporated  in 
the  Act  of  Abjuration  in  1581,  is  repeated  again  when  New 
York,  two  centuries  later,  in  her  first  constitution,  declares 
that  "  the  free  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  religious  pro 
fession  and  worship,  without  discrimination  or  preference, 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  19 

shall  forever,  hereafter,  be  allowed  within  this  state  to  all 
mankind." 

Doubtless  the  fathers  of  the  American  nation,  confronted 
by  doubts  and  anxieties,  wrought  out  many  problems  by  the 
light  of  Dutch  history.  The  founders  of  the  Plymouth 
colony  dwelt  for  years  in  that  city  of  Leyden  which,  only  a 
generation  before  their  time,  had  passed,  unconquered, 
through  a  siege  the  record  of  which  is  a  glowing  tribute  to 
the  amazing  fortitude  and  the  undying  faith  of  its  inhabi 
tants.  May  it  not  well  be  that  the  Pilgrims  there  learned 
some  lessons  that  helped  to  bear  them  bravely  through  the 
heavy  trials  which  they  encountered  in  their  new  home? 
Perhaps  many  lessons  which  were  afterward  put  in  practice 
by  the  later  New  England  colonists  may  have  been  taught  by 
the  Netherlander,  thousands  of  whom  migrated  to  the 
eastern  counties  of  England,  whence  the  Puritan  exodus  to 
America  was  largely  drawn.  As  the  early  history  of  the 
American  republic  is  more  deeply  studied,  the  more  obscure 
elements  in  its  complex  civilization  brought  to  light,  the 
silent,  hidden  streams  of  influence  which  make  the  nation 
what  it  is  are  uncovered  and  explored,  the  more  plainly  will 
be  seen  the  country's  lasting  indebtedness  to  the  people  and 
the  institutions  of  Holland. 

THE   PILGRIM. 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  the  first  Stuart  king 
of  England  there  landed  upon  the  shores  of  one  of  his  colo 
nial  possessions  a  small  baud  of  men  and  women,  obscure  and 
humble  then,  but  now  known  all  over  the  world  as  the  Pil 
grims  of  New  England,  and  the  day  of  their  landing,  Decem 
ber  21,  1620,  is  widely  celebrated  as  Forefathers'  Day.  The 
circumstances  attending  their  arrival  could  hardly  have  been 
less  auspicious.  Setting  foot  as  they  did  on  a  bleak  and 
wild  coast  in  the  short,  chill  days  of  early  winter,  without 
sheltering  roof  or  pleasant  hearthstone,  with  no  neighbors  but 


20  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

howling  wolves  and  unfriendly  savages,  there  was  little  pros 
pect  of  ease,  comfort,  or  security.  But  these  brave  men  and 
women  knew  well  the  meaning  of  hardships,  trials,  and  dis 
appointments,  and  the  sublimity  and  strength  of  their  reli 
gious  faith  gave  them  a  power  of  endurance  and  a  fixedness  of 
purpose  which  were  to  contribute  to  a  new  order  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  In  England,  their  native  country,  they  had 
suffered  much  for  conscience'  sake ;  for  years  they  had  been 
exiles  in  a  foreign  land,  and  they  had  come  to  a  new  and 
unknown  country  that  they  might  find  "  freedom  to  worship 
God "  without  interference  or  persecution  from  prelate  or 
king.  Very  early  in  the  century  these  people  had  withdrawn 
from  the  services  of  the  established  church  and  thus  received 
the  name  of  Separatists.  They,  with  others  of  like  mind,  met 
together  for  religious  worship,  first  at  Gainsborough  in  Lin 
colnshire,  but  in  1606  they  found  it  convenient  to  assemble 
nearer  their  homes  in  Nottinghamshire,  and  held  their  meet 
ings  chiefly  at  Scrooby  in  the  manor  house,  then  the  home  of 
William  Brewster,  who  was  afterward  to  be  the  first  preacher 
and  teacher  of  the  little  colony  in  America.  Among  their 
number  was  William  Bradford,  a  young  man  who  lived  at 
Austerfield,  a  few  miles  away,  and  whose  name  in  later  years 
was  to  be  prominent  in  all  the  records  of  their  wanderings 
and  final  establishment  in  the  New  World.  His  "History  of 
Plymouth  Plantation "  has  preserved  much  that  otherwise 
must  have  been  wholly  lost  and  which  is  invaluable  to  those 
who  would  study  the  history  of  these  people  in  its  religious  and 
civil  aspects.  Mr.  Richard  Clifton,  "a  grave  and  reverend 
preacher,"  was  their  pastor,  and  with  them  also,  among  others, 
was  John  Robinson,  who  went  with  them  into  exile  and  after 
ward  became  their  preacher.  Bradford  tells  us  in  his  quaintly 
written  history  that  "they  ordinarily  met  at  William  Brew- 
ster's  house  on  the  Lord's  day  and  with  great  love  he  enter 
tained  them  when  they  came,  making  provision  for  them  to 
his  great  charge."  The  little  village  of  Scrooby  was  146 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  21 

miles  north  of  London,  and  William  Brewster  was  probably 
born  in  the  manor  house  where  his  father  lived  and  held  the 
office  of  Post,  to  which  the  son  succeeded.  Here  they  formed 
themselves  into  an  organized  church,  for  Bradford  says :  u  They 
shook  off  the  yoke  of  anti-Christian  bondage  and  as  the  Lord's 
free  people,  joined  themselves  by  a  covenant  of  the  Lord  into 
a  church  estate  in  the  fellowship  of  the  gospel  to  walk  in 
all  his  ways  made  known  or  to  be  made  known  unto  them 
according  to  their  best  endeavors,  whatsoever  it  should  cost 
them  the  Lord  assisting  them." 

There  were  Separatist  churches  in  other  parts  of  England, 
but  the  great  body  of  those  who  sympathized  with  the  free 
church  ideas,  the  Puritans,  had  not  come  to  open  resistance 
against  the  Act  of  Uniformity  promulgated  by  Elizabeth  for 
the  repression  of  Catholics  and  Puritans  alike.  Afterward, 
under  the  first  Charles,  many  of  the  latter,  wearied  by  perse 
cution  and  oppression,  were  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
Pilgrims  in  New  England.  It  is  difficult  to  trace  the  begin 
nings  of  this  spirit  of  free  inquiry.  Certainly  the  principle  of 
self-government,  the  seeds  of  which  were  brought  to  British 
soil  by  the  early  English  invaders,  was  not  unfavorable  to  it. 
Long  before  the  times  of  Wickliffe  and  his  followers  men  suf 
fered  for  their  repudiation  of  the  claims  of  priestly  authority, 
but  not  until  the  first  year  of  the  fifteenth  century  did  Eng 
lishmen  perish  at  the  stake  for  their  religious  opinions. 

But  the  little  congregation  at  Scrooby  were  not  permitted 
to  worship  in  their  own  way  without  opposition.  "  They 
could  not  long  continue  in  any  peaceable  condition  but  were 
hunted  and  persecuted  on  every  side,  some  were  taken  and 
clapt  up  in  prisons,  others  had  their  houses  beset  and  watched 
night  and  day  and  hardly  escaped  their  hands,  and  the  most 
were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  their  houses  and  habitations  and 
the  means  of  their  livelihood."  Thus  did  persecution,  dis 
tress,  and  loss  of  material  possessions  mark  their  lot  from  the 
first.  But  they  remained  steadfast  and  refused  to  conform  to 


22  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

what  they  believed  anti-Christian  and  unworthy  of  acceptance 
by  the  Lord's  people.  Their  constant  reading  of  the  Bible, 
and  their  increasing  dependence  upon  it  as  the  rule  of  life  in 
all  things,  served  to  draw  them  farther  away  from  the  require 
ments  of  the  Church.  There  was  little  prospect  of  wider 
toleration  in  the  future.  Elizabeth  had  passed  away,  James  I. 
had  ascended  the  throne,  and  the  long  struggle  of  the  Stuart 
kings  for  absolutism  and  against  constitutional  privilege 
and  the  rights  of  the  people,  civil  and  religious,  was  just 
beginning.  It  Avas  no  light  thing  for  Englishmen  born  and 
bred  to  turn  their  faces  away  from  their  native  country,  to 
leave  the  smiling  valleys  and  peaceful  streams  of  their 
home  land  and  seek  an  asylum  in  a  foreign  country  under 
new  and  hard  conditions.  But  they  prized  most  of  all 
religious  freedom,  and  at  last  "  by  joint  consent  they  resolved 
to  go  into  the  Low  Countries,  where  they  heard  was  freedom 
of  religion  for  all  men." 

But  difficult  as  it  was  for  them  to  reach  this  resolution,  it 
was  equally  difficult  for  them  to  carry  it  out.  In  fleeing  from 
the  cruel  authority  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  they  encoun 
tered  the  opposition  of  the  civil  laws,  for  by  statute  they 
were  forbidden  to  emigrate  without  license.  But  the  suffer- 

O 

ings  they  had  already  passed  through  gave  them  fortitude  to 
meet  approaching  trials,  and  the  words  of  John  Robinson, 
written  later,  were  applicable  to  them  even  then  :  "  It  is  not 
with  us  as  with  men  whom  small  things  can  discourage." 
After  repeated  attempts  and  failures,  arrests  and  imprison 
ments,  finally,  at  Amsterdam,  in  1609,  "they  met  together 
again  according  to  their  desires  with  no  small  rejoicing." 
Other  Separatist  congregations  had  gone  before  them  to  that 
city  from  England,  but  the  people  from  Scrooby  continued  to 
worship  by  themselves,  and  after  about  a  year  they  removed 
to  Leyden,  at  which  time  John  Robinson  became  their  pastor 
and  so  continued  until  the  migration  to  America.  Here  they 
engaged  in  such  employment  as  they  were  able  to  find,  and, 


Tlie  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  23 

under  the  direction  of  their  revered  and  beloved  pastor, 
enjoyed  years  of  peace  and  a  measure  of  worldly  prosperity, 
adding  to  their  numbers  and  finding  favor  with  their  foreign 
neighbors.  Among  those  who  joined  them  at  the  time  were 
Edward  Winslow,  John  Carver,  and  Miles  Standish,  all  after 
ward  to  become  prominent  in  the  Plymouth  Colony.  But  at 
the  best,  the  conditions  of  their  life  were,  in  many  respects, 
severe  and  trying.  A  new  language  had  to  be  acquired, 
a  quiet  country  neighborhood  and  agricultural  occupations 
were  exchanged  for  the  more  expensive  life  of  a  city  and  such 
trades  and  callings  as  were  open  to  them.  Many  that  desired 
to  be  with  them  could  not  endure  the  great  labor  and  hard 
fare,  and  it  was  thought  if  a  better  and  easier  place  of  living 
could  be  had  it  would  draw  many.  Besides,  the  years  of 
truce  that  followed  the  long  war  of  five-and-twenty  years 
had  nearly  passed  and  Holland  might  again  be  subject  to 
the  miseries  of  war.  Persecution  in  England  was  harsh  and 
bitter  enough,  but  persecution  in  a  foreign  country  at  the 
hands  of  Spaniards  might  bring  terrors  not  yet  experienced. 
And  so,  with  many  questionings  and  much  diversity  of 
opinion,  they  began  to  turn  their  thoughts  toward  America 
as  a  desirable  place  for  the  new  and  better  home.  There 
they  might  retain  liberty  of  worship  and  still  be  Englishmen 
on  English  ground  instead  of  being  refugees  on  a  foreign  soil. 
There  they  might  preserve  their  church  in  its  purity  and 
u  propagate  the  gospel  in  those  remote  parts  of  the  world." 
After  lengthy  negotiations  at  London,  conducted  on  their 
part  by  Robert  Cushrnan  and  John  Carver,  the  latter  to  be 
their  first  governor  in  New  England,  they  secured  a  grant  of 
land  from  the  London  Company.  The  king  refused  to  pro 
tect  them  by  a  charter,  and  they  were  obliged  to  content 
themselves  with  his  promise  that  "  no  one  should  molest  them 
so  long  as  they  behaved  themselves  properly."  And  now 
they  planned  to  divide  their  forces,  the  advance  guard  to  go 
out  under  the  pastoral  care  of  Elder  William  Brewster,  the 


24  Facin<j  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

rest  to  remain  behind  at  Leyden  under  John  Robinson  until 
a  foothold  was  secured  in  America.  The  start  was  made 
from  Delft  Haven  late  in  July,  1020,  in  the  Speedwell,  and  at 
Southampton  the  Mat/flower,  with  friends  from  London,  was 
to  join  them.  This  plan  was  carried  out  and  the  two  vessels 
set  sail.  Hut  the  Speedwell  soon  proved  unseaworthy  and 
after  repeated  delays  she  was  left  behind,  as  were  also  some 
of  the  company  who  had  by  this  time  become  discouraged. 
It  was  early  in  September  before  the  Mayflower  finally  sailed 
from  Plymouth  on  her  long  voyage  of  nine  weeks.  The 
vessel  was  crowded  and  many  discomforts  had  to  be  borne. 
Much  severe  weather  was  encountered,  but  at  last  laud  was 
sighted,  which  proved  to  be  Cape  Cod.  This  land  had  been 
visited  as  early  as  1602  by  Gosnold  and  received  its  name 
from  him.  Apparently  he  had  had  some  thoughts  of  making 
a  settlement  in  that  region,  but  quickly  abandoned  the  idea 
and  returned  to  England.  A  few  years  later  another  attempt 
was  made  to  settle  on  the  coast  further  north,  but  it  quickly 
resulted  in  disastrous  failure.  In  1614  Captain  John  Smith 
carefully  explored  the  whole  coast  from  Cape  Cod  to  the 
Penobscot  River,  calling  the  region  New  England  and  desig 
nating  certain  places  by  names  which  have  remained  to  this 
day. 

The  Pilgrims  found  themselves  further  north  than  they 
desired  and  started  southward,  but  the  attempt  was  accom 
panied  by  so  much  danger  that  they  gave  it  up  and  sought 
shelter  in  Cape  Cod  Bay. 

But  as  their  grant  was  from  a  company  which  had  no  rights 
here,  the  leaders  among  them  foresaw  the  necessity  of  estab 
lishing  some  safeguard  against  the  possibility  of  disorder. 
This  resulted  in  a  meeting  of  the  adult  male  members  of  the 
company  in  the  cabin  of  the  Mayflower,  where  the  celebrated 
compact  was  written  and  signed  the  substance  of  which  is  as 
follows:  "We  do  solemnly  and  mutually  in  the  presence  of 
God  and  of  one  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves 


MONUMENT   TO  FAITH,  PLYMOUTH,  MASS. 


UNI 

Sources  of  American  Civilization.  25 

together  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and 
preservation  and  furtherance  of  the  glory  of  God  and  the 
honor  of  our  King,  to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just 
and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  constitutions  and  offices, 
from  time  to  time  as  shall  be  thought  most  meet  and  con 
venient  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony,  unto  which  we 
promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience."  John  Carver 
was  probably  made  governor  at  that  time.  It  was  five  weeks 
before  they  all  finally  left  the  ship.  Meantime  exploring 
parties  had  been  seeking  the  most  favorable  location  and 
preparing  for  the  final  removal  from  the  vessel.  Their 
choice  fell  upon  a  place  previously  named  Plymouth  by 
Captain  John  Smith.  It  can  hardly  be  doubted  that  some 
misgivings  assailed  even  the  stoutest  hearts  as  they  gathered 
on  that  bleak  shore,  but  it  was  no  time  to  falter  now. 
Warned  by  fierce  storms  and  biting  winds,  they  made  all 
haste  to  build  the  rude  homes  which  were  to  shelter  them  for 
the  winter,  and  they  were  completed  none  too  soon.  The 
long  confinement  on  the  ship,  the  total  lack  of  generous  fare, 
the  constant  exposure  to  inclement  weather  produced  their 
inevitable  effects.  Sickness  broke  out  among  them  and  the 
death  of  loved  ones  proved  the  keenest  edge  of  all  their 
sharp  afflictions.  So  great  was  the  suffering  that  at  one  time 
only  seven,  including  Brewster  and  Standish,  were  able  to  be 
about.  In  three  months'  time  half  of  their  number  had 
perished.  By  degrees  the  sickness  abated,  and  as  the  spring 
days  advanced  they  were  able  to  commence  the  various 
industries  by  which  they  were  to  establish  themselves  more 
securely  and  prepare  for  the  exigencies  of  another  winter.  It 
was  fortunate  that  during  those  first  months  Indian  depreda 
tions  were  not  added  to  their  other  troubles,  and  by  means 
of  several  propitious  circumstances,  in  the  spring  a  treaty  of 
friendship  was  formed  with  Massasoit,  the  chief  of  tribes  who 
were  their  western  neighbors,  a  treaty  to  which  the  Indians 
remained  faithful  for  half  a  century.  It  is  a  noble  tribute  to 


26  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the  gentleness,  the  courtesy,  and  the  upright  conduct  of  the 
Pilgrims  that  they  secured  and  maintained  a  peace  with 
those  savages,  at  a  time  when  they  were  least  able  to  repel 
their  attacks,  and  it  is  a  sharp  commentary  on  later  events  in 
the  history  of  the  country.  But  now  the  Mayflower,  which 
had  remained  in  the  harbor  during  the  winter,  was  about  to 
return  to  England,  and  with  her  departure  the  last  link 
between  them  and  the  old  home  would  disappear.  But  not 
one  of  the  little  baud  turned  back.  Those  who  had  survived 
the  first  winter  were  resolute  to  maintain  the  colony  planted 
under  such  rigorous  conditions  and  upheld  under  such  heavy 
misfortunes.  A  great  loss  fell  upon  them  at  this  time  in  the 
death  of  their  governor,  John  Carver.  But  as  regiments  in 
battle  fill  up  the  ranks  of  those  who  have  fallen  and  go  for 
ward,  so  these  men,  after  the  first  shock  of  grief,  called 
William  Bradford  to  the  vacant  place  and  went  bravely  on. 
The  summer  was  a  busy  one  and  at  its  close,  as  the  autumn 
days  drew  on,  they  found  themselves  with  a  reasonably  good 
store  of  provisions,  seven  new  dwellings  and  four  buildings 
for  public  use.  In  one  of  the  latter  their  religious  services 
were  held,  and  the  street,  on  either  side  of  which  the  build 
ings  stood,  had  received  the  name  of  their  old  home,  Leyden. 
In  view  of  their  comparatively  fortunate  condition  they 
decided  to  hold  a  season  of  rejoicing,  and  thus  originated  the 
festival  of  Thanksgiving  Day.  To  this  festival  they  invited 
their  friend  and  neighbor  Massasoit,  who  accepted  the 
invitation  and  came  accompanied  by  ninety  of  his  people. 
Just  a  year  from  the  founding  of  the  colony,  a  vessel  flying 
the  English  flag  appeared  in  the  harbor.  This  proved  to  be 
the  Fortune,  which  brought  thirty-five  new  colonists,  among 
them  friends  and  neighbors  of  those  already  there.  Their 
arrival  was  warmly  welcomed.  Not  long  afterward  the  Anne 
arrived  at  Plymouth  with  more  who  had  come  to  settle  in  the 
new  country,  and  ten  days  later  came  the  Little  James.  These 
new  arrivals,  added  to  those  who  caine  in  the  Mayflower,  233 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  27 

in  all,  make  up  the  number  of  those  called  Forefathers,  in 
whose  memory  the  annual  celebration  is  held.  Of  this 
number  there  were  less  than  200  survivors  at  the  end  of  1623. 
About  this  time  the  simple  legal  methods  heretofore  used  for 
the  few  occasions  when  trials  were  necessary  were  changed 
by  the  substitution  of  the  jury  for  the  general  body,  and 
when  Bradford  was  re-elected  governor  the  following  spring, 
he  was  given  five  assistants  as  council.  They  were  not 
entirely  without  annoyances  in  religious  matters,  for  some  of 
the  Merchant  Adventurers  of  London  with  whom  they  had 
business  relations,  and  who  had  furnished  them  with  funds 
for  their  transportation  and  settlement  in  America,  were  not 
in  sympathy  with  their  free  church  views.  John  Robinson 
writes  to  his  former  elder  and  beloved  friend  William  Brad 
ford  that,  "he  is  persuaded  that  they  are  unwilling  that  he, 
above  all  others,  should  be  sent  over,  they  having  ecclesiasti 
cal  purposes  of  another  sort  for  the  colony."  But  these  pur 
poses  were  not  permitted  to  prevail.  From  the  beginning, 
the  Pilgrims  had  cherished  an  ardent  hope  that  their  revered 
pastor  in  Leyden  might  come  to  minister  to  them  in  their  new 
home.  The  noble  qualities  of  his  character,  his  high  intel 
lectual  attainments,  the  sweetness  and  patience  of  his  spirit 
had  claimed  their  admiration,  their  reverence,  and  their 
warmest  affection,  and  his  guidance  in  their  present  surround 
ings  would  be  invaluable  to  them.  But  this  was  not  to  be. 
He  was  to  remain  to  the  last  an  exile  among  a  strange  people, 
and  their  hopes  were  extinguished  by  his  death  in  1625.  As 
years  went  by  they  had  reason  to  rejoice  in  the  fact  that 
nothing  serious  had  arisen  to  interfere  with  their  dearly  bought 
privilege  of  religious  freedom.  All  efforts  against  it  had  come 
to  naught.  In  1626  they  succeeded  in  making  satisfactory 
arrangements  with  the  Merchant  Adventurers,  by  which  some 
uncomfortable  restrictions  were  removed  and  the  way  was 
opened  for  complete  and  independent  possession  of  lands  and 
property.  Thus  gradually  did  the  narrow  path  widen  before 


28  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

their  advancing  footsteps.  The  tearful  sowing  was  bringing 
a  harvest  of  rejoicing,  and  the  men  who  had  confessed  their 
willingness  "  to  be  as  stepping  stones  to  others,"  in  the  march 
toward  a  lofty  ideal,  had  made  an  indelible  mark  upon  the 
history  of  their  time. 

THE    PUKITAN. 

The  causes  which  worked  for  the  establishment  of  Sepa 
ratist  churches  in  England,  and  which  finally  made  it  neces 
sary  for  the  most  earnest  and  devoted  among  them  to 
abandon  their  native  country,  still  continued  in  increasing 
force  after  the  fugitive  congregations  had  established  them 
selves  in  Holland.  From  the  time  when  Henry  VIII.  broke 
loose  from  Papal  authority  and,  as  Macaulay  says,  "  attempted 
to  constitute  an  Anglican  church  differing  from  the  Roman 
Catholic  church  on  the  point  of  the  supremacy  and  on  that 
point  alone,"  down  through  the  short  reign  of  his  successor, 
the  boy  King  Edward,  the  five  rigorous  and  cruel  years  of 
Mary's  rule,  to  the  end  of  the  long  and  brilliant  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  the  last  Tudor  sovereign,  was  a  period  of  but 
seventy  years,  yet  in  that  time  momentous  changes  were 
wrought  in  the  civil  and  religious  condition  of  the  people. 
With  Elizabeth's  accession  the  bitter  religious  persecutions 
under  Mary  ceased  and  peace  and  social  order  began  to  pre 
vail.  One  marked  characteristic  of  the  great  queen,  im 
perious  though  she  was,  was  her  desire  for  the  affection  and 
good  will  of  her  subjects.  "  I  have  always  so  behaved  myself 
that,  under  (iod,  I  have  placed  my  chiefest  strength  and 
safeguard  in  the  loyal  hearts  and  good  will  of  my  subjects," 
were  words  which  sunk  deep  into  the  hearts  of  a  people  who 
felt  their  truth.  Though  no  more  self-willed  and  haughty 
woman  ever  wore  a  crown  or  withstood  more  fearlessly  any 
infringement  upon  what  she  considered  her  prerogative,  yet 
in  her  dealings  with  Parliament  she  knew  when  to  yield,  and 
with  gracious  tact  and  sweetness  to  bend  her  will  when  it 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  29 

was  not  wise  to  try  to  enforce  it.  Under  sucli  conditions  the 
betterment  of  the  people  was  assured,  and  there  was  steady 
growth  in  wealth  and  education.  Men  who  had  fled  to  the 
Continent  during  the  last  reign  now  returned,  many  of  them 
deeply  imbued  with  the  theology  of  Geneva.  Though  these 
tenets  were  extremely  distasteful  to  Elizabeth,  the  political 
exigencies  of  the  times  and  the  security  of  her  throne  made  it 
necessary  for  her  to  put  many  of  these  Puritan  divines  in  high 
places  in  the  Church. 

The  religious  movement  of  that  period,  stirring  the  minds 
and  hearts  of  men  everywhere,  was  doing  its  work  on  English 
ground,  arid,  at  the  close  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  England  was  in 
fact  as  well  as  in  name  a  Protestant  nation.  With  the  coming 
of  the  Scottish  King  James  I.  and  the  union  of  the  two  kind- 
doms  under  one  crown,  many  of  the  perplexities  and  anxieties 
of  the  last  reign  were  swept  away.  The  question  of  the  suc 
cession  was  settled  for  England.  With  her  hereditary  king 
upon  the  English  throne,  the  position  of  Scotland  was  advan 
tageous.  His  accession  was  peaceful,  but  time  was  to  show 
that,  as  a  foreigner,  he  failed  utterly  to  understand  the  temper 
of  the  English  people  and  that,  in  trying  to  uphold  absolutism 
for  the  crown,  he  was  instituting  a  fruitless  struggle  against 
the  liberal  tendencies  of  that  time.  A  deeply  religious  spirit 
prevailed  and  men  were  weighing  all  things  by  the  religious 
standard.  Green  says :  "  The  Puritan  was  bound,  by  his 
religion,  to  examine  every  claim  made  on  his  civil  and  spiritual 
obedience  by  the  powers  that  be,  and  to  own  or  reject  the 
claim  as  accorded  with  the  highest  duty  which  he  owed  to 
God."  Hardly  had  the  king  reached  his  new  realm  when  he 
was  met  by  a  petition,  signed  by  a  large  number  of  the  clergy, 
which,  while  asking  for  no  change  in  government  or  organiza 
tion  for  the  Church,  sought  needed  reforms  therein.  But 
James,  though  a  Protestant,  was  not  a  Presbyterian,  and  in 
his  own  kingdom  had  only  yielded  by  hard  necessity  to  the 
triumph  of  the  latter.  The  fearlessness  of  a  Knox  and  a 


30  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Melville  was  little  to  his  liking.  "  A  Scottish  Presbytery," 
said  he,  "as  well  fitteth  with  monarchy  as  God  and  the 
Devil."  Holding  such  sentiments,  he  regarded  the  Puritan 
movement  with  coldness  and  suspicion  as  having  a  tendency 
to  curb  his  power  in  political  affairs  and  to  limit  his  authority 
in  the  Church.  The  petition  of  the  Puritan  clergy  he  met  by 
giving  his  sanction  to  increased  demands  in  the  matter  of 
ceremonials,  and  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign  three  hundred 
of  their  number  were  deprived  of  their  livings  for  rejecting 
these  demands.  His  purpose  was  to  secure  more  power  for 
the  crown  and  allow  less  independence  on  the  part  of  the 
people.  "  It  is  presumption  and  a  high  contempt  in  a  subject 
to  dispute  what  a  king  can  do,"  were  his  words.  It  was  not 
strange  that  serious  differences  should  arise  between  him  and 
the  House  of  Commons  almost  from  the  beginning,  or  that 
those  differences  should  become  more  irreconcilable  as  years 
went  on.  Men  of  dauntless  spirit  like  John  Pym,  while 
deeply  reverencing  the  office  of  the  crown,  held  that  its  pre 
rogatives  should  be  exercised  with  due  regard  to  the  political 
and  religious  opinions  of  the  people. 

The  history  of  this  reign  was  the  history  of  a  long  but 
ineffectual  struggle  on  the  part  of  the  king  for  power  which  it 
was  impossible  for  him  to  secure  or  maintain  against  an 
indomitable  people,  whose  course  had  long  been  tending 
toward  constitutional  freedom  and  freedom  of  conscience  as 
well.  But  such  a  struggle  could  not  exist  without  spreading 
a  gloomy  and  depressing  influence  among  the  people.  Already, 
in  the  later  years  of  King  James,  men's  thoughts  were  turn 
ing  to  lands  across  the  sea  where  an  escape  from  galling  and 
arbitrary  exactions  might  be  hoped  for.  Distrust  of  Prince 
Charles  had  become  widespread  by  the  time  he  ascended  the 
throne  in  1625.  Religious  concessions  made  on  his  marriage 
to  a  Catholic  princess  of  France,  in  defiance  of  a  pledge 
to  the  House  of  Commons,  gave  deep  offense.  The  reverses 
which  were  falling  upon  Protestantism  on  the  Continent 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  31 

increased  the  watchfulness  and  the  distrust  of  the  English 
Puritans. 

Fears  of  a  continuance  of  the  policy  of  King  James  were 
soon  confirmed,  and  by  1628  there  were  many  signs  of  ap 
proaching  trouble.  Keen  eyes  could  already  discern  the  ris 
ing  cloud,  small  as  yet,  but,  to  the  wise  and  thoughtful,  of 
threatening  portent.  Already  the  story  of  the  Plantation  at 
Plymouth  was  known  and  discussed  in  many  a  Puritan  house 
hold.  At  this  date,  mainly  through  the  advice  and  influence 
of  the  Rev.  John  White  of  Dorchester,  a  plan  to  relieve  the 
small  remnant  of  a  band  of  colonists  at  Naumkeag  (now  Salem), 
and  to  establish  a  strong  colony  on  a  sound  basis,  was  put 
in  active  preparation.  Money  was  forthcoming  to  defray 
expenses  and  a  fitting  leader  was  found  in  John  Endicott, 
a  native  of  Dorchester  and  a  man  "  well  known  to  divers  per 
sons  of  good  note."  A  patent  was  obtained  and  the  party 
reached  Salem  in  September,  1628.  Soon  after  their  arrival 
sickness  broke  out  among  them  and  Endicott  appealed  for  aid 
to  Governor  Bradford  of  Plymouth.  The  latter  sent  Samuel 
Fuller,  a  deacon  and  a  physician.  His  coming  was  helpful  to 
the  sick,  and  this  friendly  service,  together  with  the  clearer 
understanding  he  was  able  to  give  Endicott  concerning  the 
Separatist  views  in  church  affairs,  brought  about  a  closer 
agreement  in  those  things.  Endicott's  good  account  of  the 
region  to  which  he  had  come  made  so  favorable  an  impression 
that,  in  the  spring  of  the  following  year,  larger  purposes  were 
formed. 

Affairs  in  England  were  constantly  growing  worse.  Excit 
ing  scenes  occurred  in  the  Commons  in  1628.  In  March  of 
the  next  year  the  determined  stand  of  the  members  of  the 
House  for  religious  reforms,  and  their  resistance  to  the  exer 
cise  of  arbitrary  power  by  the  crown,  resulted  in  the  dissolu 
tion  of  Parliament  by  the  angry  king.  Perhaps  he  was 
willing  to  be  rid  of  some  of  the  troublesome  Puritans.  Be 
that  as  it  may,  just  at  this  time  a  royal  charter  was  granted 


32  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

to  the  company  under  which  Endicott's  party  had  gone  out, 
making  it  a  legal  corporation  called  the  "  Governor  and  Com 
pany  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,"  which  pur 
chased  from  those  already  there  their  rights  obtained  by  the 
patent  of  the  previous  year.  Many  Puritans  of  learning, 
wealth,  and  social  standing  were  earnestly  considering  the 
possibility  of  abandoning  their  native  laud,  and  within  a  few 
weeks  five  vessels,  including  the  well-known  Mayflower,  set 
forth,  bearing  a  goodly  company  of  emigrants,  well  supplied 
with  food,  clothing,  and  all  desirable  equipments  for  their 
permanent  establishment  in  the  new  land.  With  this  party 
went  three  clergymen,  all  graduated  from  Cambridge,  chief  of 
whom  was  Francis  Higginson  of  Leicester,  who  had  been 
deprived  of  his  living  for  his  rejection  of  ecclesiastical  require 
ments.  The  charter  gave  power  for  the  "  establishing  of  all 
manner  of  wholesome  and  reasonable  orders,  laws,  statutes, 
ordinances,  directions,  and  instructions  not  contrary  to  the 
laws  of  the  realm  of  England."  Careful  instructions  were 
given  in  spiritual  as  well  as  in  temporal  affairs,  for  they 
declare  "  that  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel  is  a  thing  we  do 
profess  above  all  to  be  our  aim  in  settling  this  plantation." 

The  people  at  Salem  had  already  adopted  the  church  prin 
ciples  of  the  Plymouth  colony,  and  soon  after  the  arrival  of  the 
new  immigrants  a  conference  was  held,  the  result  of  which  was 
the  establishment  of  the  first  Congregational  Church  of  Mas 
sachusetts,  with  a  covenant  and  confession  of  faith  drawn  up 
by  Higginson.  During  that  summer  another  expedition  was 
planned  in  England,  and  several  members  of  the  corporation 
determined  to  lead  the  migration,  deciding  to  take  their  fami 
lies  and  become  permanent  settlers  in  the  new  land,  provided 
the  whole  government  could  be  legally  transferred  thither  and 
be  in  the  hands  of  those  who  should  inhabit  the  plantation. 
This  was  assented  to  at  a  formal  meeting  of  the  corporation,  and 
on  the  20th  of  October,  at  a  later  meeting,  John  Winthrop 
was  elected  Governor  for  one  year  from  that  date.  The  wis- 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  33 

dom  of  this  choice  was  confirmed  by  his  future  services  in  the 
colony,  and  the  length  of  time  he  was  adjudged  worthy  by  his 
fellow  colonists  to  hold  the  highest  office  they  could  give.  In 
March,  1630,  Winthrop,  Dudley,  and  their  associates  sailed 
from  Southampton.  Four  vessels  took  them  out,  and  their 
departure  marked  a  large  increase  in  the  westward  migration, 
for  during  that  year  17  vessels  and  more  than  1000  passen 
gers  came  to  the  young  colony.  In  the  summer  of  the  pre 
vious  year  Eudicott  had  sent  50  persons  to  make  a  settlement 
at  Charlestown,  and  now  the  new  settlers  spread  themselves 
out  in  various  directions,  clustering  in  separate  settlements 
along  the  bay.  Winthrop  settled  first  at  Charlestown,  and 
later  moved  to  Boston,  which  was  soon  considered  the  capital. 
It  was  not  long  before  eight  distinct  settlements  could  be 
counted,  Watertown  being  the  most  remote.  It  was  soon 
found,  as  was  the  case  at  Plymouth,  that  the  accounts  sent  to 
England  had  been  too  highly  colored.  Winthrop'o  position 
had  been  one  of  serious  responsibility.  Dudley's  account  of 
the  condition  of  the  colony  was  not  cheerful.  Over  eighty 
had  died  during  the  previous  winter,  many  were  sick,  and  the 
supply  of  food  very  scanty,  so  that  almost  immediately  the 
newcomers  had  to  give  aid  from  their  own  stores.  Sickness 
and  death  entered  the  ranks  of  the  later  settlers  also,  and 
some  returned  to  England,  but  the  majority  remained  stead 
fast,  like  their  brethren  at  Plymouth. 

Questions  relating  to  the  government  of  the  colonies  soon 
arose.  When  the  transfer  of  the  government  to  New  Eng 
land  was  made  all  authority  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Win- 
throp  and  his  associates,  but  it  was  soon  found  that  this 
restriction  would  create  rather  than  obviate  trouble.  During 
the  first  summer  rumors  came  that  the  French  were  planning 
hostilities  against  the  colony,  and  it  was  thought  wise  to 
erect  fortifications.  To  defray  the  expense,  each  town,  early 
in  1631,  was  assessed  sixty  pounds.  The  men  of  Watertown 
objected  to  its  payment  on  the  ground  that  they  could  not 


,'U  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

rightfully  be  taxed  without  their  own  consent,  and  they 
claimed  that  the  power  to  make  laws  and  impose  taxes  lay 
properly  with  the  whole  body  of  freemen.  This  protest  was 
soon  afterward  withdrawn,  but  the  following  year  changes 
were  made  by  which  the  Governor,  Deputy  Governor,  and 
assistants  received  their  offices  by  a  general  election,  and  it 
was  arranged  that  each  town  should  send  two  representatives 
to  advise  the  Governor  and  assistants  on  the  question  of  taxa 
tion.  Two  years  later,  deputies  elected  by  the  freemen  took 
part  in  legislation  and  the  transaction  of  public  business.  By 
this  time  nearly  four  thousand  people  had  arrived  from  Eng 
land,  and  the  number  of  villages  had  increased  to  twenty, 
while  prosperity  lent  its  favoring  influence  to  the  growing 
colony.  Religious  services  were  conducted  by  some  twenty 
ministers,  most  of  whom  had  held  church  livings  in  England 
and  were  graduates  of  her  universities.  Besides  these  clergy 
men,  many  of  the  leading  men  concerned  in  the  colony  were 
university  men,  and  their  thoughts  were  soon  turned  toward 
the  establishment  of  a  college.  In  1630  the  General  Court 
set  aside  four  hundred  pounds  for  that  purpose,  and  this  was 
augmented,  two  years  later,  on  the  death  of  John  Harvard,  by 
the  bequest  from  him  of  his  library  and  one-half  of  his  estate. 
The  college  received  his  name  by  order  of  the  Court,  and 
Newtown,  its  location,  was  renamed  Cambridge.  Thus  early  in 
the  life  of  the  colony  a  high  standard  of  intellectual  develop 
ment  was  set  up,  the  influence  of  which  was  to  manifest 
itself  everywhere  in  the  life  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massa 
chusetts  down  to  the  present  day. 

In  view  of  all  the  Purkans  had  suffered  before  their  migra 
tion  to  New  England,  it  was  not  strange  that  some  measures 
should  be  enacted  that,  at  the  present  day,  seem  narrow  and 
unjust.  In  IT),0)!  they  adopted  a  measure  which  they  deemed 
necessary  for  self-protection  in  civil  affairs,  by  which  it  was 
decided  that  "no  man  shall  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of 
this  body  politic  but  such  as  are  members  of  some  of  the 


TJie  Sources  of  American  Civilizatwn.  35 

churches  within  the  limits  of  the  same."  This  ordinance, 
while  intended  for  a  good  purpose  and  doubtless  expressing 
the  views  of  most  of  the  colonists,  was  most  unjust  to  those 
whom  it  deprived  of  all  participation  in  civil  affairs,  while  at 
the  same  time  they  were  not  relieved  from  certain  civic  obli 
gations.  It  was  inevitable  that  this  should  give  rise  to  dis 
content  and  lead  to  some  bitterness  of  feeling  in  the  colony 
afterward.  It  was  very  difficult  also  to  satisfy  everyone  in 
the  management  of  religious  affairs,  but  when  the  history  of 
those  first  years  is  carefully  studied  it  seems  wonderful  that 
so  few  mistakes  were  made.  With  constant  accessions  of  new 
immigrants  to  be  absorbed  into  the  life  of  the  colony,  new 
questions  were  coming  up  which  called  for  much  patience  and 
wisdom  in  their  settlement.  To  add  to  these  difficulties  were 
anxieties  concerning  an  Indian  outbreak  and  possibilities  of  an 
interference  from  the  English  authorities,  for  the  progress  of 
the  colony  was,  in  some  directions,  hostile  to  the  theories  of  a 
king  who  was  now  trying  to  reign  without  the  aid  of  a  parlia 
ment,  whose  presence  at  Westminster,  through  his  o\vn  folly 
and  perfidy,  had  become  a  threat.  But  the  king's  thoughts 
were  soon  engaged  by  the  religious  struggle  in  Scotland,  and 
plans  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  English  nobility  to  disturb 
the  colony  proved  unsuccessful,  so  that  the  new  state  moved 
on  safely,  despite  these  threatened  misfortunes. 

The  differences  of  opinion  on  theological  and  civil  matters 
had  the  effect  of  thrusting  out  new  colonies  to  the  north  and 
west,  and  in  this  manner  came  about  the  settlement  of  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  and  New  Hampshire.  Roger  Williams, 
a  learned  young  Welsh  preacher  who  came  to  Plymouth  in 
1631  and  to  Salem  two  years  later,  held  such  advanced  views 
on  toleration,  and  the  separation  of  church  and  state,  that  by 
1636  he  found  Salem  no  longer  a  comfortable  home.  He 
made  his  way  westward  to  Narragansett  Bay  and  began  the 
settlement  of  Providence.  About  this  time  much  religious 
excitement  was  produced  by  the  teachings  of  Mrs.  Anne 


36  Facing  tl\e  Twentieth  Century. 

Hutchinson.  Her  views  spread  rapidly  and  she  had  many 
followers,  but  eventually  the  authorities  deemed  these  opin 
ions  unsafe  and  politically  dangerous.  The  result  was  the 

banishment  of  herself  and  her  adherents,  some  making  settle- 

o 

ments  at  Exeter  and  Hampton,  in  a  region  which  afterward 
was  included  in  New  Hampshire.  Mrs.  Hutchinson  herself 
and  others  went  to  Narragansett  Bay  and  started  the  settle 
ments  of  Newport  and  Portsmouth,  and,  when  later  these 
coalesced  with  the  settlement  at  Providence,  they  formed  the 
beginnings  of  Rhode  Island.  In  1634  a  few  adventurous 
men  from  Plymouth  had  sailed  up  the  Connecticut  River  and 
established  themselves  at  Windsor,  and  somewhat  later  an 
English  fort  was  built  at  Saybrook.  Favorable  reports  of  the 
Connecticut  River  valley  began  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of 
the  people  of  the  Bay  settlements,  and  in  1636  quite  an  ex 
tensive  migration  thither  took  place.  Chief  among  those  who 
went  at  this  time  was  the  Rev.  Thomas  Hooker,  with  his 
congregation,  from  Newtown,  and  these  were  the  pioneers  of 
Hartford.  From  the  first  Mr.  Hooker  had  opposed  the  re 
striction  of  suffrage,  having  had  some  correspondence  with 
Governor  Winthrop  on  the  subject,  and  generally  the  move 
ment  toward  Connecticut  was  made  by  those  who  preferred  a 
wider  toleration  on  the  question  of  voting.  The  Dorchester 
congregation  soon  followed,  settling  at  Windsor,  and  the 
Watertown  congregation  established  themselves  at  Wethers- 
field.  Soon  as  many  as  eight  hundred  people  were  living  in 
that  region,  and  in  1638  the  three  towns,  their  municipal 
independence  having  already  been  acknowledged,  formed 
themselves  into  a  distinct  commonwealth.  All  who  had  been 
admitted  as  freemen  by  a  majority  of  their  township,  and  had 
taken  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  commonwealth,  had  the  right 
of  suffrage,  without  regard  to  church  membership.  In  the 
spring  of  this  same  year  New  Haven  was  settled  by  a  body 
of  English  emigrants,  Guilford  and  Milford  in  the  same  way 
during  the  following  year,  and  in  1640  Stamford  was  settled. 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  37 

This  date  marks  the  beginning  of  changes  in  England  which 
put  an  end  to  the  Puritan  exodus,  and  for  more  than  a 
century  there  was  little  increase  in  numbers  from  outside 
sources. 

The  population  of  the  new  settlements,  including  the 
Plymouth  colony,  had  now  reached  twenty-six  thousand,  and 
when,  in  1643,  a  league  of  the  different  colonies  was  formed, 

7  ^ 

it  was  the  foreshadowing  of  a  great  future.  Among  the 
leaders  in  this  great  Puritan  emigration  to  a  new  country  a 
'high  place  must  be  given  to  the  ministers,  for  they  held,  from 
the  necessities  of  the  case,  the  responsible  position  of  instruct 
ors  of  the  people.  They  were,  to  a  large  extent,  men  of  the 
highest  education,  and  in  nobility  of  character,  courage,  and 
lofty  faith  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of  adversity. 
Among  them,  beside  the  names  already  mentioned,  were  John 
Cotton,  Richard  Mather,  Peter  Bulkeley,  John  Davenport,  and 
John  Eliot,  the  apostle  of  the  Indians,  while  among  the  men 
at  the  head  of  secular  affairs  were  many  of  Governor  Win- 
throp's  type.  If  it  appears  at  the  present  day  that  some  of 
the  measures  enacted  were  illiberal,  some  of  the  practices  too 
severe,  they  must  be  considered  in  the  light  of  the  harsh  in 
tolerance  and  bitter  persecution  which  marked  that  period. 
Of  the  civilization  which  they  established,  the  country  now 
possesses  the  rich  fruits.  To  the  farthest  western  limit  of  the 
great  republic  their  descendants  have  carried  the  freedom,  the 
culture,  the  enterprise  of  their  forefathers.  Their  conception 
of  the  superintending  providence  of  God  in  civil  affairs  and 
in  the  shaping  of  human  history  has  perpetuated  itself 
through  later  generations,  and  manifested  itself  in  the  decision 
of  moral  issues  in  every  national  contest  in  the  history  of  the 
country.  Their  devotion  to  the  cause  of  education  has  raised 
a  standard  which  calls  for  every  voter  to  become  a  reading 
and  a  thinking  man,  and  if  a  history  of  their  descendants  could 
be  written,  it  would  largely  be  the  history  of  the  commercial 
and  industrial  enterprise  of  the  country,  its  literary  successes, 


38  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

its  educational  achievements,  its  pulpit  power,  and  its  forensic 
triumphs. 

THE     HUGUENOT. 

The  origin  of  the  word  "  Huguenot  "  is  enveloped  in  some 
measure  of  obscurity,  and  various  theories,  some  of  them 
ingenious  and  plausible,  have  been  advanced  as  to  its  deriva 
tion.  The  weight  of  historic  proof  and  authority  seems  to 
attach  itself  to  the  conclusion  which  connects  "Huguenot" 
with  the  German-Swiss  word  "  Eidgenossen,"  meaning  oath- 
bound  comrades  or  confederates ;  and  claims  that  it  was  im 
ported  to  France  from  Geneva,  where  it  had  been  put  to  use 
as  a  political  nickname.  It  made  its  appearance  in  France 
during  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century,  and  served  as 
a  term  of  disgrace  and  reproach,  by  which  the  followers  of 
the  Church  of  Rome  stigmatized  those  citizens  of  France  who 
announced  their  adherence  to  the  reformed  religion,  and 
especially  those  who  drew  their  inspiration  from  the  doctrines 
and  teaching  of  Calvinistic  theology. 

The  Huguenot  was  directly  and  emphatically  the  product 
of  that  Reformation  of  which  the  Waldenses,  the  Albigenses, 
the  Lollards,  and  the  Hussites,  during  the  three  preceding 
centuries,  represented  the  advance  pulsations,  and  which, 
under  the  guidance  of  Martin  Luther,  in  the  brief  space  of 
twenty-eight  years,  between  1517  and  1545,  substantially 
effected  the  transition  of  European  history  from  the  mediaeval 
to  the  modern  and  inaugurated  a  new  and  benign  era  in  the 
civilization  of  the  human  race.  The  secondary  molding  force 
was  furnished  by  that  steadfast,  penetrating,  just,  and  truth 
ful,  if  somewhat  stern  theologian,  John  Calvin,  of  whom  it 
was  said  that  "  he  never  deserted  a  friend  nor  took  an  unfair 
advantage  of  an  antagonist." 

Apart  from  the  questions  of  doctrinal  change  in  the  Church, 
a  new  spirit  of  independence  was  taking  possession  of  men's 
minds.  Toward  this  spirit  the  attitude  of  Rome  was  stead- 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  39 

fastly  antagonistic  and  hostile,  and  every  indication  of  freedom 
of  thought,  written  or  spoken,  met  with  rigorous  repression  as 
heresy.  Added  to  this,  the  corruption  of  the  Curia  or  Papal 
Court,  and  of  the  regular  and  secular  clergy,  had  become 
notorious,  the  extortion  of  papal  emissaries  in  other  countries 
was  most  flagrant,  and  the  continued  reaching  out  of  the 
Roman  Pontiffs  for  temporal  dominion,  and  their  political 
claims  and  demands  on  European  rulers,  were  breeding  serious 
alarm  in  high  places  and  in  lowly.  All  these  causes  combined 
to  generate  increasing  impatience  in  many  countries,  on  the 
part  of  both  sovereigns  and  subjects,  and  a  desire  to  remedy 
the  abuses  and  secure  some  measure  of  liberty  of  thought  and 
action. 

The  essential  record  of  Huguenot  history  in  France  may 
be  separated  into  three  well-defined  periods.  First,  from  the 
active  beginning  of  the  Protestant  Reformation  in  1517  to  the 
promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1598  ;  second,  a  period 
of  about  eighty-seven  years,  during  which  the  Edict  was 
nominally  in  operation,  and,  third,  the  period  of  entire  dis 
ruption  and  exile  which  followed  the  revocation  of  the  Edict. 

These  periods  are  definitely  distinguishable,  not  so  much 
by  the  conspicuous  absence  at  any  time  of  the  persecution 
visited  upon  these  people  as  by  its  varying  intensity. 

During  the  early  years  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  doc 
trines  of  the  Reformation,  proclaimed  by  Luther  in  Germany, 
had  found  their  way  across  the  border  line  into  France,  and 
converts  were  made  with  marvelous  rapidity,  not  only  among 
the  "  common  people,"  but  in  the  ranks  of  the  learned,  the 
titled,  and  in  royalty  itself.  Its  influence  was  even  felt  in  no 
small  degree  among  the  Faculty  of  the  Sorbonne,  which, 
next  to  the  Pope,  was  the  highest  ecclesiastial  authority  in 
Christendom. 

Francis  I.  was  King  of  France  from  1515  to  1547,  and  dur 
ing  a  portion  of  his  reign,  partly  from  motives  of  state  policy 
and  largely  through  the  influence  of  his  sister  Margaret,  after- 


40  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

ward  Queen  of  Navarre,  who  had  embraced  and  was  the 
steadfast  friend  of  the  reformed  faith,  there  was  some  degree 
of  moderation  and  tolerance  manifested  toward  the  Hugue 
nots.  This  period  of  immunity  was  of  brief  duration.  Before 
the  close  of  his  reign,  Francis,  with  a  view  to  conciliating  the 
then  Pope  Clement  VII.,  became  the  implacable  foe  of  the 
Reformers,  and  the  profession  of  the  new  doctrine  was  pro 
nounced  a  crime  to  be  punished  with  death.  Executions  for 
heresy  became  of  frequent  occurrence,  and  in  1545  there  was 
a  massacre  of  the  Protestant  inhabitants  of  twenty-two  towns 
and  villages  in  southeastern  France,  and  in  Meanx,  which 
was  becoming  a  Protestant  center,  fourteen  members  of  the 
newly  organized  church  were  burned  at  the  stake. 

Francis  I.  was  succeeded  by  his  sou  Henry  II.,  whose  wife 
was  that  Italian  of  infinite  craft  and  patient  duplicity, 
Catherine  de  Medici.  The  troubles  of  the  Huguenots  became 
intensified.  Successive  edicts  abridged  their  liberties,  pro 
vided  for  their  detection  and  punishment  as  heretics  by  the 
civil  courts,  excluded  them  from  the  right  of  appeal,  imposed 
penalties  on  all  who  should  harbor  them,  confiscated  their 
property,  forbade  the  introduction  of  heretical  books  from 
abroad,  and,  by  a  rigid  censorship  of  the  press,  endeavored  to 
prevent  the  publication  of  anything  offensive  to  the  Holy  See. 

Despite  tltese  persecutions,  the  numbers  of  the  Huguenots 
had  continued  to  grow;  neither  torture  nor  fagot,  nor  threats 
of  the  Inquisition,  availing  to  check  the  increasing  desire  for 
civil  and  religious  liberty.  They  had  begun  to  understand 
the  value  of  organization,  and  it  became  thorough  and  effect 
ive.  In  1555  the  first  Protestant  church  was  constituted  in 
Paris,  and  in  1559  the  first  National  Synod  of  the  Reformed 
Churches  in  France  met  in  the  same  city.  At  this  time 
Catherine  de  Medici  is  said  to  have  been  secretly  furnished 
witli  a  list  of  twenty-five  hundred  distinct  congregations 
throughout  France.  He/a,  the  French  scholar  and  author  of 
the  time,  who  had  good  means  of  knowing,  estimates  the 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  41 

number  of  Huguenot  adherents  in  1559  at  four  hundred  thou 
sand,  and  they  had  become,  in  consequence  of  their  number 
and  character,  a  political  factor  of  manifest  influence  and 
power. 

From  1559,  when  Francis  II. — who  had  married  Mary,  sub 
sequently  Queen  of  the  Scots — began  his  brief  reign  of  less 
than  a  year,  to  1572,  when  the  tragedy  of  St.  Bartholomew 
was  enacted,  the  Huguenots  were  alternately  courted  and 
persecuted  by  Catherine  de  Medici,  whose  cunning  statecraft 
secured  her  domination  durino;  the  reigns  of  her  sons  Charles 

o  o 

IX.  and  Henry  III.  In  order  to  curb  the  Guises,  Catherine 
made  concessions  to  the  Huguenots,  gave  them  limited 
liberty  of  worship,  and  assigned  to  them  some  fortified  cities 
as  places  of  safety.  Peace  and  war  alternated,  but  the 
hatred  of  the  Medici  and  her  ecclesiastical  and  political 
accomplices,  although  at  times  concealed,  was  zealously 
cherished,  and  at  length,  on  August  22,  1572,  came  the 
crowning  horror  of  St.  Bartholomew,  ruthlessly  sacrificing 
in  Paris  alone  five  thousand  of  the  choicest  citizens  of  France, 
the  brave  and  aged  Coligny  among  the  number,  and  ten 
times  as  many  throughout  the  country.  This  fiendish 
slaughter,  over  which  the  joy  of  the  "  Vicar  of  Christ "  at 
Rome  was  celebrated  by  the  offering  of  a  solemn  "Te  Deum  " 
and  the  striking  of  a  commemorative  medal,  is  phenomenal 
by  reason  of  the  perfidious  character  of  the  plans  laid  for  it. 
Like  the  brave  people  they  were,  the  Huguenots,  instead  of 
being  paralyzed  by  this  disaster,  were  nerved  to  renewed 
effort.  They  continued  the  heroic  struggle  under  the  leader 
ship  of  Henry  of  Navarre,  and  were  largely  instrumental  in 
placing  him  on  the  throne  of  France,  as  Henry  IV. 

The  abjuration  of  the  Protestant  faith  by  Henry,  in  1593, 
cast  gloom  over  the  Huguenots,  and  it  was  only  with  the 
most  persistent  labor  that  they  succeeded  in  extorting  from 
him,  on  April  17,  1598,  with  the  aid  of  the  great  statesman 
and  Protestant  Sully,  the  famous  Edict  of  Nantes. 


42  Facing  lite  Twentieth  Century. 

The  Huguenots  at  this  time  are  said  to  have  numbered 
more  than  a  million  of  the  population  of  France,  and  for 
about  twenty  years  under  this  Edict  they  enjoyed  a  large 
measure  of  peace,  and  France  through  them  a  prosperity 
greater  than  it  had  ever  before  known. 

Henry  IV.  was  assassinated  by  Ravaillac,  a  fanatic,  in  1610, 
and,  under  his  son  and  successor,  Louis  XILL,  evil  times  again 
befell  the  Huguenots.  Richelieu,  the  magnificent  Roman 
cardinal  and  master  of  intrigue,  was  minister  of  state.  His 
chief  aim  was  to  crush  the  political  power  of  the  Huguenots. 
lie  circumscribed  their  rights  and  they  rebelled.  War  began 
again,  which  lasted  from  1624  to  1629,  and  resulted  in  the 
crushing  defeat  of  the  Reformers.  La  Eochelle,  the  most 
important  of  their  fortified  places  of  refuge,  withstood  a  siege 
of  fourteen  months,  and  only  surrendered  when  all  but 
four  thousand  of  its  twenty-four  thousand  inhabitants  had 
perished  from  starvation. 

Step  by-  step  the  rights  and  privileges  of  this  doomed 
people  disappeared.  Louis  XIV.,  surnamed  Le  Grand,  suc 
ceeded  to  the  throne  of  France  in  1643.  He  was  "a  devout 
son  of  the  Church,1'  and  had  an  equally  devout  coadjutor  in 
the  Protestant-bred  Mme.  Maintenon,  first  as  mistress,  then  as 
Queen. 

Education  of  children,  except  under  the  care  of  the  priests 
of  Rome,  was  first  interfered  with — a  favorite  weapon  of 
oppression  then  and  now.  Protestant  churches  were  closed, 
then  came  dismissals  frojn  the  public  service,  harassment  by 
the  tax-gatherer  and  confiscation  of  property,  quickly  suc 
ceeded  by  massacres  and  executions.  All  this  preceded  the 
formal  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  this  "  Most 
Christian  King"  continued  Jesuitically  to  assert  he  was 
"  resolved  to  maintain,"  while  engaged  in  the  open  violation 
of  every  protecting  or  lenient  provision  of  it  which  could  in 
any  way  shelter  the  "schismatics." 

Then  came,  on  October  2.">,  1685,  the  official  Revocation  of 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  43 

the  Edict.  When  the  personal  desires  of  Louis  had  been 
sufficiently  fortified  by  the  "  pious  exhortations "  of  the 
priestly  representatives  of  the  Roman  Pontiff,  he  cast  off  the 
hypocritical  mask  and  joined  forces  with  the  ecclesiastical 
authorities — who  had  also  kept  up  some  pretense  of  liberal 
ity — in  a  supreme  effort  to  "  purge  France  from  the  taint  of 
heresy." 

Macaulay  thus  graphically  pictures  the  immediate  results : 

"  The  Edict  of  Nantes  was  revoked,  and  a  crowd  of  decrees 
against  the  sectaries  appeared  in  rapid  succession.  Boys  and 
girls  were  torn  from  their  parents  and  sent  to  be  educated  in 
convents.  Old  Calvinist  ministers  were  commanded  either 
to  abjure  their  religion  or  to  quit  their  country  within  a 
fortnight.  The  other  professors  of  the  reformed  faith  were 
forbidden  to  leave  the  kingdom;  and  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  makiug  their  escape,  the  outposts  and  frontiers 
were  strictly  guarded.  It  was  thought  that  the  flocks,  thus 
separated  from  the  evil  shepherds,  would  soon  return  to  the 
true  fold.  But  in  spite  of  all  the  vigilance  of  the  military 
police,  there  was  a  vast  emigration.  It  was  calculated  that, 
in  a  few  months,  fifty  thousand  families  quitted  France 
forever." 

This  infamous  act  of  religious  persecution,  this  stupendously 
malicious  politico-ecclesiastical  crime,  and  the  atrocities  which 
followed  it,  lost  to  France  within  three  years  nearly  a  million 
of  the  choicest  of  her  population,  paralyzed  her  industries  and 
commerce,  turned  her  fertile  fields  into  wastes,  and  ruined  the 
best  elements  of  her  religious  and  social  life.  Wise  observers 
of  cause  and  effect  in  the  affairs  of  nations  and  of  men  believe 
that  France,  a  hundred  years  later,  reaped  some  of  the  bitter 
fruit  of  this  effort  of  ecclesiasticism  to  stem  the  tide  of 
advancing  civilization,  in  the  horrors  of  what  Bulwer  well 
styles  "  That  hideous  mockery  of  human  aspirations,  the 
French  Revolution." 

So  effectually  wrought  was  the  dispersion  of  the  Huguenots 


44  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

that  rrt  even  tlie  heroic  efforts  of  Antoine  Court,  some  forty 
years  afterward,  could,  in  the  face  of  continued  oppression  in 
successive  reigns,  bring  together  more  than  a  mere  remnant  of 
former  numbers  or  power. 

This  epitome  of  the  life  story  of  the  Huguenots  in  their 
native  land  conveys  but  an  imperfect  idea  of  the  extent, 
vindictiveness,  and  cruelty  of  their  persecution  by  the  authori 
ties  civil  and  ecclesiastical ;  borne  at  times  with  martyr-like 
patience,  resisted  at  times  with  the  heroism  and  courage  of 
Christian  patriotism. 

These  people  have  been  called  "  the  children  of  the  Bible," 
and  their  religious  life  justified  the  designation.  Their  piety 
was  pronounced,  fervent,  and  true,  guiding  their  lives  and 
shaping  their  character.  In  civic  affairs  they  represented  all 
that  was  best  in  France  of  moral  vigor,  intellectual  culture, 
and  domestic  virtue,  and  through  them  their  country  became 
a  center  of  energy,  enterprise,  and  industrial  skill  and  power. 
It  would  be  difficult  to  overestimate  the  value  of  their  con 
tributions  to  the  Avelfare  and  material  prosperity  of  France,  or 
to  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  Europe.  Many 
illustrious  names  stand  to  their  credit  on  the  French  roll  of 
honor.  In  war  and  statesmanship  they  have  Coligny  and  the 
Prince  of  Conde,  Sully  and  Henry  of  Navarre;  in  theology, 
literature,  and  law,  Calvin,  Fare],  Saurin,  Bayle,  Scaliger,  and 
Godefroy ;  in  science  and  medicine  they  claim  tlie  Cuviers, 
Dubois,  Papin,  "  the  Herald  of  tlie  Steam-engine,"  and  Pare, 
"the  Father  of  Surgery";  in  art,  Palissy  and  Goujon;  and 
in  poetry,  Marot  and  Margaret  of  Valois. 

Switzerland,  Holland,  England,  and  America  each  received 
and  benefited  by  the  reception  of  the  expatriated  refugees. 
It  is  our  special  province  briefly  to  note  the  coming  and 
influence  of  that  portion  of  them  which  elected  to  make  the 
New  World  its  home. 

No  fact  in  the  world's  history  merits  more  profound  con 
sideration  or  is  worthy  of  more  grateful  recognition  than  this, 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  45 

that  the  dawning  of  the  Great  Reformation  in  Europe,  and 
the  discovery  of  a  continent  destined  to  be  the  refuge  of  the 
oppressed,  were  coincident. 

Luther  was  nine  years  of  age  when  Columbus  landed  on 
San  Salvador,  and  when  the  Great  Reformer  was  making  his 
momentous  declaration  at  Worms,  "  I  can  do  naught  else. 
Here  stand  I.  God  help  me.  Amen,"  the  shores  of  North 
America  were  beginning  to  unfold  to  the  explorer's  gaze. 

"  As  early  as  1555  sagacious  leaders  among  the  Huguenots, 
restless  under  steady  persecution,  had  begun  to  look  toward 
the  newly  discovered  continent  as  a  place  where  new  homes 
might  be  made  and  freedom  of  conscience  and  manhood  be 
enjoyed  in  peace." 

The  first  attempt  at  colonization  was  made  in  that  year, 
with  the  aid  and  influence  of  Admiral  Coligny.  The  landing 
place  was  the  bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro  in  Brazil,  but,  owing  to 
the  duplicity  of  their  leader,  Villegagnon,  and  the  presence  of 
other  elements  of  dissension,  the  effort  ended  in  disaster. 
Some  of  the  colonists  suffered  death  at  the  hands  of  their 
leader,  others  were  killed  by  the  Portuguese,  and  a  distressed 
remnant  recrossed  the  ocean. 

Three  fruitless  attempts  were  made,  all  under  the  auspices 
of  Admiral  Coligny,  between  the  years  1562  and  1565,  to 
establish  Huguenot  colonies  on  the  newly  discovered  North 
American  Continent.  The  first,  under  Jean  Ribault,  would 
be  better  named  a  voyage  of  discovery.  Florida  was  its 
intended  destination,  but  the  harbor  of  Port  Royal  in  South 
Carolina  was  entered  and  a  fort  was  built.  Neglect  and 
jealousies  proved  its  ruin,  and  nearly  all  the  party  returned, 
disheartened  and  famishing,  to  France. 

The  result  of  the  second  effort,  and  of  the  third,  which  was 
really  an  attempt  to  re-enforce  the  second,  was  still  more 
disastrous. 

A  landing  was  made  on  the  coast  of  Florida,  near  St. 
Augustine,  in  1564,  and,  when  strengthened  by  the  arrival  of 


46  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

the  additional  company  in  1565,  gave  promise  of  establishing 
a  permanent  settlement.  Within  a  year,  however,  they  were 
attacked  by  the  Spanish  freebooter,  Don  Pedro  Menendez,  or 
Melendez,  and  nearly  all  were  murdered  with  extreme  bar 
barity.  The  bodies  of  many  of  them  were  hung  on  trees, 
with  the  inscription  over  them:  " Hanged  not  as  Frenchmen, 
but  as  heretics."  The  garrison  left  by  Menendez  was  sub 
sequently  visited  by  a  company  under  one  De  Gourgues,  who, 
although  not  a  Huguenot,  hated  the  Spaniards  for  their 
cruelty  to  his  countrymen,  and  hung  them  on  the  same  trees, 
with  the  inscription :  "  Hanged  not  as  Spaniards,  but  as 
traitors,  robbers,  and  murderers." 

Based  on  the  explorations  of  Jacques  Cartier  during  the 
first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century,  the  French  claimed  a  vast 
territory  adjacent  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River. 
To  this  northern  country  the  Huguenots,  in  1604,  turned  their 
weary  eyes,  seeking  a  haven  of  peace  and  refuge.  Led  by 
I)u  Monts,  a  Huguenot,  who  held  a  patent  grant  covering  an 
immense  territory,  an  expedition  found  its  way  into  the 
harbor  of  Port  Royal,  in  Acadia  (now  Nova  Scotia),  and  for 
a  time  great  hopes  were  entertained  in  France  for  its  success. 
Great  hardships  were  encountered,  and  in  addition,  this 
company  carried  with  it  seeds  of  discord.  It  was  partly 
Protestant,  partly  Catholic,  and  the  Jesuits  were  congenially 
employed  in  fomenting  discontent.  Du  Monts  returned  to 
France  and  fell  a  prey  to  the  wiles  of  a  Jesuit  agent,  with  the 
result  that  "  the  title  to  the  proprietorship  to  half  a  continent 
passed  from  the  hands  of  a  Huguenot  into  those  of  a  subser 
vient  tool  of  the  Society  of  Jesus." 

The  life  of  the  Huguenot  settlers  in  Nova  Scotia  was  in 
large  measure  a  repetition  of  their  fatherland  experiences, 
until  the  year  171.'J,  when  its  possession  was,  for  the  fifth 
time  and  finally,  secured  by  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 

Many  Huguenots  found  their  way  into  other  portions  of 
the  French  possessions  in  Canada,  but  the  same  intolerant 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  47 

policy  and  methods  which  made  peace  and  liberty  impossible 
at  home  prevented  immigration,  which  would  have  enriched 
the  new  dominion  and  might  possibly  have  insured  a  per 
manent  domain  on  the  American  continent  to  the  Gallic  race. 

Meanwhile,  the  British  Colonies  in  North  America  were 
being  steadily  settled,  and  the  foundations  were  being  laid 
for  a  new  nation  by  men  of  sturdy  purpose  and  indomitable 
spirit.  To  these  colonies  many  Huguenots  had  come  for 
refuge  during  the  period  between  the  fall  of  La  Rochelle  and 
the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes;  but  the  tide  of 
immigration  set  in  more  strongly  after  the  Revocation,  and 
each  liberty-loving  colony,  from  Maine  to  the  Carolinas, 
received  accessions  of  harassed  but  hopeful  Huguenots  from 
France,  from  Holland,  and  from  England. 

Earliest  among  the  arrivals  were  those  who  came  to  New 
Amsterdam  (New  York)  with  the  Walloons,  to  whom  the 
Huguenots  were  closely  allied  by  faith,  aspiration,  and  suffer 
ing,  and  it  is  recorded  that,  in  1628,  the  First  Reformed 
Dutch  Church  in  New  York  had  a  sufficient  representation 
of  French  adherents  to  justify  having  services  in  the  French 
language  alternately  with  the  Dutch.  New  York  City  and 
State  received  from  time  to  time  many  detachments  of  these 
exiles,  and  in  that  metropolitan  commonwealth  we  have 
abundant  evidences,  down  through  the  years,  of  the  helpful 
and  wholesome  presence  of  these  people  and  their  offspring. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  history  of  New  York  City  the 
Huguenots  formed  a  large  proportion  of  its  citizens.  Here 
their  descendants  still  remain  as  their  names  attest,  and  here 
was  formed,  in  1883,  the  first  Huguenot  Society  in  the  world. 

Into  the  New  England  Colonies  and  especially  into  Massa 
chusetts  came  many  of  the  refugees,  not  only  directly  from 
the  Old  World,  but  from  the  precarious  conditions  existing  in 
Canada.  Boston  and  its  vicinity  were  usually  their  place  of 
first  resort,  and  thence  they  branched  out  in  small  detach 
ments  to  many  parts  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode 


48  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Island,  with  varying  success  in  establishing  permanent  settle 
ments.  That  even  here  they  were  not  beyond  the  pursuit  of 
their  relentless  foes  the  Jesuits,  may  be  shown  by  a  single 
illustration.  Oxford,  Mass.,  became  the  abiding  place  in  1684 
of  a  promising  Huguenot  colony,  but  received  its  deathblow 
in  1()9(>.  during  the  war  between  the  New  England  Colonies 

o  o 

and  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies.  How  the  red  men 
were  utilized  is  indicated  by  this  record:  "The  Governor  of 
Canada  and  his  'cunning  men7  the  Jesuits,  have  no  more 
trusty  and  eager  servant  than  Toby  the  Indian."  Toby  was 
made  use  of  because  he  was  conspicuous  for  deceit  and  cruelty. 

New  Jersey,  chiefly  on  and  near  the  Hackensack  River,  was 
also  chosen  by  many  Huguenot  families  as  their  home,  and  we 
are  told  that  their  relations  with  their  Dutch  neighbors  were 
so  cordial  that  in  the  course  of  years  it  became  difficult  to 
decide  clearly  who  was  Dutch  and  who  French. 

William  Penn,  in  his  efforts  to  colonize  Pennsylvania, 
eagerly  urged  the  Huguenots  to  settle  on  his  Plantations  on 
the  banks  of  the  Delaware  and  Susquehanna  rivers.  A  goodly 
number  did  so,  and  both  the  Quaker  and  the  Hollander 
found  them  "pleasant  to  dwell  with." 

Delaware,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  each  had  its  represen 
tation  of  the  exiles  of  France,  and  in  South  Carolina  there 
gathered  a  large  and  influential  contingent,  whose  descendants 
became  r.n  important  factor  in  the  affairs  of  that  State. 

Many  families  and  individuals  found  their  way  to  our 
English-speaking  colonies  from  various  French  and  Spanish 
settlements  in  the  West  Indies  and  on  the  north  coast  of 
South  America,  where  they  had  failed  to  find  that  liberty  and 
freedom  from  oppression  which  they  so  ardently  desired, 
and  which  they  had  been  unable  to  secure  in  their  native 
land.  From  casting  their  lot  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  founders 
of  our  government  and  institutions  resulted  that  mutual 
benefit  which  was  the  natural  outcome  of  mutual  hopes  and 
aspirations. 


TJie  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  49 

No  adequate  estimate  of  the  value  or  extent  of  the  influence 
exerted  by  the  Huguenots  in  shaping  the  destiny  of  the 
American  republic  can  be  based  upon  their  numerical 
strength.  They  were  in  numbers  the  least  of  the  three  chief 
elements  entering  into  that  genuine  "union  by  affinity," 
whose  one  common  cohesive  quality  was  the  desire  for  the 
free  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  manhood's  rights. 

Dr.  Leonard  Woolsey  Bacon  tells  us  that:  "Beyond 
dispute,  the  best  and  most  potent  elements  in  the  settlement 
of  the  seaboard  (American)  colonies  were  the  companies  of 
earnestly  religious  people  who,  under  severe  compulsion  for 
conscience'  sake,  came  forth  from  the  Old  World  as  involun 
tary  emigrants."  To  this  may  be  fittingly  added  a  more  spe 
cific  declaration  by  one  of  Huguenot  ancestry,  Dr.  Chauncey 
M.  Depew :  "  Many  streams  have  fertilized  the  soil  of  Ameri 
can  liberty,  but  the  three  great  sources  of  our  institutions, 
and  of  their  expansive,  receptive,  and  assimilating  power,  were 
the  Puritans,  the  Dutch,  and  the  Huguenots." 

In  several  important  particulars  the  Huguenots  were  unlike 
any  of  the  other  elements  representing  this  power. 

They  were,  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  term,  people  without 
a  country,  the  conditions  surrounding  their  expatriation  mak 
ing  their  return  to  France  impossible. 

They  were  dissimilar  in  racial  peculiarities  and  in  national 
habits  and  usages  ;  and  in  their  adopted  abode  their  allegiance 
was  due  to  a  body  politic  largely  unsympathetic,  and  in  many 
respects  antagonistic  to  that  under  whose  influences  they  had 
been  trained. 

They  brought  with  them,  however,  qualities  that  exactly 
fitted  the  situation.  Their  natural  vivacity,  buoyancy,  and 
cheerfulness  had  a  tempering  and  softening  effect  on  the 
somewhat  too  prevalent  austerity  of  many  of  their  neighbors. 
With  religious  principles  strong  and  incorruptible,  they  com 
bined  moderation  of  judgment  in  non-essentials,  and  social 
habits,  simple,  warm,  and  unrestrained.  The  love  of  liberty 


50  Facing  the  Tir(  ntieth  Ctntnry. 

wliich  was  theirs  in  common  with  their  new  associates  was 
accompanied  by  a  spirit  of  toleration  which  not  all  of  these 
associates  had  acquired,  as  the  Huguenots  had,  in  the  school 
of  suffering. 

That  learned  divine,  and  influential  leader  in  the  upbuild 
ing  of  both  state  and  church  in  New  England,  Cotton 
Mather,  said  of  them:  "They  challenge  a  place  in  our  best 
affections." 

In  addition  to  being  "  fervent  in  spirit,  serving  the  Lord," 
the  Huguenots  were  notably  "diligent  in  business." 

Inventive  genius  and  commercial  enterprise  were  part  of 
their  inheritance,  and  in  their  ranks  were  found  men  skilled 
in  almost  every  known  field  of  useful  labor:  merchants, 
manufacturers,  artisans  in  every  branch  of  mechanical  and 
artistic  industry,  and  men  competent  to  do  manly  duty  in 
peace  or  war,  on  sea  or  land.  In  the  manufacture  of  fine 
linens,  silks,  and  velvets,  as  workers  in  gold  and  silver,  and 
as  dyers,  tanners,  and  hatmakers  they  were  especially  expert. 
Literature,  law,  medicine,  the  pulpit,  and  the  forum,  each  has 
had  its  distinguished  representatives  among  the  Huguenots  and 
their  descendants,  and,  in  whatever  direction  they  bent  their 
versatile  faculties,  they  exhibited  energy,  elegance,  and  good 
taste,  a  quick  wit,  and  a  charitable  judgment,  combined  with 
wisdom  and  probity. 

Our  land  has  benefited  in  no  ordinary  degree  by  those 
religious,  moral,  intellectual,  social,  and  industrial  qualities 
wliich  exerted  so  marked  an  influence  in  Holland  and 
Germany,  in  Switzerland  and  in  England,  and  which  were  so 
ruthlessly  banished  and  forever  lost  to  France  by  its  mis 
guided  and  priest-ridden  rulers. 

The  purpose  and  limitations  of  this  narration  permit  only 
brief  reference  to  a  few  of  those  of  Huguenot  lineage,  whose 
names  stand  out  with  special  prominence  in  American  history, 
and  that  without  intimating  any  claim  to  superiority  of  merit 
by  priority  of  mention. 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  51 

Boston's  Faneuil  Hall,  widely  designated  "The  cradle  of 
Liberty,"  was  the  gift  to  that  town  of  Peter  Faneuil,  the  son 
of  one  of  the  survivors  of  the  heroic  defense  of  La  Rochelle ; 
and  Paul  Revere,  whose  midnight  ride  for  patriotic  alarm- 
giving  Longfellow  has  made  famous  for  all  time,  was  of  direct 
Huguenot  ancestry. 

The  Huguenot  name  of  Baudouin,  in  its  American  form 
Bowdoin,  is  possessed  by  the  oldest  college  in  the  State  of 
Maine;  a  name  given  to  it  in  honor  of  a  generous  benefactor, 
James  Bowdoin,  the  son  of  a  Huguenot  and  the  father  of 
a  Governor  of  Massachusetts. 

Audubon,  the  most  skillful  and  honored  naturalist  of 
the  first  half  of  the  present  century,  was  born  in  Louis 
iana,  while  it  was  yet  a  Spanish  colony,  but  his  French 
Protestant  parents  settled  in  Pennsylvania  when  he  was  still 
a  youth. 

Three  generations  of  Bayards  of  Huguenot  origin  have, 
almost  continuously,  represented  the  State  of  Delaware  in  the 
United  States  Senate  since  the  year  1804,  and  branches  of  the 
same  stock  have  been  honorably  known  to  the  political, 
social,  and  business  life  of  New  York  City,  from  colonial 
times  to  the  present  day. 

Daniel  Webster  once  said,  "  When  the  spotless  ermine  of 
the  judicial  robe  fell  on  John  Jay,  it  touched  nothing  less 
spotless  than  itself."  The  man  of  whom  this  was  said  was 
the  direct  descendant  of  a  La  Rochelle  Huguenot ;  an  honored 
and  trusted  American  patriot  and  statesman,  and  the  first 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
His  son  William  Jay  and  his  grandson  John  Jay  were,  in  their 
several  generations,  patriotic  citizens  of  distinction  and  great 
usefulness,  and  both  ardent  anti-slavery  advocates.  The  last 
named  was  United  States  Minister  to  Austria  from  1869  to 
1875,  and  was  one  of  the  chief  organizers  and  the  first  presi 
dent  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  and  also  the  first 
president  of  the  National  League  for  the  Protection  of  Ameri- 


52  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

can  Institutions.  The  name  has  still  worthy  representatives 
in.  New  York  City. 

Huguenot  blood  and  spirit  had  pronounced  assertion  in 
Francis  Marion,  the  fearless  Revolutionary  patriot  of  South 
Carolina,  in  field  of  battle  and  legislative  hall.  When  the 
Colonial  Convention  of  that  State  would  have  passed  a  law  to 
expel  the  Tories  and  confiscate  their  property,  he  impetuously 
called  a  halt  and  made  effectual  protest  in  these  words: 
"  Gentlemen,  you  can  pass  no  such  law.  It  is  not  the  spirit 
of  American  liberty.  We  are  going  to  win  this  fight  and 
drive  the  invaders  from  our  soil.  We  will  keep  this  people 
among  us,  protect  them  in  their  estates  and  rights,  and  make 
them  good  citizens." 

The  lingers  and  the  Legares  of  South  Carolina  and  the 
Dupuys  of  Virginia  fill  places  of  distinction  in  the  history  of 
our  land.  The  Quintards  have  given  a  bishop  to  the  Protes 
tant  Episcopal  Church,  and  the  Gallaudets,  through  their 
labors  in  behalf  of  deaf  mutes,  have  merited  and  received 
world-wide  and  undying  fame. 

The  mother  of  James  A.  Garfield,  twentieth  President  of 
the  United  States,  was  the  daughter  of  Hosea  Ballon,  a  dis 
tinguished  American  Universalist  preacher,  whose  Huguenot 
descent- was  clear  and  direct. 

It  would  not  be  difficult  to  fill  a  goodly  volume  with 
examples  kindred  to  those  we  have  given  touching  the  con 
tributions  of  this  noble  people  to  the  brain  and  the  brawn  of 
American  liberty.  The  eminent  Dr.  Richard  S.  Storrs 
declared  that:  "  Whenever  the  history  of  those  who  came 
hither  from  La  Rochelle  and  the  banks  of  the  Garonne  is 
fully  written,  the  value  and  the  vigor  of  the  force  they 
imparted  to  American  public  life  will  need  no  demonstra 
tion  ";  and  over  in  Old  England,  the  poet  Southey  bore  testi 
mony  to  their  worth  when  he  said,  "Wherever  the  refugees 
from  the  French  persecutions  fled,  a  blessing  followed 
them." 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  53 

We  may  well  permit  Mrs.  Sigourney,  poet,  author,  and  wife 
of  a  worthy  American  of  Huguenot  ancestry,  to  say  the 
closing  words : 

"  On  all  who  bear 

Their  name,  or  lineage,  may  their  mantle  rest; 
That  firmness  for  the  truth,  that  calm  content 
With  simple  pleasures,  that  unswerving  trust, 
In  toil,  adversity,  and  death,  which  cast 
Such  healthful  leaven  'mid  the  elements 
That  peopled  the  New  World." 

THE    QUAKER. 

Among  the  components  of  American  Christian  civilization 
a  conspicuously  helpful  and  honorable  place  is  held  by  the 
purely  religious  society  which  has  been  successively  known  as 
Children  of  the  Light,  Quakers,  and  Friends. 

Their  origin  dates  back  to  the  preaching  of  George  Fox  in 
England,  beginning  in  the  year  1647,  and  continued  for  about 
twenty  years,  which  from  its  peculiarities  and  sweeping 
objections  to  the  established  order  of  things  religious  and 
secular,  was  designated  the  "gospel  of  negations."  The  zeal 
and  enthusiasm  of  the  early  adherents  manifested  themselves  in 
frequent  extravagances  of  speech  and  act,  overstepping  at  times 
the  bounds  of  propriety  and  due  regard  for  existing  law,  and 
which  met  with  punishment  often  unjustly  proportioned  to 
the  offenses.  The  intolerant  spirit  of  the  time  was  largely 
accountable  for  both  offenses  and  punishments,  and  they  were 
both  but  the  lingering  evidences  of  mediaeval  darkness  then 
slowly  vanishing  before  advancing  light. 

Their  following  rapidly  increased ;  men  of  superior  attain 
ments  were  attracted  to  them  because  of  their  vigorous  pro 
tests,  not  only  against  the  despotic  demand  for  religious  con 
formity,  but  against  the  vassalage  of  the  person  and  of  the 
intellect.  Their  organization  as  a  church  was  effected  in  1666, 
and  they  were  unique  among  Christian  bodies  in  the  absence 


54  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

from  their  economy  of  a  creed,  a  liturgy,  a  ministry,  or  a  sacra 
ment.  Their  views  in  reference  to  civic  obligations  and  social 
customs  were  also  peculiar.  They  opposed  war  even  for 
defense,  refused  to  pay  tithes  and  to  take  oaths,  and  they 
were  essentially  non-political.  The  lapse  of  time  has  brought 
modifications  in  many  of  their  peculiarities. 

Among  the  men  of  character  and  ability  who  joined  their 
ranks  were  Robert  Barclay,  a  Scotsman  of  education  and  good 
family,  and  William  Penn,  whose  father  was  an  English 
admiral  and  whose  mother  was  a  native  of  Holland. 

It  will  l>e  a  sufficient  refutation  of  the  imputations  of  gen 
eral  ignorance  and  fanaticism  made  against  the  Quakers  to 
quote  the  courageous  and  able  declaration  drawn  by  Barclay 
und  Penn  in  behalf  of  their  society. 

"  We  are  a  free  people  by  the  creation  of  God,  by  the 
redemption  of  Christ,  and  by  the  provision  of  our  never-to-be- 
forgotten  honorable  ancestors;  so  that  our  claim  to  these 
privileges,  rising  higher  than  Protestantism,  could  never  justly 
be  invalidated  on  account  of  non-conformity  to  any  tenet  or 
fashion  it  might  prescribe.  This  would  be  to  lose  by  the 
Reformation,  which  was  effected  only  that  we  might  enjoy 
property  with  conscience." 

In  a  comparatively  few  years  the  Quakers  had  spread  into 
Wales,  Ireland,  and  Scotland,  and  small  communities  of  them 
had  been  formed  in  France,  Germany,  and  Norway. 

Massachusetts  in  1(>5P>  was  the  first  of  the  American  colo 
nies  to  which  the  Quakers  came,  but  they  received  harsh 
treatment,  and  sought  and  found  more  congenial  surround 
ings  in  Rhode  Island,  where  they  were  strong  enough  in  1001 
to  hold  an  annual  meeting.  George  Fox  visited  the  colonies 
in  1672-73,  and  found  adherents  of  his  society  in  all  the  colo 
nies  from  North  Carolina  northward.  Strong  communities  of 
them  settled  in  New  Jersey,  where  they  founded  the  towns  of 
Salem  and  Burlington,  and  dictated  the  fundamental  laws 
of  West  Jersey,  published  in  1 077,  giving  absolute  recognition 


Tlie  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  55 

to  the  principles  of  equality  of  civil  rights  and  freedom  of 
conscience. 

The  chief  event  in  the  early  relations  of  the  Quakers  to 
America  was  the  "  holy  experiment  of  a  free  colony  for  all 
mankind  "  of  William  Penn,  successfully  begun  in  1682  by  the 
founding  of  Philadelphia,  under  a  grant  from  Charles  II. 
Penii's  ideals  were  high :  equal  toleration  of  all  religious 
beliefs,  no  resort  to  military  force,  kindness  and  justice  to  the 
Indians,  and  no  oaths  to  be  used  in  the  administration  of  jus 
tice.  Although  never  fully  realized,  much  of  the  spirit  which 
inspired  these  ideals  has  been  firmly  engrafted  upon  Ameri 
can  institutions,  and  the  followers  of  Barclay  and  Penn  have 
ever  been  the  consistent  and  persistent  advocates  of  liberty 
and  right,  not  only  for  the  white  man  but  also  for  the  red  man 
and  the  black.  No  legislation  for  public  defense  was  enacted 
or  required  in  this  colony  for  the  first  sixty  years.  A  public 
school,  "open  to  all,"  was  established  in  Philadelphia  in  1689, 
maintained,  as  its  charter  reads,  "at  the  request,,  cost,  and 
charges  of  the  people  of  God  called  Quakers."  It  was  free 
from  religious  discrimination,  and  for  three-score  years  was 
the  only  public  place  for  instruction  in  the  province. 

In  the  Revolutionary  days  the  Quakers'  doctrine  of 
"  passive  resistance  "  was  put  to  severe  test,  and  with  many 
"  passive  "  became  "  active  "  for  a  time. 

They  found  effective  if  unobtrusive  means  of  administer 
ing  material  aid  and  comfort  to  the  colonial  government 
when  most  needed,  and  at  least  one  of  their  number  was 
among  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Their  influence  upon  and  contributions  to  the  prosperity  and 
uplift  of  American  principles  and  institutions  have  been  most 
salutary,  and  many  instances  could  be  recorded  of  conspicuous 
service  rendered  to  the  republic  by  individual  members  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  but  their  principles  and  their  patriotism 
have  had  expression  in  life  and  song  through  one  of  them 
selves,  our  chief  national  lyric  poet,  John  Greenleaf  Whittier. 


50  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

THE    SCOTCH. 

We  now  take  note  of  a  factor  in  American  nation-building, 
in  whose  character  the  element  of  passiveness  had  no  place — 
the  Scotch.  Under  this  designation  we  include  the  people 
sometimes  called  Scotch-Irish,  who  left  Scotland  during  the 
reign  of  James  I.  of  England,  and  put  a  new  population  of 
thrift  and  courage  into  the  province  of  Ulster  in  the  north  of 
Ireland. 

There  need  be  no  extended  reference  to  the  Scotch  in  the 
Old  World.  Their  record  is  a  familiar  one  on  the  historic 
page,  and  the  influence  they  have  exerted  on  the  world's 
advancing  civilization  has  not  been  surpassed,  in  its  far- 
reaching  and  beneficent  results,  by  any  people  of  like  numeri 
cal  strength. 

John  Knox  was  only  voicing  one  of  their  national  charac 
teristics  when  he  said,  "  If  princes  exceed  their  bounds  they 
must  be  resisted  by  force." 

The  Scotch  founded  no  colonies  in  our  republic,  but  they 
were  absent  from  none,  from  the  Green  Mountains  to  the  Caro- 
linas.  Their  numbers  were  largest  in  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Southern  communities,  and  it 
has  been  estimated  that  shortly  prior  to  the  Revolution  they 
constituted  about  one-third  of  the  entire  colonial  population. 

They  took  a  prominent  and  important  part  in  every  event 
of  moment  in  the  formative  period  of  our  government  and 
institutions. 

They  were  pronounced  in  their  religious  convictions  and 
fearless  in  upholding  them,  and  they  and  their  offspring  were 
the  early  advocates  of  individual  sovereignty  in  the  New 
World.  Patrick  Henry,  whose  resolutions  in  the  Virginia 
House  of  Burgesses  in  1705,  against  the  Stamp  Act,  sounded 
the  keynote  of  the  Revolution,  was  a  Scotsman's  son,  and 
Bancroft  tells  us  that  one  year  before  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  Scotch  Presbyterians  gathered  at  Mecklenburg, 


Tlie  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  57 

N.  C.,  gave  the  first  public  expression  to  the  desire  for 
independence  in  these  words :  "  We  hereby  absolvre  our 
selves  from  all  allegiance  to  the  British  crown  ;  we  hereby 
declare  ourselves  a  free  and  independent  people." 

In  the  Continental  Congress,  when  the  "  Declaration  "  lay 
before  the  assembled  delegates,  it  was  the  venerable  John 
Witherspoon  of  Princeton  College,  a  Scotsman  born,  who 
uttered  these  inspired  and  inspiring  words  :  "  To  hesitate  at 
this  moment  is  to  consent  to  our  own  slavery.  That  notable 
instrument  upon  your  table,  which  insures  immortality  to  its 
author,  should  be  subscribed  this  very  morning  by  every  pen 
in  this  house.  He  that  will  not  respond  to  its  accent  and 
strain  every  nerve  to  carry  into  effect  its  provisions  is  un 
worthy  the  name  of  freeman." 

Thus  did  those  people,  whose  name  is  a  synonym  for 
caution,  exhibit  sublime  courage  at  the  critical  moment  and 
help  to  lay  strong  the  foundations  upon  which  the  fabric  of 
freedom  was  reared.  They  and  their  descendants  have  con 
tinued  to  form  an  influential  and  elevating  element  in  the 
American  body  politic,  and  have  filled  a  large  place  in  our 
national  life,  as  is  evidenced  by  the  fact  that  of  the  twenty- 
four  men  who  have  filled  the  Presidential  chair  of  our  country, 
eight,  or  one-third,  have  sprung  from  this  stock. 

THE   CAVALIER. 

The  momentous  and  prolonged  struggle  in  England 
between  King  and  Commons,  which  led  to  the  execution 
of  Charles  I.  in  1649,  and  reached  its  culmination  when 
William  of  Orange  ascended  the  throne  and  constitutional 
monarchy  was  firmly  and  finally  established,  gave  birth  to 
the  appellations  "Cavalier"  and  "Roundhead,"  which  terms 
were  subsequently  supplanted  by  "Tory"  and  "Whig" 
respectively. 

In  the  American  colonies  New  England  became  the  home 


58  Facing  tJie  Twentieth  Century. 

of  the  Roundhead,  while  Virginia  was  chosen  by  the  chival 
rous  Cavalier  as  his  new  abode. 

The  Cavalier  was  above  all  else  a  royalist,  with  strong 
convictions  as  to  th«  u  divine  right"  of  kings.  He  was  also 
a  stanch  churchman,  religions  after  a  fashion,  and  a  jealous 
guardian  of  family  pride  and  aristocratic  privilege.  He  was 
withal  courteous,  generous,  honorable,  and  high-spirited. 

In  Virginia  he  was  also  a  royalist,  but  when  the  exactions 
of  royalty  became  unbearable,  and  the  issue  was  joined 
between  individual  sovereignty  and  royal  prerogative,  and 
transplantation  to  the  new  soil  had  modified  his  hereditary 
prejudices,  he  and  his  children  and  grand-children  were  found 
in  the  forefront  of  the  struggle  for  liberty. 

The  contributions  of  the  Cavalier   element  to  American 

civilization,  although  distinctive  in  their  character,  have  been 

o 

of  conspicuous  value.  It  was  the  descendant  of  a  Cavalier 
who,  in  the  Virginia  Assembly  in  1773,  originated,  and,  in 
the  face  of  much  opposition,  secured  the  adoption  of  a  resolu 
tion  for  an  "intercolonial  Committee  of  Correspondence,"  and 
this  same  patriot,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  moved  the  adoption  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

If  popular  institutions  were  the  peculiar  outgrowth  of  the 
conditions  existing  in  New  England,  Virginia,  where  the 
population  consisted  largely  of  two  classes,  the  landowner  and 
overseer  and  those  dependent  upon  them,  contributed  in  full 
measure  to  the  supply  of  statesmen,  parliamentarians,  and 
diplomats.  The  Virginia  I>ill  of  Rights,  adopted  by  the 
colonial  House  of  Burgesses,  June  12,  177<>,  has  been  widely 
used  as  a  model  in  framing  the  Constitutions  of  other  States, 
ami  in  each  successive  generation  from  the  days  of  small 
beginnings,  the  sons  of  the  Old  Dominion,  many  of  them  of 
Cavalier  lineage,  have  made  illustrious  groups. 

An  historical  fact  bearing  upon  the  relations  of  Virginia 
to  the  republic  at  laru'e  arrests  the  attention  with  more  signi 
ficant  force  than  as  a  mere  coincidence.  On  her  soil,  in  1619, 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  59 

negro  slavery  got  its  first  foothold,  and  on  her  soil  in  1865, 
the  final  seal  was  affixed  to  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
by  the  surrender,  of  American  to  American  at  Appomattox 
Court  House. 

THE  ENGLISH  ROMAN  CATHOLIC. 

Under  a  charter  granted  to  Lord  Baltimore  in  1632  by 
Charles  I.,  Maryland  was  colonized  by  English  adherents  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  In  this  charter  there  was  a 
provision  for  the  toleration  of  all  religious  sects.  This  pro 
vision  appears  to  have  been  partly  the  result  of  anxiety  on 
the  part  of  the  colonists  to  be  free  from  religious  molestation, 
and  partly,  as  De  Courcey,  an  eminent  Roman  Catholic  writer, 
intimates,  a  precaution  of  the  home  government  for  the  protec 
tion  of  other  sects. 

Many  extravagant  claims  have  been  made  by  Roman  Cath 
olic  writers  concerning  so-called  "  religious  liberty  "  guaran 
tees  in  this  colony,  and  also  on  the  question  of  priority. 

Arnold  says  that  Roger  AVilliams,  in  the  settlement  made  at 
Providence,  R.  I.,  in  1636,  established  "a  pure  democracy, 
which  for  the  first  time  guarded  jealously  the  rights  of  con 
science  by  ignoring  any  power  in  the  body  politic  to  interfere 
with  those  matters  that  alone  concern  man  and  his  Maker." 
No  such  conditions  existed  in  the  Maryland  colony.  Setting 
aside,  however,  the  minor  question  of  precedence,  it  is  un- 
undoubtedly  true  that,  in  1645,  the  first  legislative  assembly 
held  in  Maryland  declared  that  "  the  enforcement  of  the  con 
science  has  been  an  unlawful  and  dangerous  prerogative " ; 
and  Rev.  Dr.  Francis  L.  Hawks  asserts  that  "  under  the 
enlightened  policy  of  Lord  Baltimore  the  colony  steadily 
advanced  in  prosperity,  increasing  both  in  comfort  and  in 
numbers." 

Cheerful  recognition  may  be  made  of  the  fact  that  the  policy 
of  the  colony  was  a  tolerant  one,  and  that  the  English  Roman 
Catholics  of  Maryland  enjoyed  and  accorded  to  their  fellow- 


60  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

colonists  a  commendable  degree  of  freedom  of  conscience  and 
of  worship.  The  candid  reader,  with  the  light  of  history  for 
guidance,  can  determine  how  far  this  tolerant  spirit  resulted 
from  their  being  Roman  Catholics,  or  how  much  of  it  was  due 
to  the  fact  that  they  were  English  and  had  caught  the  "  fire 
of  freedom." 

Maryland,  in  common  with  the  other  colonies,  did  not  long 
remain  exclusively  the  abode  of  the  people  who  first  settled 
it,  but  it  has  enjoyed  a  generous  share  of  influence  and  impor 
tance,  both  as  a  colony  and  a  State.  It  has  made  valuable 
contributions  to  the  advancement  and  prosperity  of  the  coun 
try,  and  its  chief  city,  Baltimore,  is  one  of  the  most  pro 
gressive  in  the  Union  and  holds  an  advanced  position  in  the 
possession  of  institutions  for  higher  education.  It  is  also  the 
seat  of  the  only  Roman  Catholic  Cardiualate  in  the  United 
States. 

Among  the  many  noted  names  of  Mary  landers  who  could 
be  mentioned  are  Charles  Carroll  of  Carrollton,  who  survived 
by  six  years  all  the  other  patriots  who  put  their  autographs 
to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  that  brilliant  but 
most  unfortunate  figure  in  American  literature,  Edgar  Allan 
Foe. 

OTHER    MENTION. 

The  more  prominent  roots  of  the  tree  of  American  liberty 
havin^  been  noticed,  it  remains  to  mention  some  added  chan- 

O 

iiels  through  which  the  sap  of  freedom  found  its  way  into  the 
stately  trunk,  giving  beauty  and  vitality  to  branch  and  leaf, 
to  foliage  and  fruit.  The  roots  were  many,  but  all  were 
healthy  and  life-giving. 

German  Lutherans  of  high  intelligence  and  morality,  God 
fearing  men,  came  in  considerable  numbers  to  New  York, 
Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  and  the  Carolinas.  They 
were  then,  and  they  are  to-day,  a  source  of  strength  to  the 
country. 


The  Sources  of  American  Civilization.  61 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  the  illustrious  King  of  Sweden,  prior 
to  his  death  in  1632,  had  encouraged  colonizing  in  the  New 
World.  As  a  result,  vigorous,  thrifty,  and  intelligent  Swedes 
settled  in  Delaware  in  1638,  and  spread  into  other  colonies, 
adding  to  the  influx  of  morality  and  industry. 

Danes  and  Norwegians,  Protestant  Poles  and  Piedmontese, 
aided  in  swelling  the  ranks  of  the  settlers  in  various  colonies. 

With  the  exception  of  the  colonists  of  Maryland  they  were 
almost  exclusively  Protestants,  men  "  of  stern  and  lofty  vir 
tue,  invincible  energy,  and  iron  wills,  the  fitting  substratum 
on  which  to  build  great  States." 

The  history  of  man  in  organized  relations  affords  no  ex 
ample  of  a  harmonious  union  of  qualities  and  forces  for  good 
equal  to  that  represented  by  the  thirteen  North  American 
Colonies,  joining  in  an  indissoluble  bond,  riveted  by  the  unal 
terable  conviction  that  all  men  are  equally  entitled  to  the 
enjoyment  of  "  life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness." 


PART  IT. 
AMERICAN    INSTITUTIONS.— THE   STATE. 

IT  is  not  purposed  under  this  head  to  enter  into  an  historic 
discussion  concerning  the  development  and  status  of  the  dif 
ferent  departments  of  the  government  under  which  we  live, 
legislative,  judicial,  and  executive,  but  to  state  something  of 
the  legitimate  character  and  principles  of  a  government  ema 
nating  from  a  civilization  produced  by  the  work  of  the  repre 
sentative  characters  we  have  described,  comprising  the  early 
settlers  of  our  country. 

LIBERTY    AND    LAW. 

Definitions  of  liberty  embody  national  experiences  and 
national  hopes. 

"  Roman  lawyers  say  that  liberty  is  the  power  [authority] 
of  doing  that  which  is  not  forbidden  by  the  law,  and  that 
whatever  may  please  the  ruler  has  the  force  of  law."  This 
simply  means  that  man  is  not  aslave,  while  our  word  freeman, 
used  in  connection  with  civil  liberty,  means  the  enjoyment  of 
high  civil  privileges  and  rights. 

The  French  say  :  "  Liberty  is  equality,  equality  is  liberty." 
But  equality  without  other  elements  has  no  essential  connec 
tion  with  liberty.  Absolute  equality  may  mean  stagnation 
and  death. 

The  (rennans  say:  "Liberty  or  justice,  for  where  there  is 
justice  there  is  liberty,  and  liberty  is  nothing  else  than  jus 
tice."  Tli is  makes  equivalents  of  two  things  which  no  defini 
tions  can  reconcile. 

Individual  liberty  can  only  exist  wherever  a  citizen  is  sub 
ject  to  law,  and  this  means  public  opinion  crystallized  into 

62 


American  Institutions. — The  State.  63 

public  will,  which  constitutes  the  sovereignty  of  law.  The 
action  of  a  free  man  is  controlled  by  the  custom  of  the 
people  expressed  in  legislation. 

*  Liberty,  applied  to  political  man,  practically  means  protec 
tion  or  checks  against  undue  interference  from  individuals, 
from  masses,  or  from  government. 

True  liberty  is  a  positive  force,  regulated  by  law ;  false  lib 
erty  is  a  negative  force,  a  release  from  restraint.  True  liberty 
is  the  moral  power  of  self-government. 

Law  is  briefly  defined  to  be  a  rule  of  order  or  conduct 
established  by  authority. 

Liberty  is  briefly  defined  to  be  the  state  of  a  free  man. 
But  neither  law  nor  liberty  can  be  thus  abstractly  defined. 

The  enjoyment  of  valued  rights  and  privileges  is  implied  in 
liberty. 

Liberty  is  something  which  cannot  be  made  for  the  individ 
ual  ;  he  must  make  it  for  himself.  Civil  government  does  not 
make  it  for  the  citizen,  but  in  and  by  the  civil  government 
citizens  make  it  for  themselves  and  formulate  its  privileges 
and  limitations  in  what  they  denominate  law. 

Our  government  and  our  civilization  are  designed  to  guar 
antee  impartial  civil  liberty  protected  by  law.  Lawless  lib 
erty  means  tyranny.  Impartial  liberty  must  be  girded  about 
with  the  restraints  of  law  because  our  relations  are  mutual, 
and  personal  freedom  among  associations  of  men  must  be  both 
self-governed  and  heedful  of  righteous  and  relative  limitations. 

The  measure  of  our  civil  liberty  as  a  nation  is  found  in  the 
extent  to  which  our  people  obey  law  from  choice. 

Education,  morality,  and  religion  have  thus  far  determined 
the  character  of  our  civil  liberty  and  shaped  its  legislative 
restrictions  and  protection,  and  they  must  be  depended  upon 
to  perpetuate  it. 

John  Bright  said :  "  There  is  no  permanent  greatness  to  a 
nation  except  it  be  based  upon  morality.  The  moral  law  was 
not  written  for  men  alone  in  their  individual  character,  but  it 


64  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

was  written  as  well  for  nations  as  great  as  tins  of  which  we 
are  citizens." 

Law  is  simply  the  formulated  statement  of  the  results  of 
the  harmonious  relationships   of  moral   beings   endowed    by" 
their  Creator  with  the  inalienable  rights  of  "  life,  liberty,  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness." 

Man  is  hedged  about  by  natural  laws  for  his  physical  well- 
being,  and  he  must  obey  them  if  he  will  be  free  and  safe. 
Liberty  consists  in  being  unhindered  in  obeying  the  laws 
which  God  has  made  for  the  protection  and  development  of 
physical,  intellectual,  and  moral  man. 

The  Greek  idea  of  a  state  was  that  of  a  Person  substantially 
deified ;  the  Roman  idea  was  that  of  a  law  of  Persons.  The 
Christian  idea  refers  laws  and  law-making  to  an  absolute  Per 
son.  The  Greeks  worshiped  Wisdom,  but  did  not  see  the 
True.  The  Romans  saw  abstract  truth  and  created  the  civil 
jurisprudence  of  the  succeeding  nations.  Christianity  gave 
the  law  of  liberty  to  man  as  man,  and  announced  the  ultimate 
authority  for  both  the  state  and  the  man. 

Law  is  the  foundation  of  the  Divine  government.  Liberty 
is  a  gift  of  the  Divine  will.  Law  protects  man,  liberty  exalts 
him.  Law  represents  man  acting  in  his  highest  capacity. 
Liberty  is  the  free  gift  of  his  Creator,  designed  to  lift  him  to  a 
dignity  of  sovereignty  which  makes  his  life  move  on  parallel 
lines  with  infinite  justice  and  infinite  wisdom.  Liberty  is 
thus  never  a  privilege  but  always  a  right,  while  law  is  a  serv 
ant  of  right  whose  province  is  to  intrench  liberty  and  never 
to  restrict  it.  Law  is  the  result  of  man's  action,  liberty  is  the 
gift  of  God. 

Chateaubriand  said  that  "  everyone  desires  liberty,  but  it 
is  impossible  to  say  what  it  is."  This  is  true  if  he  refers  to 
an  abstract  general  definition  of  civil  liberty,  but  false  if  he 
means  to  state  that  we  cannot  say  what  civil  liberty  has  been 
in  the  history  of  nations. 

Lieber  says :    "  I  mean  by  civil  liberty  that  liberty  which 


PRESIDENTS   OF   THE   UNITED  STATES,    FROM    1789   TO 


1850 


PRESIDENTS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,   FROM   1850  TO  1809. 


American  Institutions. — Tlie  State.  65 

plainly  results  from  the  application  of  the  general  idea  of 
freedom  to  the  civil  state  of  man,  that  is,  to  his  relations 
as  a  political  being,  a  being  obliged  by  his  nature  and  des 
tined  by  his  Creator  to  live  in  society.  Civil  liberty  is  the 
result  of  man's  twofold  character,  as  an  individual  and  social 
being,  so  soon  as  both  are  equally  respected.  .  .  The  highest 
ethical  and  social  protection  of  which  man,  with  his  insep 
arable  moral,  jural,  aesthetic,  and  religious  attributes  is  capable, 
is  the  comprehension  and  minutely  organic  self-government  of 
a  free  people;  and  a  people  truly  free  at  home  and  dealing  in 
fairness  and  justice  with  other  nations  is  the  greatest,  unfor 
tunately  also  the  rarest,  subject  offered  in  all  the  breadth  and 
length  of  history." 

Paul,  the  constitutional  lawyer  of  the  New  Testament, 
speaks  of  those  "above  law,"  because  they  obey  the  law. 
Obedience  to  just  laws  is  regulated  harmonious  liberty. 

Vox  populi,  vox  Dei  may  mean  much  or  little.  If  the 
people  have  heard  and  heeded  the  voice  of  God  then,  and 
only  then,  is  their  voice  the  voice  of  God. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  race  alone  has  developed  and  enjoyed  law 
in  the  fullness  of  its  meaning,  and  this  embraces  the  entire 
round  of  justice,  which  through  the  established  independence 
of  the  judiciary  has  proved  a  chief  support  of  civil  liberty. 

Common  law  consists  in  the  customs  and  usages  of  the 
people  and  possesses  its  own  organic  vitality,  therefore  the 
character  of  the  law  is  determined  by  the  character  of 
the  civilization.  In  England  and  in  America,  that  civiliza 
tion  is  Christian,  thus  Christianity  has  come  to  be  historically 
and  by  judicial  precedent  the  common  law  of  these  nations. 

Civil  law  is  a  dead  inheritance  from  antiquity.  Common 
law  is  a  present,  living  entity,  always  developing  and  improv 
ing.  Civil  law  pertains  to  property;  common  law  protects 
the  personal  rights  of  the  individual  citizen,  maintains  the 
principles  of  self-government,  defends  its  own  supremacy,  and 
proves  its  own  superiority. 


66  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Burke  defines  it  as  "  beneficence  acting  by  rule."  Civil 
law  has  never  superseded  common  law,  but  has  often  been 
assimilated  by  it. 

THE    STATE    AND    ITS    POWERS. 

"  The  state  is  a  power  claiming  and  exercising  supreme 
jurisdiction  over  a  certain  portion  of  the  earth.  Here  it- 
acknowledges  no  superior,  unless  it  be  God.  It  is  the  sov 
ereign  arbiter  of  life  and  death.  It  fixes  the  civil  status  ;  it 
regulates  the  social  action  ;  it  determines,  either  directly  or 
permissively,  wholly  or  partially,  according  to  its  sovereign 
pleasure,  the  rights,  duties,  and  relations  of  all  human  beings 
within  its  territorial  sway.  Men  may  claim  rights  as  belong 
ing  to  them  by  nature,  but  the  state  assumes  to  say  whether 
they  shall  exercise  them." 

Individual  liberty  is  dependent  upon  the  will  of  the  state. 
Absolute  sovereignty  and  the  employment  of  unlimited  force 
over  the  person  and  personal  conduct,  over  the  family,  over 
morals,  over  property,  over  political  rights,  over  corporate 
existences,  over  life,  are  claimed  as  the  prerogatives  of  the 
state.  "  It  is  omnipotent ;  there  is  no  earthly  power  that 
can  touch  its  hand,  or  say  unto  it,  what  doest  thou  ? "  has 
been  said  of  the  British  Parliament  representing  the  British 
nation,  and  it  is  true  of  every  ultimate  political  organization. 
And  it  matters  not  whether  the  form  of  government  be 
imperial  or  republican.  Every  state  is  responsible  to  its 
own  will,  and  "  that  will  may  be  anything  it  wills  to  be  if 
there  is  not  some  acknowledged  check  regarded  as  immu 
table."  The  tyranny  and  cruelty  of  the  will  of  a  multitude 
may  be  as  unjust  as  the  corporate  will  exercised  by  a  despot 
or  by  an  oligarchy. 

NATIONALITY    AND    SOVEREIGNTY. 

National  sovereignty  is  the  source  of  the  right  of  revolu 
tion.  If  revolution  fails,  it  is  rebellion ;  if  it  is  a  duty,  and  if 


American  Institutions. — The  State.  67 

it  succeeds  because  it  is  right,  it  is  the  legitimate  act  of  the 
state. 

Such  sovereignty  as  the  state  exercises  can  only  be  main 
tained  as  it  acknowledges  some  divine  rule  and  some  "  higher 
law,"  to  which  it  is  responsible  and  from  which  it  derives  its 
sovereignty.  A  godless  state,  imperial  or  republican,  possess 
ing  a  written  or  unwritten  constitution,  is  pure  despotism, 
claiming  and  possessing  the  power  of  life  and  death  over 
existing  millions  and  determining  how  unborn  generations 
shall  commence  their  earthly  existence. 

The  makers  of  the  government  of  our  country  did  not 
define  the  idea  of  sovereignty.  The  idea  has  been  wrought 
out  by  experience,  while  the  fact  existed  as  the  condition 
and  cohesive  power  of  all  human  government.  Revolutions 
do  not  destroy  sovereignty,  but  change  its  center  of  gravity. 
It  may  change  its  power  of  manifestation  through  monarch, 
parliament,  or  people,  but  it  is  never  annihilated.  Constitu 
tions  are  instruments  for  the  exercise  of  sovereignty;  they  are 
not  sovereign.  In  the  beginning  of  our  republic  sovereignty 
was  transferred  from  crown  and  parliament  to  the  restricted 
electorate  then  existing  among  the  American  people.  This 
sovereignty  distributed  its  functions  in  state  and  federal 
constitutions.  This  republic  possessing  sovereignty,  and,  as 
another  has  said  :  "  being  a  nation,  can  do  all  that  any  nation 
can  do.  It  can  conquer  territory  ;  it  can  buy  it ;  it  can 
receive  it  as  a  gift  from  its  people,  they  being  sovereign. 
Then  it  can  dispose  of  territory  ;  can  sell  it ;  can  give  it 
away ;  can  hold  and  govern  it.  The  only  question  is  of  the 
means  and  agents,  and  this  is  a  mere  detail."  The  republic 
has  illustrated  this  conception  of  sovereignty  in  all  of  its  his 
tory  of  expansion.  The  nation  has  sovereignty.  The  States 
have  rights. 

National  sovereignty  is  both  secured,  recognized,  and 
accepted,  and  that  without  interfering  with  the  rights  of  the 
States.  The  nation  is  sovereign  in  federal  affairs  with  lirnita- 


68  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

tions.  The  States  have  rights  which  are  absolute,  and  only 
as  these  are  unimpaired  will  national  sovereignty  be  main 
tained  in  virility  and  dignity. 

SOURCES    OF    THE    POWERS    OF    THE    STATE. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  declared  that  "  we  hold 
these  truths  to  be  self-evident:  That  all  men  are  created 
equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  the  Creator  with  certain 
un alienable  rights  ;  that  among  these  are  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness.  That,  to  secure  these  rights,  govern 
ments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed."  This  last  statement,  from 
varied  motives,  is  often  reiterated  in  these  days.  It  was  not 
absolutely  true  when  written,  and  is  not  true  now,  unless  the 
governed  by  governing  self  have  proved  their  capacity  for  a 
self-government.  Government  could  not  endure  but  would 
terminate  in  tyranny  if  it  depended  for  its  just  powers  upon 
the  consent  of  men  incapable  of  governing  themselves.  In 
no  human  government  which  ever  existed  have  all  the  powers 
been  derived  from  the  consent  of  all  the  governed. 

Only  when  the  governed  acknowledge  the  supreme  sover 
eignty  of  God  over  their  personal  lives  do  they  become 
equipped  for  determining  what  the  "just  powers"  of  a  gov 
ernment  for  men  ought  to  be.  Our  ancestors  who  wrote  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  and  tried  to  establish  and 
verify  its  declared  principles,  were  perhaps  by  heredity  and 
history  so  conditioned  as  to  make  their  statement  of  the 
source  of  the  powers  of  government  as  near  the  truth  in  reali 
zation,  and  nearer  in  anticipation,  than  it  ever  was  before  in 
the  history  of  human  governments.  They  represented  largely 
a  God-honoring  constituency. 

Theoretically  only  docs  our  government  or  any  government 
derive  all  of  its  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed. 
The  right  to  exist  implies  the  right  to  defend  existence,  and 
this  right  can  demand  the  life  of  every  subject  of  a  govern- 


[ 


arkuk  tht  fa-it  flag  of  tht  1-niieJ  StaUt  •axu  madt. 
k  Street,  tiimo  Third.  FkuaJtlfhi*. 


INDEPENDENCE    HALL  AND  THE   BIRTHPLACE  OF   THE  NATIONAL  FLAQ, 
PHILADELPHIA.     FANEUIL  HALL,   BOSTON. 


• 
SI1 


American  Institutions. — The  State.  69 

meat  without  his  consent,  because  lie  is  under  law  and  is  a 
part  of  the  national  life,  and  derives  his  right  of  personal  self- 
defense  from  the  divine  authority  which  ordained  national 
life. 

In  his  individual  relations  man  is  no  more  subject  to  the 
divine  moral  government  than  he  is  in  his  relations  to  civil 
government.  Governments  are  ordained  of  God  because  they 
meet  man's  necessities.  Man  was  created  with  necessities, 
capacities,  and  instincts,  and  these  compelled  and  created  gov 
ernments,  and  the  legitimate  character  of  the  government 
corresponds  with  the  condition  and  character  of  the  governed. 
Absolute  monarchies  continue  to  exist  because  the  state  of 
the  mass  of  the  people  requires  them.  Republican  govern 
ments  exist  because  the  condition  of  the  people  makes  them 
possible.  The  moral  state  of  the  people  is  the  cause,  and  the 
form  of  government  is  the  effect.  Superstition  and  ignorance 
in  the  religion  of  a  people  will  necessitate  stern  monarchies. 
Intelligent  religious  liberty  makes  free  governments  a  neces 
sity.  Hence  the  legitimate  child  of  the  primal  civilization 
created  by  the  characters  who  were  the  pioneers  of  this 
republic  was  self-government,  guaranteeing  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  Because  of  the  high,  heroic,  and  cultured  character 
of  the  people  who  established  self-government  in  our  country, 
they  were  not  compelled  to  pass  through  the  varied  stages  of 
absolute  monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  limited  monarchy  before 
they  attained  to  fitness  for  a  republic.  A  great  patriot  has 
said  :  "  The  republican  form  of  government  is  the  noblest 
and  the  best,  as  it  is  the  latest.  It  is  the  latest  because  it 
demands  the  highest  conditions  for  its  existence.  Self-gov 
ernment  by  the  whole  people  is  the  teleologic  idea.  It  is  to 
be  the  final  government  of  the  world." 

HISTORIC    ORIGIN    OF    THE    REPUBLIC. 

The  federative  American  government  finds  its  progenitor 
in  the  English  commonwealth,  which  had  its  progenitor 


70  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

in  Scandinavian  civilization,  and  botli  were  molded  by 
Christianity. 

Republican  governments  are  not  creations  but  growths. 
"The  force  of  origin  and  association  is  supreme  in  forming 
the  immutable  character  of  civil  communities." 

The  civil  polity  of  the  American  republic  consists  of  the 
laws  which  regulate  the  conduct  of  the  people,  and  which 
protect  their  rights,  and  prescribe  the  obligations  incident  to 
voluntary  human  relations. 

This  polity  is  embodied  in  what  is  known  as  common  law, 
which  had  its  origin  in  the  Saxon  commonwealth  of  England. 
The  Roman  law  is  still  predominant  in  the  sections  of  our 
country  which  were  peopled  and  ruled  by  Latin  races  at  the 
time  they  became  the  property  of  the  United  States. 

Freedom,  equality,  and  liberty,  based  upon  obedience  to  the 
laws  of  God  and  to  the  laws  of  man  based  upon  the  laws  of 
God,  were  the  principles  which  inspired  the  Scandinavians  in 
laying  the  foundations  of  nations. 

This  original  Saxon  civilization  has  conquered  races  and 
peoples  by  molding  their  characters  on  the  plan  of  assertion 
of  individual  rights  based  upon  the  recognition  of  the  equal 
rights  of  others.  It  possessed  certain  fundamental  character 
istics  which  are  among  our  priceless  inheritances.  It  selected 
its  own  leader  from  among  its  numbers.  It  counted  the 
family  a  divine  institution,  in  which  government  as  a  political 
organization  had  its  genesis.  It  held  the  Scriptural  doctrine 
of  common  interests  inseparably  connected  with  common 
needs,  dictating  common  responsibilities.  The  state  was 
called  "The  Common-wealth";  its  system  of  jurisprudence, 
"The  Common-Law";  its  general  tribunal,  "The  Common 
Pleas";  and  long  after,  in  religious  succession,  comes  "  The 
Common  Prayer." 

The  Constitution  of  England  is  unwritten.  The  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  is  a  written  document.  Neither 
proclaim  but  assume  the  existence  of  God.  The  principles 


Am&4can  Institutions. — The  State.  71 

they  embody,  the  maxims  they  teach,  the  administration  of 
government  they  provide  for,  the  common  law  they  recognize, 
the  traditions  and  historic  precedents  from  which  they 
sprang,  all  presuppose  that  the  Christian  religion  is  the 
creative  energy  which  produced  them  and  which  must  be 
depended  upon  to  perpetuate  and  enforce  them. 

The  genius,  the  form,  and  the  design  of  the  government 
under  which  we  live,  m  its  three  departments — legislative, 
judicial,  and  executive — are  essentially  Christian. 

The  freedom  and  liberty  for  all  taught  by  the  Scriptures 
created  the  common  law  of  England.  The  other  features  of 
the  Saxon  constitution  which  Norman  power  with  Roman 
methods  was  never  able  to  undermine  were  trial  by  jury,  the 
village  community,  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  international 
law. 

The  American  Revolution  was  simply  the  assertion  of  the 
rights  of  a  Saxon  civilization  by  a  people  who  had  inherited 
them  and  to  whom  they  had  in  many  features  been  denied  by 
the  very  nation  from  which  their  inheritance  came. 

The  American  republic  is  based  upon  Anglo-Saxon  Chris 
tian  civilization.  The  Venetian  republic  was  an  oligarchy,  and 
the  Athenian  republic  was  an  aristocracy.  The  liberties  of 
the  people  under  those  two  ancient  republican  and  democratic 
forms  of  government  were  neither  larger  nor  more  secure  than 
under  liberal  monarchies.  The  character  of  the  civilization 
of  a  people  determines  their  fitness  for  the  responsibilities  of 
self-government.  Lafayette  understood  this  when,  although 
he  had  rendered  important  service  in  securing  American 
independence,  he  resisted  the  demand  for  a  republican  form 
of  government  for  France,  when  the  Bourbon  dynasty  had 
been  overthrown  and  Charles  X.  and  the  royal  family  had 
been  expelled  from  the  country,  declaring  that  the  people  of 
France  were  not  fitted  by  character  for  self-government. 

The  colonial  Americans,  by  heredity  and  training  and 
experience,  for  a  century  and  a  half  were  free  men  civilly  and 


72  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

religiously,  and  thus  the  assertion  of  national  independence 
was  not  a  sudden  transition,  but  simply  a  natural  step  in 
advance. 

The  first  Europeans  who  formed  a  successful  colony,  ruled 
by  a  local  legislature  and  enjoying  the  right  of  trial  by  jury, 
settled  in  Virginia  in  1607,  under  a  grant  from  James  I.  of 
England. 

A  colony  of  nine  hundred  French  Huguenots  in  1562,  which 
had  established  themselves  at  St.  Augustine,  Fla.,  were 
murdered  and  literally  exterminated  by  a  Roman  Catholic 
expedition  led  by  Menendez,  before  they  had  opportunity  to 
put  their  conceptions  of  Christian  civilization  into  govern 
mental  form. 

Every  community  of  Anglo-Saxon  pioneers  constituted  a 
little  republic  of  self-reliant  men  who  respected  each  others' 
rights.  These  miniature  republics  multiplied,  and  when  the 
cohesive  power  of  common  peril  and  mutual  interest  drew 
them  together,  the  resultant  was  the  greatest  experiment  in 
the  history  of  popular  government. 

While  the  American  Declaration  of  Independence  recog 
nizes  "  that  all  men  are  created  equal,"  and  by  natural  divine 
endowment  possess  moral,  political,  and  social  rights  of 
equality,  capacity  for  the  enjoyment  of  these  rights  must 
determine  possession  in  every  case,  and  in  case  the  individual 
possesses  them  he  must  use  them  with  a  regard  for  the  rights 
of  others ;  otherwise  the  safety  of  the  many  will  require  the 
forcible  restraint  of  the  natural  rights  of  the  few. 

.MATERIAL    RESOURCES    AND    STRENGTH. 

During  the  120  years  of  our  national  life  steam  has  become 
man's  burden-bearer ;  electricity  has  annihilated  distance  and 
made  the  nations  neighbors ;  steel  lias  become  both  the 
vehicle  and  the  highway  for  commerce ;  the  concealed 
reservoirs  of  oil  in  the  earth  have  illuminated  the  houses  of 
the  world.  America  by  her  invention,  by  her  food  supplies, 


American  Institutions. — The  State.  73 

by  her  success  in  self-government,  has  been  the  largest  factor 
in  making  the  world  of  nature  a  new  world  in  human  oppor 
tunity,  comforts,  liberty,  enlightenment,  and  civilization. 

The  financial  condition  of  the  United  States  is  impregnable. 
On  December  1,  1898,  the  total  national  debt  was  only  four 
teen  dollars  per  capita,  and  was  only  one-third  the  amount  it 
was  thirty-two  years  before,  and  the  amount  of  interest  only 
one-fourth  as  great.  The  indebtedness  is  steadily  decreasing, 
while  the  credit  is  constantly  increasing.  The  national  ex 
penses  are  met  from  customs  and  internal  revenue  payments 
without  income  or  direct  taxation. 

This  prosperity  we  believe  is  due  both  to  the  character  of 
our  liberties  and  to  the  protective  industrial  'policy  of  the 
nation. 

It  has  accepted  and  supported  the  principle  that  the 
citizens  of  the  United  States  are  the  proprietors  of  this  land, 
and  that  foreigners  are  not  its  owners,  and  that  they  are  not 
to  be  consulted  as  to  the  methods  we  adopt  for  increasing 
the  dignity  of  American  labor  and  for  promoting  the  pros 
perity  of  all  branches  of  American  industry.  Foreign  nations 
ought  to  be  satisfied  and  grateful  to  us  if  we  furnish  remunera 
tive  employment,  with  all  its  incident  blessings,  to  the  multi 
tudes  of  their  citizens  who  emigrate  from  their  hard  condi 
tions  of  unrequited  toil ;  and  the  toiling  millions  in  foreign 
lands  ought  to  be  grateful  that  our  industrial  policy  has  raised 
the  scale  of  wages  in  their  home  countries. 

These  statements  mean,  of  course,  that  the  policy  has  been, 
and  is,  protection  to  American  industries. 

The  greatest  free-trade  country  in  the  world  attained  its 
industrial  and  commercial  ascendancy  under  a  protective 
tariff. 

The  nations  of  the  earth  have  not  yet  reached  that  ideal 
condition  where  each  nation  ascertains  what  the  other  wants, 
and  then  proceeds  to  do  it  to  its  own  detriment. 

It  is  just  as  vitally  important  for  a  nation  to  defend  itself 


74  Facing  llie  Twentieth  Century. 

against  a  Avar  on  its  industries  as  against  a  war  on  its  terri 
torial  domain  or  on  its  civic  policy. 

Denial  to  the  American  Colonies  of  the  right  to  industrially 
protect  themselves  and  promote  their  own  prosperity  was  one 
of  the  chief  causes  of  the  Revolution  which  gave  birth  to  the 
republic. 

Protection  was  the  first  subject  that  the  first  Congress  dis 
cussed.  The  framers  of  our  Constitution,  and  the  men  who 
brought  the  republic  of  law  and  liberty  out  of  the  Revolution 
against  class  and  oppression,  with  unanimity  sustained  the 
first  protective  tariff,  which  extended  through  the  administra 
tions  of  AVashiugton,  Adams,  Jefferson,  Madison,  and  Monroe, 
and  Avas  repeatedly  approved  by  these  Presidents  in  both 
speech  and  message. 

While  the  commercial  policy  of  the  United  States,  under 
which  it  has  developed  its  unprecedented  growth  and 
strength  has  been  a  protective  policy,  its  agricultural  resources 
have  put  the  Old  World  under  its  peaceful  sway,  because  its 
granaries  are  indispensable  to  their  comfort. 


OF    THE    NEW    POSSESSIONS. 
AREA. 


Land,     .......... 
Water,            

Total,      

Square  miles 
2,970,000 
55,000 

3,025,600 

POPULATION. 

Official—  Census  of  1800,         
Official  —  Estimated  189V,       
Estimate  of  experts,  1899,      

.     62,022,250 
.      72,807,000 
.     77,000,000 

WEALTH. 

The  aggregate  true  valuation  or  fair  selling  price  of 
all  real  and  personal  property  in  the  United  States 
in  the  census  year,  1*90,  was  carefully  estimated 
to  be,  .  $65,037,000,000 


American  Institutions. — The  State.  75 

This  is  an  estimated  increase  of  49  percent,  for  the  ten 
years  from  1880.  The  same  ratio  of  increase  will 
make  the  valuation  in  1900  nearly,  .  .  .  $100,000,000,000 

DEBT. 

The  net  indebtedness  of  the  United  States  on  July  1, 

1897,  was, 992,022,900.03 

On  November  1,  1898,  it  was, 1,031,587,733.59 

Annual  interest  charge, 34,387,315.20 

Debt  per  capita  of  population, 13.63 

REVENUE    AND    EXPENDITURE. 

Aggregate  receipts  for  the  year  ending  July  1,   1898,  405,321,335 

Aggregate  expenditures  for  the  year  ending  July  1, 

1898  (largely  increased  by  the  war  with  Spain),      .  443,388,583 

EXPORTS    AND    IMPORTS. 

Value  of  domestic  merchandise  exported  during  the 

year  ending  June  30,  1898,  ....  1,210,291,913 

Value  of  specie  exported, 70,511,630 

Value  of  merchandise  imported  during  the  year  ending 

June  30,  1898,  .  ....  616,049,654 

Value  of  specie  imported, 150.319,455 

BANKS. 

The  aggregate  capital  of  the  National  Banks  of  the 

United  States  on  September  1, 1898,  was,     .         .  629,151,295 

SAVINGS    BANKS. 

On  July  1,  1897,  the  number  of  depositors  in  Savings 

Banks  in  the  United  States  was,            .         .         .  5,400,000 

The  aggregate  amount  of  deposits  was,        .         .         .  2,100,000,000 

The  average  amount  to  each  depositor  was  about,       .  400 

CLEARING-HOUSE    TRANSACTIONS. 

For  the  year  ending  September  30,  1898,  the  Clearing- 

House  transactions  in  the  various  cities  in  the 

United  States  amounted  to,          ....         65,924,820,769 
The  amount  of  transactions  in  New  York  City  alone 

was,  39,853,413,948 


^  6  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

PATENTS. 

In  the  sixty  yews  ending  with  1897,  over  1,000,000 
applications  for  patents  were  filed  in  the  United 
States  Patent  Office,  and  for  the  single  year  1897 
the  number  of  applications  was  about,  .  .  50,000 

RAILROADS. 

There  are  in  the  United  States  over  180,000  miles  of 
surface  steam  railroads,  carrying  annually  more 
than  500,000,000  passengers  and  nearly  800,000,- 
000  tons  of  freight.  The  amount  of  capital  in 
vested  is  about,  .  ....  $11,000,000,000 

TELEGRAPHS. 

There  are  about  210,000  miles  of  telegraph  lines 
(nearly  900,000  miles  of  wires),  exclusive  of  gov 
ernment,  private,  and  telephonic.  The  total  re 
ceipts  from  messages  in  1897  was,  ...  24  000,000 

TELEPHONES. 

The  number  of  miles  of  telephone  wires  in  operation 

in  the  United  States  is  about,        ....  550,000 

The  net  earnings  in  1896  were  about,            .          .          .  13,500,000 

And  the  invested  capital  nearly,            ....  24,000  000 

MANUFACTURES. 

The  number  of  manufacturing  establishments  in  the 
United  States  is  about  .'150,000,  and  the  total  value 
of  the  annual  products  of  these  establishments  is 
over>  '  .  .  9,500,000,000 

MINERALS. 

The    value    of    the    mineral   products  of  the  United 

States  in  1897  was,  .  .  742,000,000 

CEREALS. 

The  aggregate  annual  production  of  corn,  wheat,  rye, 

oats,  barley,  and  buckwheat  in  the  United  States 

is  over  ,V>00,ooo,no()  bushels,  and  its   value  over,  1,000,000,000 

The  wheat,  crop  of  the  United  States  in  1S98  was  over 

one-fourth  of  the  total  crop  of  the  world. 


American  Institutions. — Th#  State.  77 

As  we  have  seen,  our  republican  form  of  government  guar 
antees  civil  and  religious  liberty,  protects  persons  and  prop 
erty,  provides  for  the  administration  of  justice,  and  develops 
society  in  civilization.  The  magnificent  extent  of  our  terri 
torial  domain  furnishes  an  outlet  for  our  multiform  energies, 
without  exhausting  our  vast  resources,  while  our  unbounded 
national  prosperity  is  a  wonder  to  ourselves  and  to  the  world, 
and  thus  far  in  our  history  has  only  met  with  occasional  local 
interruption. 

Our  form  of  government  was  in  its  early  history  the  prod 
uct  of  the  experience  and  needs  of  our  ancestors  who  had 
voluntarily  exiled  themselves  from  their  native  lands,  and  was 
based  upon  the  theory  of  the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number.  It  is  a  federal  and  representative  government.  It 
possesses  elements  of  permanency  just  to  the  extent  that  the 
character  and  purposes  of  the  people  continue  to  recognize 
the  fundamental  principles  upon  which  the  civic  structure 
rests,  and  prove  their  capacity  to  assimilate  the  incoming 
multitudes  from  other  lands  and  other  civilizations  who,  like 
our  ancestors,  are  seeking  our  larger  liberties  and  broader 
opportunities,  but  who,  differing  in  experience  from  our 
ancestors,  find  a  new  world  conquered  and  ready  for  their 
habitation,  and  prompt  in  making  returns  to  thrift  and 
industry. 


78  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS.— THE   CHURCH. 

THE    RELATIONS    OF    CIVIL    AND    RELIGIOUS    LIBERTY. 

RELIGIOUS  liberty  is  the  most  convincing  test  of  free  insti 
tutions  and  of  the  genuine  character  of  civil  liberty. 

Civil  liberty  has  never  materially  advanced  and  never  has 
become  satisfactorily  secure  except  as  it  has  been  preceded  by 
the  recognition  of  man's  right  to  religious  liberty. 

All  genuine  religion  is  voluntary,  and  therefore  cannot 
exist  without  liberty. 

Both  civil  and  religious  liberty  are  instinctive  in  this 
republic. 

Religious  liberty,  as  we  understand  and  enjoy  it,  is  impossi 
ble  where  there  is  a  union  of  church  and  state. 

A  state  properly  organized  represents  individual  man,  rep 
resents  every  man  as  he  should  be  in  his  normal  relations. 
A  state  "  is  an  enacted  and  operative  morality." 

Religious  liberty  is  not  made  for  man  by  the  state,  but  he 
makes  it  for  himself  in  and  by  the  state. 

In  all  ages  the  power  that  founds  states  is  religion.  The 
basis  of  all  states  is  the  sanctity  of  the  truth. 

Since  the  state  is  created  by  the  moral  and  religious  sense 
of  its  people,  it  therefore  cannot  create  its  creator,  and 
hence  religious  liberty  is  always  a  right  and  never  can  be  a 
privilege. 

That  a  state  or  nation  should  be  guided  by  the  same  gen 
eral  principles  of  moral  conduct  by  which  an  individual  is,  or 
ought  to  be,  guided  in  his  private  conduct,  is  a  truth  which 
seems  involved  in  the  very  conception  of  national  being.  In 
the  civilized  world  of  modern  Europe  and  America  we  take 
theological  and  political  differences  for  granted  ;  but  we 
assume  a  common  morality.  But  how  shall  the  state  be  said 
to  possess  any  moral  code  except  as  the  consensus  of  belief 
among  the  people  determines  it  ? 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  79 

For  what  does  the  state  exist  ?  The  very  idea  and  origin 
of  our  government  is  to  afford  opportunity  for  the  develop 
ment  and  protection  of  man  as  a  moral  and  social  being.  Its 
existence  is  impossible,  as  well  as  uncalled  for  and  criminal, 
unless  it  answer  these  ends.  We  seek  and  secure  the  divorce 
of  the  state  and  formulated  religion  ;  but  when  the  Christian 
religion  and  the  morality  it  teaches  are  taken  out  of  our  civil 
government,  nothing  remains  worth  preserving.  The  state, 
however,  as  a  symbol  and  embodiment  of  morality,  is  a  neces 
sity  of  man's  moral  nature.  The  state,  under  our  form  of 
government,  has  to  recognize  Christian  morality  as  the  basis 
of  its  own  existence. 

And  therefore,  while  it  exists  for  secular  and  civil  pur 
poses,  it  finds  itself  substantially  the  creature  of  Christianity ; 
and  whenever  it  has  found  itself  engaged  in  a  struggle  for  its 
defense  or  existence,  it  has  never  issued  from  the  struggle 
until  it  has  adopted  for  its  war-cry  some  principle  that  has  had 
its  birth  in  Christian  morality. 

SPHERE   AND    FUNCTION   OF   CHURCH    AND    STATE. 

The  church  and  the  state  are  both  divine  institutions,  but 
they  have  separate  spheres  and  functions. 

Both  meet  on  questions  of  public  morals,  and  both  together 
constitute  civilized  human  society  and  insure  its  prosperity. 

Dr.  Strong  says  :  "  Precisely  what  is  meant  by  the  separa 
tion  of  church  and  state  is  not  commonly,  or  indeed  often, 
understood.  There  does  not  seem  to  have  been  made  a  clear 
distinction  between  function  and  sphere,  for  lack  of  which 
there  has  been  much  confusion,  and  most  people  have  gained 
a  radically  wrong  idea  of  the  sphere  of  the  Church.  Sphere 
is  the  extent  or  field  of  activity,  while  function  is  the  kind  or 
nature  of  that  activity.  The  sphere  of  an  organ  is  where  it 
operates,  its  function  is  what  it  does. 

"  As   society  becomes  more  highly  organized    it  becomes 


80  Facing  the  Twentieth  Center  if. 

more  important  to  keep  the  function  of  church  and  state  sep 
arate  ;  but  it  is  as  great  a  mistake  to  limit  the  sphere  of  the 
Church  as  it  is  not  to  limit  its  functions.  The  sphere  of  the 
Church  includes  that  of  the  state  and  much  more.  It  is  as 
broad  as  the  sphere  of  conscience,  which  is  as  far-reaching  as 
all  human  activity. 

"  Of  course,  the  Church  has  and  ought  to  have  authority  in 
the  administration  of  her  internal  affairs,  but  she  should  have 
no  authority  whatever  over  the  public  or  over  any  individual 
outside  her  own  institutions.  Beyond  her  own  walls  let  the 
Church  have  unbounded  influence,  but  not  one  iota  of 
authority." 

LIMITATIONS    OF    CIVIL    AND    RELIGIOUS    LIBERTY. 

The  law  of  a  freeman  is  a  general  rule  of  action,  having  grown 
out  of  the  custom  of  the  people,  or  having  been  laid  down  by 
the  authority  empowered  by  the  people  to  do  so,  and  it  must  be 
a  rule  which  does  not  violate  a  superior  law  or  civil  principle. 

Religious  liberty  must  have  civil  limitations,  as  the  law  of 
self-preservation  is  as  vital  to  the  state  as  to  the  individual. 
Individual  and  public  morality,  safety,  peace,  and  welfare 
must  be  protected  against  a  religion  that  would  injure  them. 

Chief  Justice  Waite  in  rendering  the  decision  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court,  in  the  only  case  in  which  this  govern 
ment  has  undertaken  to  define  the  limits  of  religious  liberty, 
where  Congress  prohibited  polygamy  in  the  Territory  of 
Utah,  said  :  "Laws  are  made  for  the  government  of  actions, 
and  while  they  cannot  interfere  with  mere  religious  belief  and 
opinions,  they  may  with  practices.  As  a  law  of  the  organiza 
tion  of  society  under  the  exclusive  dominion  of  the  United 
States,  it  is  provided  that  plural  marriages  shall  not  be  allowed. 
Can  a  man  exercise  his  practices  to  the  contrary  because  of 
his  religious  belief?  To  permit  this  would  be  to  make  the 
professed  doctrines  of  religious  belief  superior  to  the  law  of 
the  land,  and  in  ril'ect  to  permit  every  citizen  to  become  a 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  81 

law  unto  himself.     Government  could  exist  only  in  name 
under  such  circumstances." 

Public  opinion,  which  is  the  creator  and  interpreter  of  laws 
in  a  free  country,  must  here  determine  the  limitations  of  reli 
gious  liberty. 

SEPARATION    OF    CHURCH   AND    STATE. 

Historically  speaking,  three  theories  have  prevailed  in 
practice  concerning  the  relations  of  church  and  state.  First, 
church  supremacy  over  civil  government.  Second,  state 
supremacy  over  the  Church.  Third,  church  and  state  recipro 
cally  independent. 

Separation  of  church  and  state  is  both  essentially  republi 
can  and  Christian.  The  author  of  Christianity  distinctly 
announced  for  the  ages  this  principle  when  he  said :  "  Render, 
therefore,  unto  Caesar,  the  things  which  be  Caesar's,  and  unto 
God  the  things  which  be  God's." 

Church  and  state  coexist  in  our  land,  but  they  are  not 
wedded.  They  have  their  individual  work  to  perform.  The 
secular  interests  are  guarded  and  promoted  by  the  state ;  the 
moral  and  religious  interests  by  the  Church.  And  yet  so 
closely  are  they  related  to  each  other  that  the  state  depends 
for  its  existence  upon  the  character  given  its  citizenship  by 
the  Church,  and  the  Church,  in  turn,  receives  protection  from 
the  state  for  its  property  and  from  interference  with  its  wor 
ship  and  instruction.  Our  experiment  has  proved  that 
religious  liberty  is  the  best  friend  of  genuine  Christianity, 
and  that  it  is  also  the  best  foundation  for  a  "  government  of 
the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people." 

The  union  of  church  and  state  is  a  different  question  from 
the  union  of  religion  and  the  state.  Union  in  both  of  these 
cases  is  possible,  but  separation  of  religion  from  the  state 
is  impossible. 

Dr.  Schaff  says  :  "  Whatever  may  be  the  merits  of  the  theory 
of  the  American  system,  it  has  worked  well  in  practice.  It  has 


82  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

stood  the  test  of  experience.  It  lias  the  advantages  of  the  union 
of  church  and  state  without  its  disadvantages.  It  secures  all 
the  rights  of  the  Church  without  the  sacrifice  of  liberty  and 
independence,  which  are  worth  more  than  endowments." 

Freedom  in  civil  affairs,  freedom  of  thought,  and  freedom 
of  speech  are  valued  possessions,  but  religious  freedom  is  more 
sacred  than  all  these,  because  it  is  first  in  the  estimation  of 
humanity,  and  because  it  is  the  chief  protection  and  guaran 
tee  of  all  other  freedom. 

The  present  practical  relation  between  church  and  state  in 
this  country  is  not  thoroughly  satisfactory  because  in  im 
portant  particulars  the  separation  is  not  absolute. 

The  God  of  our  fathers,  as  we  have  seen,  postponed  the 
peopling  of  this  land  until  the  Scriptures  had  been  disentombed 
in  the  Old  World  and  they  had  created  a  race  of  men  with 
the  heroism  of  liberated  consciences,  and  with  the  right  char 
acter  to  found  a  republic.  Refugees  from  civil  and  religious 
persecution  in  lands  where  church  and  state  were  united 
founded  this  government,  where  civil  liberty  and  religious 
liberty  are  enjoyed  and  perpetuated  in  just  so  far  as  the  con 
ceded  American  principle  of  the  separation  of  church  and 
state  is  scrupulously  maintained. 

This  principle  has  not  been  definitely  and  adequately 
expressed  in  the  constitutions  of  many  of  the  States  com 
prising  the  Union. 

A  majority  of  the  forty-five  State  constitutions  contain  pro 
vision  against  the  violation  of  religious  liberty  and  expressly 
prohibit  sectarian  appropriations;  but  it  is  believed  that  only 
a  national  provision  can  set  these  questions  at  rest. 

DANGERS    FROM    THE    UNION    OF    CHURCH    AND    STATE. 

The  relation  of  church  and  state  has  been  the  vexed  prob 
lem  of  the  civilization  of  the  centuries.  The  unholy  alliance 
between  church  and  state  has  been  the  principal  disturber  of 
the  peace  of  nations.  Any  courtship  or  wedded  relation  lias 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  83 

eventually  proved  the  curse  of  both.  Whenever  the  Chris 
tian  Church  has  sought  the  favor  of  rulers  or  governments,  it 
has  become  a  subject  and  not  a  sovereign.  Whenever  rulers 
or  governments  have  sought  the  favor  of  the  Church,  they  have 
become  the  abject  slaves  of  ecclesiasticism,  the  worst  bondage 
ever  known  to  man. 

History  shows  that  where  religious  sects  have  been  allowed 
to  take  public  lands  or  public  money  they  have  become  gorged 
with  wealth  and  have  forced  a  union  of  church  and  state.  It 
also  shows  that  wherever  religion  has  been  wedded  to  the 
state,  individual  conscience  has  been  debauched  and  a  gigan 
tic,  tyrannical  political  machine  has  been  instituted. 

The  first  peril  which  our  fathers  thought  menaced  the 
republic  was  this  very  question.  Hence  the  First  Amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  declares 
that : 

"  Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof." 

This  amendment  is  protective  as  well  as  prohibitive,  and 
was  born  of  respect  for  and  not  of  contempt  for  religion  and 
its  free  exercise. 

The  chief  effort  in  this  country  to  establish  and  intrench 
a  body  ecclesiastic  or  bodies  ecclesiastic  is  through  access  to 
public  treasuries.  The  union  of  church  and  state  has  uniformly 
found  its  strongest  bond  in  the  partnership  in  the  educational 
interests  of  the  people.  The  introduction  of  sectarian  inter 
ests  in  the  matter  of  public  support  of  schools  and  charities  is 
a  constant  element  of  danger.  Taxation  for  the  support  of 
sectarian  schools  is  always  a  peril  for  both  the  church  and  the 
state.  In  educational,  penal,  reformatory,  and  benevolent  work 
there  exists  now  in  this  nation  and  in  many  of  the  States  a  dan 
gerous  financial  bond  of  union.  The  legislative  exemption  of 
church  property  from  taxation  is  a  vital,  dangerous,  and  ini 
quitous  form  of  union  of  church  and  state. 

Macaulay    said :     "  The    whole   history   of    the    Christian 


84  Facing  fti?  Twentieth  Century. 

religion  shows  that  she  is  in  far  greater  danger  of  being  cor 
rupted  by  the  alliance  of  power  than  of  being  crushed  by  its 
opposition." 

Dr.  Orestes  A.  Brownson  said  :  "  It  may  be  safely  asserted 
that,  except  in  the  United  States,  the  Church  is  either  held  by 
the  civil  power  in  subjection,  or  treated  as  an  enemy.  The  rela 
tion  is  not  that  of  union  and  harmony,  but  that  of  antagonism, 
to  the  sjrave  detriment  of  both  religion  and  civilization." 

o  o 

The  consensus  of  intelligent  opinion  in  this  country  now 
favors  religious  liberty  so  far  as  separation  of  church  and 
state  is  concerned. 

Grant  said :  "  Leave  the  matter  of  religion  to  the  family 
altar,  the  Church,  and  the  private  school,  supported  entirely 
by  private  contributions.  Keep  the  state  and  church  forever 
separate." 

Garfield  said  :  "  The  separation  of  the  church  and  state  on 
everything  relating  to  taxation  should  be  absolute." 

James  Madison  said  :  "  Religion  flourishes  in  greater  purity 
without  than  with  the  aid  of  government." 

HISTORIC    STATEMENT    OF    THE    ORIGIN    OF    RELIGIOUS    LIBERTY 

IN    AMERICA. 

For  the  first  three  centuries  of  Christianity  there  was  no 
approach  toward  union  of  church  and  state.  Christians 
obeyed  the  civil  laws  so  far  as  the  higher  law  of  conscience 
would  permit,  and  faced  death  rather  than  disobey  its  admoni 
tions  or  retract  their  demand  for  religious  liberty  as  a  right. 

While  inheriting  many  benefits  from  the  Old  World,  the 
American  theory  of  the  normal  relationship  of  church  and 
state  differs  both  from  all  European  experience  and  from  our 
own  colonial  history. 

The  system  of  toleration  exists  in  Germany,  in  England,  and 
generally  in  Europe,  and  even  to  a  degree  in  Roman  Catholic 
countries,  where  the  government  supports  an  established 
church  or  churches  and  permits,  under  conditions,  other 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  85 

religious  organizations  to  exist.  Religious  liberty  in  America 
has  not  been  inherited  from  either  the  legislation  or  the  ex 
ample  found  in  the  history  of  the  mother  country. 

The  establishment  in  England  of  the  equality  of  all  reli 
gious  denominations  before  the  law  (excepting  the  Established 
Church,  which  has  special  privileges)  is  of  recent  date.  In 
1689  a  partial  Act  of  Toleration  wTas  enacted.  It  was  ex 
tended  to  Unitarians  in  1813  ;  to  Roman  Catholics  in  1829  ;  to 
Jews  in  1858.  The  universities  of  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
were  not  open  to  students  of  all  religious  denominations  until 
1871. 

Religious  liberty  was  proclaimed  in  the  United  States  nearly 
a  hundred  years  before  this  last  restriction  concerning  the 
English  universities  was  removed. 

When  the  thirteen  American  Colonies  adopted  State  consti 
tutions  Virginia  and  New  York  alone  guaranteed  religious 
liberty.  The  other  States  made  religious  discriminations  by 
religious  tests  for  their  officials. 

c5 

Virginia  chiefly  was  indebted  for  its  religious  liberty  to 
French  political  and  philosophical  free-thinking  ideas  through 
Thomas  Jefferson.  New  York's  constitutional  provisions, 
which  have  furnished  the  chief  foundation  for  American 
religious  liberty,  were  generated  by  freedom  of  thought,  but 
not  by  free-thinkers.  New  York's  "  Dutch  ancestors  taught 
and  practiced  religious  toleration ;  they  expanded  toleration 
into  liberty,  and  in  this  form  transmitted  to  posterity  the 
heritage  which  Holland  had  sent  across  the  sea  a  century  and 
a  half  before." 

Enforced  conformity  to  the  state  religion  and  the  suppres 
sion  of  individual  religious  opinions  not  in  accord  with  the 
teachings  of  the  Established  Church  were,  up  to  the  sixteenth 
century,  accounted  among  the  Christian  nations  of  Europe  as 
both  the  province  and  the  duty  of  civil  government.  The 
Church  of  Rome  claimed  the  right  to  demand  that  the  civil 
power  should  enforce  its  edicts  to  produce  conformity  in 


86  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

matters  of  religion,  and  rulers  generally  acceded  to  the 
demand. 

The  Reformation  involved  no  denial  of  the  principle  of  the 
state's  coercive  right,  and  while  its  claim  of  the  right  of  pri 
vate  judgment  and  individual  responsibility  to  God  eventually 
led  to  religious  toleration,  it  was  no  more  distinctly  recognized 
by  the  Reformers  than  by  the  Roman  hierarchy. 

The  origin  of  the  Reformation  in  England  was  more  politi 
cal  than  religious.  The  idea  of  religious  toleration  had  as 
little  place  in  the  mind  of  Henry  and  Elizabeth  as  in  the  mind 
of  Mary,  and  toleration  was  not  the  inspiration  of  the  Puritan 
controversies  in  England. 

The  settlers  of  Plymouth  and  of  the  colony  of  Massachu 
setts  Bay  had  no  practical  conception  of  either  the  separation 
of  church  and  state  or  of  religious  liberty.  Winthrop  in 
1G30,  on  his  way  to  America,  wrote  on  shipboard  that  he  and 
his  companions  came  "  to  seek  out  a  place  of  cohabitation  and 
cousortship  under  a  due  form  of  government,  both  civil  and 
ecclesiastical." 

They  established  a  civil  government  intolerant  of  religious 
liberty,  where  freedom  of  conscience,  of  opinion,  and  of  wor 
ship  was  not  permitted;  but  paradoxical  as  it  may  appear, 
they  established  a  form  of  church  government  which  became 
a  powerful  agency  in  bringing  religious  toleration. 

Ilallam  said  that  "  the  Congregational  scheme  leads  to  tol- 

O         O 

eration,  as  the  National  Church  scheme  is  adverse  to  it." 
Roger  Williams  was  arraigned   and  banished  in  1635  for 

O  O 

holding  "  that  the  magistrate  ought  not  to  punish  breaches  of 
the  first  table  or  to  enforce  religious  opinions  or  observances 
by  law." 

While  the  early  settlers  in  this  country  from  Europe  came 
seeking  freedom  for  themselves,  they  too  often  monopolized  it 
and  denied  it  to  others.  The  Congregational,  the  Church  of 
England,  and  the  Quaker  churches  were  all  intolerant.  The 
opposition  to  the  abolition  of  religious  tests  was  strongest  in 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  87 

Massachusetts,  where  Congregationalism  was  the  Established 
Church. 

One  of  the  remote  causes  of  the  American  Revolution  was 
the  intolerance  and  injustice  practiced  by  state  churchmen 
toward  dissenters.  Several  of  the  American  colonies,  follow 
ing  the  example  of  England,  established  churches  supported  by 
the  state. 

England  gave  Magna  Charta,  and  America  gave  the  liberty 
of  religion  and  its  free  exercise,  to  Christian  civilization. 

"  The  United  States  furnishes  the  first  example  in  history 
of  a  government  deliberately  depriving  itself  of  all  legislative 
control  over  religion,  which  was  justly  regarded  by  all  older 
governments  as  the  chief  support  of  public  morality,  order, 
peace,  and  prosperity.  But  it  was  an  act  of  wisdom  and 
justice  rather  than  self-denial."  "  The  Constitution  did  not 
create  a  nation,  nor  its  religion  and  institutions.  It  found 
them  already  existing,  and  was  framed  for  the  purpose  of  pro 
tecting  them  under  a  republican  form  of  government." 

As  a  state,  France's  contribution  to  religious  liberty  has 
been  characteristically  vacillating.  England  has  made  many 
heroic  and  successful  efforts  in  the  direction  of  religious  lib 
erty,  but  never  has  attained  complete  emancipation  either  for 
herself  or  her  colonial  dependencies. 

Religious  liberty,  insisted  upon  by  William  of  Orange,  was 
the  corner-stone  of  the  Dutch  Republic. 

The  religious  toleration  of  Holland  was  the  one  element 
that  contributed  to  its  vast  increase  of  both  population  and 
wealth. 

Judge  Story  said  that  the  charter  which  Charles  II.  granted 
to  Rhode  Island  in  response  to  the  appeal  of  Roger  Williams 
was  "  the  first  royal  proclamation  of  religious  liberty  for  man 
as  man  that  the  world  had  heard  since  Christianity  had 
ascended  the  throne  of  the  Caesars." 

Religious  tests  were  abolished  by  Article  VI.  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  adopted  in  1787,  which  declares 


88  Fanny  the  Twentieth  Century. 

that   all    executive,   legislative,   and    judicial    officers    of   the 
United  States  and    of    the    several  States  "shall  be  bound, 
by  oath  or  affirmation,  to  support  this   constitution  ;  but  no 
religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any' 
office  or  public  trust  under  the  United  States." 

This  is  negative  but  partially  prohibitory,  and  secures  the 
state  from  ecclesiastical  domination. 

The  First  Amendment,  adopted  in  1791,  prohibits  Congress 
from  making  any  law  u  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion 
or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof." 

Jefferson,  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
but  who  did  not  aid  in  framing  the  Constitution,  wrote,  in 
reference  to  the  First  Amendment :  "  I  contemplate  with  sov 
ereign  reverence  the  act  of  the  whole  American  people  which 
declares  that  their  legislature  should  '  make  no  law  respecting 
an  establishment  of  religion  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise 
thereof,'  thus  building  a  wall  of  separation  between  church 
and  state." 

The  exclusion  of  atheists  from  office  in  New  Jersey,  Mary 
land,  Pennsylvania,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Ten 
nessee,  and  the  exclusion  of  clergymen  in  Delaware,  Maryland, 
and  Tennessee,  constitute  the  only  religious  disabilities  now 
existing  in  any  of  the  United  States. 

The  Baptists  were  the  first  body  of  English  Christians  that 
formulated  and  enforced  the  doctrine  of  religions  liberty,  and 
a  British  writer  says  of  the  declaration  of  this  body  in  1611  : 
"  It  is  believed  that  this  is  the  first  expression  of  the  absolute 
principle  of  liberty  of  conscience  in  the  public  articles  of  any 
body  of  Christians." 

Bancroft  says  of  Roger  Williams  that  "  he  was  the  first 
person  in  modern  Christendom  to  assert  in  its  plenitude  the 
doctrine  of  the  liberty  of  conscience,  the  equality  of  opinions 
before  the  law,  and  in  its  defense  he  was  the  harbinger  of 
Milton,  the  precursor  and  superior  of  Jeremy  Taylor." 

The  principle  of  religious  liberty  practically  applied,  most 


American  Institutions  — The  Church.  89 

largely  for  English-speaking  peoples  and  notably  for  the 
American  people,  had  its  birth  in  Holland. 

While  Cromwell  ruled  in  England  there  was  for  the  first 
time  in  English  history  an  approach  to  religious  liberty,  but 
this  was  exclusive  and  limited. 

The  constitutions  of  all  the  forty-five  States  contain  spe 
cific  provisions  for  the  free  exercise  of  religious  belief  and 
worship. 

The  constitutions  of  thirty-one  States  provide  specifically 
against  the  compulsory  support  of  any  church. 

The  constitutions  of  thirty  States  provide  specifically 
against  the  creation  of  an  established  church. 

The  constitutions  of  twenty-eight  States  declare  that  no 
religious  test  shall  be  required  as  a  qualification  for  office. 

The  constitutions  of  twenty-two  States  contain  specific  pro 
visions  against  sectarian  appropriations  to  religious  institu 
tions,  churches,  and  schools. 

Professor  Bryce  says  :  "  Religious  freedom  has  been  gener 
ally  thought  of  in  America  in  the  form  of  freedom  and 
equality  as  between  different  sorts  of  Christians,  or  at  any 
rate  different  sorts  of  theists;  persons  opposed  to  religion 
altogether  have  till  recently  been  extremely  few  everywhere 
and  practically  unknown  in  the  South.  The  neutrality  of  the 
state  cannot  therefore  be  said  to  be  theoretically  complete. 

"  The  passion  for  equality  in  religious  as  well  as  in  secular 
matters  is  everywhere  in  America  far  too  strong  to  be  braved, 
and  nothing  excites  more  general  disapprobation  than  any 
attempt  by  an  ecclesiastical  organization  to  interfere  in 
politics. 

"  Christianity  is  in  fact  understood  to  be,  though  not  the 
legally  established  religion,  yet  the  national  religion.  So  far 
from  thinking  their  commonwealth  godless,  the  Americans  con 
ceive  that  the  religious  character  of  a  government  consists  in 
nothing  but  the  religious  belief  of  the  individual  citizens  and 
the  conformity  of  their  conduct  to  that  belief.  They  deem 


90  Faclncj  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the  general  acceptance  of  Christianity  to  be  one  of  the  main 
sources  of  their  national  prosperity,  and  their  nation  a  special 
object  of  the  divine  favor.  The  legal  position  of  a  Christian 
church  is  in  the  United  States  simply  that  of  a  voluntary 
association,  or  group  of  associations,  corporate  or  unincor- 
porate,  under  the  ordinary  law." 

In  tli is  country  all  churches  and  denominations  have  legal 
equality  ;  "The  Church"  is  a  meaningless  phrase  in  America. 

Religious  toleration  marks  the  progress  of  the  world  toward 
religious  liberty,  but  it  is  not  religions  liberty. 

Toleration  which  may  be  withdrawn  means  disapproval 
primarily,  and  then  grudging  concession. 

Lord  Stanhope  in  1827  said:  "The  time  wras  when  tolera 
tion  was  craved  by  dissenters  as  a  boon ;  it  is  now  demanded 
as  a  right ;  but  a  time  will  come  when  it  will  be  spurned  as 
an  insult." 

Judge  Cooley  says :  "  It  is  not  toleration  which  is  estab 
lished  in  our  system,  but  religious  liberty." 

\Ve  take  for  granted  that  freedom  of  conscience  is  the  gift 
of  God,  and  this  logically  requires  freedom  in  its  exercise. 

AMERICA'S  CONTRIBUTION  TO  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY. 

Without  attempting  the  expression  of  personal  opinion  on 
America's  contribution  to  religious  liberty,  we  simply  sum 
mon  a  few  competent  witnesses. 

Lieber  said  :  "  Conscience  lies  beyond  the  reach  of  govern 
ment.  The  liberty  of  worship  is  one  of  the  primordial  rights 
of  man,  and  no  system  of  liberty  can  be  considered  compre 
hensive  which  does  not  include  guarantees  for  the  free  exer 
cise  of  this  right.  It  belongs  to  American  liberty  to  separate 
entirely  the  institution  which  lias  for  its  object  the  support 
and  diffusion  of  religion  from  the  political  government." 

David  Dudley  Field,  in  1S(.W,  in  a  paper  on  "American 
Progress  in  Jurisprudence,"  said  :  "If  we  had  nothing  else  to 


American  Institutions. — The  Church.  91 

boast  of,  we  could  claim  with  justice  that,  first  among  the 
nations,  we  of  this  country  made  it  an  article  of  organic 
law  that  the  relations  between  man  and  his  Maker  were  a 
private  concern  into  which  other  men  had  no  right  to 
intrude." 

Ex-Chief  Judge  Andrews  of  the  Court  of  Appeals  of  New 
York  State  wrote :  "  The  American  States,  for  the  first  time 
in  the  history  of  governments,  have  made  it  a  part  of  their 
fundamental  law  that  the  civil  power  shall  neither  estab 
lish  nor  maintain  any  form  of  religion,  and  that  religious 
belief  shall  not  be  subject  to  the  coercive  power  of  the  state. 
This  is  a  contribution  by  America  to  the  science  of  govern 
ment." 

Dr.  Schaff  said  :  "  This  relationship  of  church  and  state 
marks  an  epoch.  It  is  a  new  chapter  in  the  history  of  Chris 
tianity,  and  the  most  important  one  which  America  has  so  far 
contributed." 

The  founder  of  the  American  republic  in  his  farewell 
address  showed  that  he  was  both  animated  with  hope  for  the 
new  nation  and  solicitous  for  its  future  when  he  coupled 
national  prosperity  with  the  Christian  religion  and  Christian 
morality. 

Daniel  Webster  deemed  the  advance  of  rationality  so  great 
in  this  nation  that  only  the  Christian  religion  could  be 
regarded  as  meeting  its  demands. 

In  respect  to  morals  and  religion  it  is  impossible  for  the 
state  to  be  either  neutral  or  indifferent.  If  the  prevailing 
religious  sentiment  and  profession  of  the  people  are  Christian, 
that  nation  is  Christian.  On  this  ground  we  assert  that  the 
American  nation  is  a  Christian  nation.  While  the  Christian 
spirit  of  justice  and  humanity  pervades  it,  and  while  its 
framers  were  believers  in  God  and  in  future  rewards  and 
punishments,  the  name  of  God  does  not  appear  in  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States.  An  overruling  Providence  in 
the  affairs  of  nations  is  recognized  in  the  Declaration  of 


92  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Independence,  in  most  of  the  State  constitutions,  and  in  the 
colonial  charters.  The  Declaration  appeals  to  the  "  Supreme 
Judge  of  the  world/'  and  speaks  of  "  reliance  on  the  pro 
tection  of  divine  Providence." 

Gold  win  Smith  says:  "Not  democracy  in  America,  Init 
free  Christianity  in  America,  is  the  real  key  to  the  study  of 
the  people  and  their  institutions." 

George  Bancroft  said:  "Vindicating  the  right  of  individu 
ality  even  in  religion,  and  in  religion  above  all,  the  new 
nation  dares  to  set  the  example  of  accepting  in  its  relations  to 
God  the  principle  first  divinely  ordained  in  Judea.  It  left 
the  management  of  temporal  things  to  the  temporal  power; 
but  the  American  constitution,  in  harmony  with  the  people 
of  the  several  states,  withheld  from  the  federal  government 
the  power  to  invade  the  home  of  reason,  the  citadel  of  con 
science,  the  sanctuary  of  the  soul;  and  not  from  indifference, 
but  that  the  infinite  spirit  of  eternal  truth  might  move  in 
its  freedom  and  purity  and  power." 

While  by  the  decisions  of  the  supreme  courts  of  New  York 
and  Pennsylvania  Christianity  is  declared  to  be  a  part  of  the 
common  law  of  these  commonwealths,  we  think  it  must  be 
conceded  that  the  highest  legal  authorities  in  this  country 
a<niee  that  offenses  against  God  and  his  laws  cannot  be 

o  o 

punished  under  our  laws  unless  they  are  also  offenses  against 
society. 

Sunday  laws  under  our  constitutional  system  cannot  be 
sustained  because  of  the  religious  duty  to  observe  Sunday 
as  a  holy  day.  Hut  the  civil  Sunday  is  intrenched  in  our 
laws  without  in  fringing  upon  religious  liberty. 

We  will  confine  our  testimony  on  this  phase  of  our  subject 
to  the  recently  expressed  opinion  of  Judge  Cooley  :  "It  is 
frequently  said  that  Christianity  is  a  part  of  the  law  of  the 
land.  In  a  certain  sense  and  for  certain  purposes  this  is  true. 
The  best  features  of  the  common  law,  and  especially  those 
which  regard  tlin  family  and  social  relations;  which  compel 


American  Institutions. — 77^6  Church.  93 

the  parent  to  support  the  child,  the  husband  to  support  the 
wife ;  which  make  the  marriage-tie  permanent  and  forbid 
polygamy — if  not  derived  from,  have  at  least  been  improved 
and  strengthened  by  the  prevailing  religion  and  the  teachings 
of  its  sacred  book.  But  the  law  does  not  attempt  to  enforce 
the  precepts  of  Christianity  on  the  ground  of  their  sacred 
character  or  divine  origin.  Some  of  those  precepts,  though 
we  may  admit  their  continual  and  universal  obligation,  we 
must  nevertheless  recognize  as  being  incapable  of  enforcement 
by  human  laws." 

When  the  time  shall  come  when,  under  the  inspiration  of 
religious  liberty,  the  individual  citizens  of  this  republic  and 
the  citizens  of  all  lauds  shall  become  free  men  by  a  saving 
and  experimental  knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  shall  become 
loyal  and  loving  subjects  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  then  church 
and  state  will  be  united,  not  by  legal  enactments  which 
impose  unequal  burdens  and  inflict  unjust  and  discriminating 
penalties,  but  by  the  cohesive  power  of  self-sacrificing  Chris 
tian  love,  that  is  above  law  because  it  obeys  law.  Then  the 
organic  law  of  the  state  will  be  the  expression  of  the  Chris 
tian  life  of  the  people,  themselves  the  rulers  and  the  ruled, 
and  debates  concerning  the  province  of  the  state  and  the  prov 
ince  of  the  church  will  no  longer  be  heard,  because  the  state 
will  be  Christian  and  Christians  will  constitute  the  state. 


RELIGIOUS    RESOURCES. 

We  are  indebted  to  Henry  K.  Carroll,  LL.  D.,  Special 
Agent  for  Religious  Statistics  in  the  Eleventh  Census  of  the 
United  States,  for  the  following  Statistics  of  the  Churches,  cor 
rected  to  April  1,  1898. 

The  figures  are  for  the  United  States  only;  no  missions 
abroad  are  included.  A  number  of  denominations  publish 
no  statistics.  For  some  of  them  careful  estimates,  made  by 
the  most  competent  persons,  are  given : 


94 


Facing  1h<<  Twentieth  Century. 


DENOMINATIONS 

MINISTERS  CHURCHES 

COMMUNICANTS 

Adventists,  six  bodies,      .... 

1,041    !       2,140 

81,945 

Baptists,  thirteen  bodies, 

32,507        48,138 

4,232,962 

Bretliren  (River),  three  bodies, 

179             111 

4.739 

Brethren  (Plymouth),  four  bodies, 

314               6i661 

Catholics  (Roman),           .... 

10,911         14,fl75 

8,378,128 

Catholics  (six  other  bodies),     . 

54               42 

32,464 

Catholic  Apostolic,            .... 

95                10 

1,491 

Chinese  Temples,      

47 

Christadelphians,      ... 

63 

1,277 

Christians,  two  bodies,     .... 

1,500 

1,495 

121,500 

Christian  Catholics,  Dowie, 

7 

13 

5,000 

Christian  Missionary  Association, 

10 

13 

754 

Christian  Scientists,          .... 

3,500 

343 

40,000 

Christian  Union,       

183 

294 

18,214 

Church  of  God,         

460 

580 

38,000 

Church  Triumphant, 

12 

384 

Church  of  the  New  Jerusalem, 

139 

150 

7,674 

Communistic  Societies,  six  bodies, 

30 

3,930 

Congregationalists,           .... 

5,465 

5,625 

630,000 

Disciples  of  Christ,            .... 

5,780 

10,029 

1,051,079 

Dunkards,  four  bodies,     .... 

2,720 

1,026 

101,194 

Evangelical,  two  bodies, 

1,421 

2,219 

151,770 

Friends,  four  bodies  

1,462 

1,093 

117,474 

Friends  of  the  Temple,     .... 

4 

4 

340 

German  Evangelical  Protestant,     . 

45 

55 

36.500 

German  Evangelical  Synod,     . 

.   878   1       1,130 

194,618 

Jews,  two  bodies,       ..... 

301             570            143,000 

Latter-Day  Saints,  two  bodies, 

2,600          1,200            297,3  0 

Lutherans,  twenty-one  bodies, 

6,625    i     10,738         1,507,466 

Waldenstromians,      ..... 

140              150 

20,000 

Meiinonitcs,  twelve  bodies, 

1,021              631 

54,544 

Methodists,  seventeen  bodies, 

35,232 

50,948 

5,735,898 

Moravians,          

120 

112 

14,220 

Presbyterians,  twelve  bodies, 

11,324 

14,701 

1,490,162 

Protestant  Episcopal,  two  bodies, 

4,745 

6,186 

667,503 

Reformed,  three  bodies, 

1,762 

2,398 

357,253 

Salvationists,  two  bodies, 

3,094 

916 

47,000 

Schwenkfeldians,      

3 

4 

306 

Social  Bretliren,         ..... 

17 

20 

913 

Soriety  for  Ethical  Culture, 

4 

1,064 

Spiritualists.       ...... 

334 

45,030 

Theosophical  Society,          .... 

122 

3,000 

United  Brethren,  two  bodies, 

2,424 

5,027 

280,117 

Unitarians,         ...... 

335 

455 

70,000 

Universalists,     ...... 

771 

783 

47,315 

Independent  Congregations, 

54 

156 

14,126 

Total  in  the  United  States, 

139,579 

185,106 

26,054,385 

NOTE-  Net,  gain*  in  Communicants  for  18J)7,  7W,309.     Unofficial  estimates  place  the  total  number  of 
Communicants  January  1,  1899,  at  over  27,500,000,  and  the  uet  gains  for  1898  at  8tW,000. 


American  Institutions. —  The  Church.  95 

This  is  unquestionably  an  impressive  statement.  If  it 
shows  that  Christianity  is  greatly  divided  in  this  country,  so 
thoroughly  devoted  to  the  idea  of  a  "  a  free  church  in  a  free 
state,"  it  does  not  indicate  that  it  lacks  vigorous  life  and 
fruitfulness.  A  comparison  of  the  totals  for  1898  with  those 
of  five  years  ago  will  prove  that  there  has  been  a  very  sub 
stantial  increase.  The  Roman  Catholic  body,  which  has  been 
more  liberally  helped  by  the  immense  immigration  from 
foreign  countries  in  the  last  half  century  than  any  other 
denomination,  thrives  in  the  free  soil  of  America  much  better 
than  in  those  countries  where  it  is  the  state  church  and  the 
only  church. 

The  material  prosperity  of  the  religious  bodies  marches 
with  their  advance  in  numerical  strength.  The  net  gain  of 
communicants  for  1897  was  upward  of  766,000.  There  was 
also  a  net  increase  in  the  number  of  ministers  of  5550,  and  of 
church  organizations  of  3154.  It  should  be  remembered  that 
the  increase  of  ministers  means  a  corresponding  increase  in  the 
free  contributions  by  which  they  are  wholly  supported,  and 
that  the  increase  in  churches  could  not  take  place  without 
large  expenditures  for  new  buildings,  furnishings,  etc.  New 
churches  also  require  additional  money  for  current  expenses, 
for  fuel,  lighting,  insurance,  service  of  various  kinds,  etc. 
This  is  supplied  by  free  offerings.  No  provisions  are  made 
in  the  annual  budgets  of  States,  United  States,  Territories 
or  districts,  counties  or  municipalities,  for  the  erection  or 
maintenance  of  churches  or  for  the  salaries  of  ministers, 
except  those  who  are  employed  in  the  public  service  as 
chaplains. 

The  burden  of  church  support  is  cheerfully  borne  by  those 
who  enjoy  the  privileges  of  public  worship  afforded  by  the 
several  denominations.  Not  only  so,  but  millions  of  dollars 
are  raised  annually  to  conduct  missionary  enterprises  in 
foreign  lands  where  Christianity  is  thought  to  be  specially 
needed.  These  missions  exist  even  in  those  lands  which 


96  .Facing  tlie  Twentieth,  Century. 

have  long  had  all  the  known  advantages  of  state  churches. 
The  state  in  our  own  land  contributes  nothing  to  the  church 
directly,  although  it  is  true  that  it  remits  the  taxes  on  property 
used  for  public  worship,  not  because  it  desires  in  this  way 
to  assist  in  propagating  religion,  but  because  of  the  moral, 
intellectual,  and  educational  influence  of  the  churches.  The 
aggregate  value  now  represented  by  church  property  dedicated 
to  public  worship  cannot  be  much  less  than  $900,000,000. 
It  was  §680,000,000  in  1890,  when  the  last  Federal  Census 
was  taken,  and  the  increase  can  hardly  be  less  than  $220,- 
000,000  since.  This  is  a  monument  not  only  to  the  belief  of 
the  people  in  religion,  but  to  their  devotion  to  the  idea  of 
the  support  and  control  of  churches  entirely  free  from  all 
interference  of  civil  government. 


AMERICAN   INSTITUTIONS.— THE  SCHOOL. 

FREE    COMMON-SCHOOL    SYSTEM. 

The  Father  of  his  Country  declared  that  "  Knowledge  in 
every  country  is  the  surest  basis  of  public  happiness."  In 
his  farewell  address  he  adjured  the  nation  thus:  "  Promote, 
then,  as  a  matter  of  primary  importance,  institutions  for  the 
general  diffusion  of  knowledge.1' 

The  author  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  said  : 
"  Education  is  the  only  sure  foundation  that  can  be  devised 
for  the  preservation  of  freedom  and  happiness. 

"  Educate  and  inform  the  whole  mass  of  the  people. 
Enable  them  to  see  that  it  is  their  interest  to  preserve  peace 
and  order,  and  they  will  preserve  them." 

The  savior  of  the  nation  said:  "Resolve  that  either  the 
state  or  nation,  or  both  combined,  shall  support  institutions 
of  learning  sufficient  to  afford  to  every  child  growing  up  in 
the  land  the  opportunity  of  a  good  common-school  education.11 

Perhaps   never  in   any  equal   space   of  time   in   our   history 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  97 

was  the  question  of  the  common  schools  so  extensively 
considered,  or  so  thoroughly  discussed,  as  during  the  past 
twenty  years.  Never  has  so  much  valuable  time  been  profit 
ably  spent  in  the  consideration  of  the  best  methods  of 
instruction,  of  the  best  training  for  teachers,  and  of  all  the 
phases  of  subjects  pertaining  to  the  well-being  of  the  schools. 
It  augurs  well  for  the  rising  generation  and  thus  for  the  future 
of  the  republic ;  and  we  believe  that  the  highest  reward  in 
the  gratitude  of  the  future  will  come  to  those  who  lay 
broadly  and  well  the  foundations  of  the  American  public- 
school  system. 

Common  schools  and  popular  education,  as  now  understood, 
were  unknown  among  ancient  nations.  The  origin  of  the 
common  school  is  found  in  the  Christian  Church.  It  natu 
rally  flows  out  from  the  life  of  its  beneficent  founder  in  the 
recognition  of  the  value  of  human  life  as  such,  and  the  essential 
dignity  of  individual  man,  not  dependent  on  the  accidents  of 
birth  and  rank.  The  Christian  clergy  early  recognized  and 
assumed  the  duty  of  educating  the  people.  Councils  ordered 
provisions  for  the  education  of  the  rich  and  the  poor  without 
distinction.  Churches  and  schools  were  founded  side  by  side. 
Monasteries  were  often  the  academies,  the  libraries,  and  the 
universities  of  the  early  times.  But  the  schools  thus  estab 
lished  were  far  removed  from  the  common  schools  of  our  day. 
The  meager  instruction  was  largely  in  church  dogma  and 
scholastic  theology.  The  schools  then  resembled  the  parish 
schools  of  later  times  more  than  the  common  schools  of  this 
day.  Wars  and  civil  commotions  have,  through  the  centuries, 
interrupted  the  education  of  the  common  people.  But  the 
fundamental  idea  of  educating  all  the  people  was  never  lost 
in  the  Christian  Church,  and  it  finally  issued  in  the  common 
school.  Luther's  ideas  of  schools  were  almost  identical  with 
the  common-school  system  now  in  vogue  in  this  country. 
In  1527,  through  his  influence,  Saxony  established  a  free- 
school  system.  The  Swiss  Reformers  and  John  Knox 


98  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  Scotland  advocated  this  educational  method.  The  pre 
eminence  of  Prussia,  which  gives  the  model  for  all  Germany 
in  the  direction  of  common  education,  where  the  state  rules 
its  schools  as  strictly  as  its  army,  dates  back  only  to  the  first 
decade  of  the  present  century.  Every  country  in  Europe  in 
late  years  has  evinced,  with  some  success,  a  great  interest  in 
popular  education,  each  striving  in  its  own  way  to  establish 
a  school  system  adapted  to  its  peculiar  wants. 

In  the  United  States  the  completes!  and  most  successful 
trial  of  the  common  school  has  been  made.  The  first  settlers 
of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  immediately  made  provision 
for  the  education  of  their  children,  and  the  early  colonial 
legislatures  required  a  school  in  every  settlement  of  consider 
able  numbers.  Emigrants  from  these  States  to  the  Middle  and 
Western  States  carried  the  common-school  system  with  them. 

The  Hon.  Andrew  S.  Draper  claimed  at  Saratoga,  in  July, 
1890,  before  the  State  Teachers'  Association,  that  "the  first 
public  school  in  America  of  which  we  have  any  knowledge 
was  upon  Manhattan  Island.  The  principle  that  all  the 
property  should  educate  all  the  children  of  the  people  was 
first  enforced  there.  It  was  in  the  colony  of  New  York  that 
teachers  were  first  required  to  be  certified  or  licensed.  New 
York  was  the  first  State  in  the  Union  to  levy  a  general  tax 
for  the  encouragement  of  elementary  schools,  as  she  was  also 
the  first  to  establish  a  permanent  State  common  school  fund, 
and  the  supervision  of  elementary  schools.  She  was  the  first 
to  especially  provide  for  the  education  of  teachers,  and  is  now 
doing  more  for  the  professional  training  of  teachers  than  any 
other.  The  institute  system  was  first  established  in  New 
York.  She  was  the  first  to  provide  school  district  libraries, 
and  the  first  to  publish  a  journal  exclusively  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  common  schools.  The  first  local  association  of  a 
permanent  character  in  the  country  among  school  teachers 
was  in  New  York  City,  and  the  first  State  Teachers'  conven 
tion  in  the  country  was  held  at  Utica." 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  99 

Since  1865,  when  the  great  Civil  War  ended,  the  Southern 
States,  in  the  face  of  great  obstacles,  have  made  commendable 
exertions  to  establish  public  schools.  Every  State  in  the 
Union  has  now  a  common-school  system  in  varied  stages  of 
honest  approach  to  efficiency.  In  Europe  the  national  gov 
ernment  controls  the  schools.  In  the  United  States  each 
State  passes  such  laws  on  this  subject  as  it  pleases.  The  sup 
port  of  common  schools  in  this  country  is  derived  from  various 
sources.  Once  it  came  from  town  treasuries  and  from  rate- 
bills.  This  last  source  of  revenue  is  now  abandoned  in  all  the 
States.  Now  common  schools  receive  their  support  from 
three  sources :  first,  income  of  permanent  funds ;  second,  taxa 
tion  ;  third,  voluntary  subscriptions  or  contributions.  The 
conditions  of  admission  of  most  of  the  States,  since  the  origi 
nal  Union  was  formed,  have  embodied  large  landed  provisions 
for  the  support  of  common  schools  in  these  States.  Public 
schools,  common  schools,  or  free  schools  are  designations 
applied  to  schools  established  by  legislative  enactments,  sup 
ported  by  funds  derived  from  legislative  appropriations  for 
the  free  elementary  education  of  all  the  children  in  a  com 
munity  or  State.  The  extensive  common-school  systems  of 
large  cities  are  usually  chiefly  supported  by  local  taxation. 
The  general  necessity  for  every  community  to  promote  the 
diffusion  of  education  among  all  classes  is  presupposed  in  the 
support  of  schools  either  wholly  or  in  part  by  the  state. 
Democratic  governments  have  always  recognized  this  princi 
ple,  but  the  foes  of  democracy  oppose  and  seek  to  overthrow 
it.  The  safety  and  prosperity  of  Sparta  are  declared  to  have 
been  based  upon  the  education  of  every  child  of  the  ruling 
classes  in  the  community,  and  public  schools  were  furnished 
also  for  all  the  ruling  classes  of  the  citizens  of  Athens  ;  but 
the  free  States  of  the  American  republic  have  attempted  to 
carry  out  this  principle  to  the  fullest  extent,  providing  free 
education  of  different  grades  for  all  classes,  recognizing  the 
principle  that  all  the  people  are  sovereigns,  making  common 


100  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

schools  institutions  of  dignity,  where  the  children  of  the  rich 
and  poor  may  meet  together  on  a  common  footing,  and 
equally  share  the  advantages  and  blessings  of  education  with 
out  class  distinctions,  which  are  looked  upon  as  foes  of 
democracy. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  idea  of  universal  education  was 
developed  in  the  Christian  Church,  and  for  centuries  popular 
education  was  in  the  hands  of  the  Church.  Now  in  this 
country  it  is  in  the  hands  of  the  state,  and  the  religious  ques 
tion,  or  the  question  of  the  amount  of  moral  and  religious 
training,  has  reached  a  very  perplexing  stage. 

The  religious  question  in  the  conduct  of  common  schools  is 
claiming  increased  attention  in  all  countries  where  even  the 

o 

pretense  of  religious  liberty  exists.  It  only  admits  of  easy 
solution  by  the  hasty  and  thoughtless.  Perhaps  no  single 
uniform  solution  will  ever  be  reached. 

Dr.  Schaff  says  :  "An  immense  interest  like  the  education 
of  a  nation  of  cosmopolitan  and  pan-ecclesiastical  composition 
cannot  be  regulated  by  a  logical  syllogism.  Life  is  stronger 
and  more  elastic  than  logic.  It  is  impossible  to  draw  the 
precise  line  of  separation  between  secular  and  moral,  and 
between  moral  and  religious  education." 

The  danger  from  the  religious  controversy  to  the  common 
school  has,  from  time  to  time,  appeared,  and  has  been,  in  some 
instances,  successfully  met.  The  principal  assaults  have  been, 
and  they  have  taken  on  great  boldness,  in  the  direction  of 
demands  for  the  division  of  the  school  fund  on  denomina 
tional  lines. 

But  the  demand  for  the  division  of  the  school  moneys 
among  the  several  religious  denominations  for  maintaining 
separate  schools  cannot  be  assented  to  without  annihilating 
the  common-school  system,  and  without  the  destruction  of  the 
American  principle  of  the  complete  separation  of  church  and 
state. 

Judge  Cooley  has  said:  "Those  things  which  are  not  law- 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  101 

ful  under  any  of  the  American  constitutions  may  be  stated 
thus :  first,  any  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion  ; 
second,  compulsory  support  by  taxation  or  otherwise  of  reli 
gious  instruction  ;  third,  compulsory  attendance  upon  religious 
worship  ;  fourth,  restraints  upon  the  free  exercise  of  religion, 
according  to  the  dictates  of  conscience ;  fifth,  restraints  upon 
the  expression  of  religious  belief." 

The  relation  of  religious  instruction  to  the  common  schools 
and  the  demand  for  the  sectarian  division  of  the  funds 
designed  for  the  support  of  public  schools  are,  as  we  have 
realized,  perplexing  questions. 

The  legal  status  of  the  common  school  in  each  State,  from 
both  the  secular  and  the  religious  standpoint,  is  dependent 
upon  that  State's  constitution  and  its  legislative  enactments. 
There  are  in  these  interests  certain  fundamental  principles 
common  to  the  entire  country,  certain  uniform  laws  bearing 
upon  the  common-school  system,  giving  it  a  kind  of  autonomy, 
and  so  to  speak,  establishing  a  non-partisan  republic  of  letters 
within  the  body  politic. 

Grant  said:  "Encourage  free  schools  and  resolve  that  not 
one  dollar  in  money  appropriated  to  their  support,  no  matter 
how  raised,  shall  be  appropriated  to  the  support  of  any  secta 
rian  school." 

Garfield  said :  "  Whatever  helps  the  nation  can  justly 
afford  should  be  generously  given  to  aid  the  States  in  sup 
porting  common  schools,  but  it  would  be  unjust  to  our  people 
and  dangerous  to  our  institutions  to  apply  any  portion  of  the 
revenues  of  the  nation  or  of  the  States  to  the  support  of  sec 
tarian  schools." 

The  people  dividing  as  they  will  into  sects  and  creeds,  the 
individual  interests  of  each  sect  must  be  advanced  by  its  own 
effort  and  at  its  own  cost.  The  school  system  uninterrupted  has 
all  the  power  necessary  to  the  attainment  of  its  legitimate  pur 
pose,  and  that  is,  the  well-being  of  the  state  through  an  intel 
ligent  and  moral  citizenship. 


102  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

It  draws  from  the  people  the  means  for  its  support.  It  has 
responsibility  incident  to  authority,  a  moral  responsibility 
and  a  legal  accountability. 

Supported  by  all,  and  free  to  all,  there  must  be  nothing 
about  it  to  which  any  unprejudiced  citizen  can  rationally 
object  for  conscience'  sake,  and  each  must  use  it  so  as  not 
to  interfere  with  the  rights  and  duties  of  others. 

The  governmental  power  which  assesses  and  collects  taxes 
cannot  be  employed  to  promote  or  repress  the  interest  of  any 
secular  or  religious  section  of  the  citizenship,  or  for  any  pur 
pose  less  than  the  impartial  and  highest  good  of  all.  lleli- 
gious  education  belonging  primarily  to  the  family  and  the 
Church,  the  state  guaranteeing  religious  liberty,  all  denomi 
nations  which  desire  to  do  so  are  permitted  to  establish 
church  schools,  colleges,  and  seminaries  at  their  own  expense. 

The  state  cannot  oblige  the  church  to  teach  the  rights  and 
needs  and  duties  of  citizenship.  That  duty  involves  both  the 
rights  of  the  child  and  of  the  state,  and  rests  largely  upon  the 
parents.  The  state  can  compel  the  performance  of  this  duty 
and  can  secure  these  rights  by  the  enactment  and  enforcement 
of  compulsory  laws,  binding  upon  parents  and  guardians, 
as  the  condition  of  the  free  existence  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  If  the  church  pretends  in  its  schools  to  give  the 
education  that  the  state  rightfully  requires,  then  the  state 
must  know  the  fact  by  having  supervisory  access  to  these 
schools.  When  the  limits  of  church  and  state  authority  in 
matters  of  education  are  properly  defined, — -and  they  will  be, — 
and  when  by  each  their  moral  and  legitimate  work  is  honestly 
performed,  without  arrogant  attempts  at  usurpation  on  either 
hand,  harmony  will  ensue.  The  American  people  will  secure 
this  result  if  they  are  obliged  to  conquer  a  peace  between  the 
contend  ing  parties. 

From  an  able  and  exhaustive  report  to  the  government  of 
New  Zealand  upon  state  education,  by  Chevalier  Laishley,  we 
may  learn  some  important  lessons.  He  says: 


American  Institutions. — Ilie  ScJwol.  103 

"The  following  are  the  main  principles  recognized  in  the 
United  States  as  relating  to  education  : 

"  The  existence  of  a  republic,  unless  all  its  citizens  are 
educated,  is  an  admitted  impossibility. 

"  The  productive  industry  of  the  country  is  known  to  have 
a  direct  relation  to  the  diffusion  of  educated  intelligence 
therein.  The  modern  industrial  community  cannot  exist 
without  free  popular  education  carried  cut  in  a  system  of 
schools  ascending  from  the  primary  grade  to  the  university. 

"  By  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  no  powers  are 
vested  in  the  central  government  of  the  nation,  unless  the 
same  relate  immediately  to  the  support  and  defense  of  the 
whole  people,  to  their  intercourse  with  foreign  powers,  or  to 
the  subordination  of  the  several  States  composing  the  Union. 

"  The  free  public  education  of  the  children  of  the  United 
States  depends  everywhere  upon  the  action  taken  by  the  sev 
eral  States  and  by  the  citizens  of  those  States  in  the  several 
localities. 

"  Very  great  allowances  must  be  made  in  view  of  the  colored 
race  element,  a  result  of  the  abolition  of  slavery,  whereby  some 
additional  millions  became  entitled  to  claim  State  rights,  and 
of  the  vast  number  of  immigrants  of  various  nationalities  con 
tinually  pouring  in,  to  whom  the  system  of  the  majority  has 
to  be  adapted.  These  facts  color  State  laws  and  administra 
tions,  and  explain  much  that  would  be  otherwise  inexplicable. 

"  Primary  schools  afford  gratuitous  instruction — it  may  be 
termed  secular — and  attendance  is  not  as  a  rule  compulsory, 
and  even  where  compulsory,  is  only  so  for  a  limited  term. 

"  Sectarian  instruction  is  not  given  in  the  public  schools.  It 
is  quite  a  common  practice  to  open  or  close  the  public  schools 
with  Bible  reading  and  prayer.  Singing  of  religious  hymns 
by  the  entire  school  is  still  more  common. 

"The  influence  of  the  schools  is  wholly  on  the  side  of 
morality  and  religion.  Religious  teaching,  however,  is  entirely 
entrusted  to  church  and  family  agencies ;  but  the  Coin- 


104  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

missioner  informs  me  that  these  maintain  very  full  provision 
for  the  work. 

"  It  may  be  worth  remembering,  that,  in  writing  upon  'Na 
tional  Education  in  America,'  the  Quarterly  lieview  of  April, 
1875,  states,  '  In  no  country,  indeed,  as  yet,  has  it  been  found 
possible  to  maintain,  permanently,  a  system  of  unsectariauly 
Christian  common  schools  against  the  pleas  and  persistence  of 
the  Roman  Catholics.' ' 

In  connection  with  our  common-school  system,  for  which 
Americans  ought  to  be  grateful,  and  of  which  they  ought  to 
be  commeudably  proud,  there  are  many  encouraging  facts. 

Professor  Bryce,  that  philosophical  student  of  our  institu 
tions,  said :  "  Common  education  is  more  prevalent  in  the 
United  States  than  in  any  country  in  the  world." 

In  the  United  States  we  have  over  fourteen  and  a  half 
million  children  enrolled  in  the  public  schools  alone.  How 
to  increase  this  attendance,  how  to  lower  absenteeism,  how  to 
waste  no  money,  no  energy,  no  time,  but  to  make  every  effort 
tell ;  what  methods  are  best,  what  studies  are  essential,  what 
influences  are  to  be  stimulated,  how  to  reach  the  hearts,  the 
minds,  the  consciences  of  these  children ;  what  moral  and 
patriotic  ideals  to  put  before  them — these  are  matters  of  most 
profound  concern.  Our  public  schools  require  over  400,000 
teachers  and  cost  annually  over  $187,000,000.  These  figures 
simply  show  the  magnitude  of  the  system  and  are  staggering 
even  to  the  imagination.  The  future  of  the  republic  is  largely 
and  safely  committed  to  these  14,052,492  children,  and  to  the 
hundreds  of  thousands  in  private  and  sectarian  schools — to 
these,  and  not  to  any  of  the  political  parties. 

In  several  States  of  the  Union  more  than  fifty  per  cent,  of 
all  the  tax  imposed  for  State  purposes  is  for  the  support  of  the 
common  schools.  These  schools  in  many  localities  and  States 
have  attained  such  high  excellence  that  the  best  private 
schools  have  been  obliged  largely  to  model  after  them,  and 
this  is  the  high  ideal  that  constitutes  the  loyal  inspiration  of 


A  Country  Schoolhouse  in  Pennsylvania. 

A  State  Normal  Shoool  Building  in  Ohio, 

A  Graded  School  Building  in  New  York. 

REPRESENTATIVE  STRUCTURES  IN  THE  AMERICAN  FREE  COMMON- 
SCHOOL  SYSTEM. 


American  Institutions. — The  School. 


105 


all  lovers  of  the  republic.  The  army  of  teachers  and  superin 
tendents  and  trustees, — usually  the  most  cultured  and  public- 
spirited  persons  in  every  community,  interested  in  the  common 
schools, — imperfect  in  culture  and  character  as  they  are, 
constitute  largely  the  power  which  molds  our  civilization 
and  determines  the  character  of  our  fcftizenship. 

SCHOOL    STATISTICS REPORT    OF    1896-97. 

ENROLLMENT. 

Total  enrollment  in  public  schools,      .....  14,652,492 

Total  enrollment  in  private  schools,            ....  1,317,000 

Ratio  of  enrollment  in  private  schools  to  total  enrollment, 

per  cent.,      ....                  ....  8.25 

Total  enumeration  between  the  ages  of  5  and  18,               .  21,082,472 

ATTENDANCE. 

Average  daily  attendance,          ......         10,089,620 

Increase  over  preceding  year,  .....  342,605 

Average  daily  attendance  to  each  100  enrolled,          .         .  68.87 

TEACHEES. 

Total  male  teachers  in  public  schools  (32.6  per  cent,   of 

the  whole), 131,386 

Total  female  teachers  in  public  schools,     .         .         .  271,947 

Total, 403,333 

SALARIES. 

Average  salary  male  teachers,  per  month,  .         .         .  $44.62 

Average  salary  female  teachers,  per  month,       .         .         .  38.38 

SCHOOL  BUILDINGS. 

Total  number  of  public  school  buildings,  .         .         .  246,823 

VALUATION  AND  EXPENDITURE. 

Estimated  cash  value  of  school  property,  .         .         .     $469,069,086 

Amount  expended  for  1896-97, 187,320,602 

Amount  per  capita  of  population,      ....  2.62 

SOURCES    OF    REVENUE. 

Revenue  from  State  and  local  taxes, 

Revenue  from  permanent  funds,  .          .     . 

Revenue  from  other  sources, 


Total, 


163,023,294 
7,846,648 
17,771,301 

$188,641,243 


106  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

The  following  statistics  exhibit  the  special  provisions  for 
the  training  of  teachers  and  the  opportunities  afforded  for 
securing  secondary  education  at  public  and  private  expense : 

SCHOOLS      STUDENTS 

Public  normal  schools  and  institutions  for  the  training 

of  teachers,  701  54,039 

Private  normal  schools  and  institutions  for  the  train 
ing  of  teachers,  .  .  786  35,895 


Totals,      .          .                    1,487  89,934 

Of  these  students  about  70  per  cent,  are  females. 

SCHOOLS           MALES  FEMALES 

Public  High-schools,                    .          .          .          5,109         173,445  235,988 

Private  High-schools,        .          .          .                    2,100           53,218  54,415 


Totals, 7,209        226,663       290,403 

HIGHER    EDUCATION    ACCESSIBLE    TO  ALL. 

A  higher  education  is  substantially  accessible  to  all  youth 
in  the  land.  But  what  do  we  mean  by  higher  education? 
We  mean  that  form  of  education  received  in  colleges,  uni 
versities,  and  in  post-graduate  courses  of  study.  We  have 
said  this  higher  education  is  a  popular  need.  With  the  prog 
ress  of  our  civilization,  there  is  an  increasing  demand  for 
more  advanced  and  thorough  forms  of  education  than  seemed 
called  for  in  the  earlier  years  of  our  country's  history.  The 
common  school  and  high  school — excellent  as  are  their  appli 
ances  so  far  as  they  go — are  but  preparatory,  after  all,  to  the 
successful  prosecution  of  higher  studies.  In  the  forming  days 
of  the  republic,  while  its  foundations  were  yet  being  laid, 
the  primary  and  practical  elements  of  mental  discipline  and 
educational  acquirement  might  answer;  but  with  the  further 
and  fuller  development  of  the  nation,  there  is  an  increasing 
population,  a  greater  appreciation  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  and 
a  more  strenuous  competition  in  all  the  walks  of  life. 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  107 

There  is  a  natural  philosophy  illustrated  by  every  phase  of 
popular  education  in  its  relation  to  the  evils  of  illiteracy  and 
ignorance.  It  is  this :  "  Give  light,  and  the  darkness  will 
dispel  itself."  This  whole  country — including  the  lowest 
stratum  of  population — is  more  intellectually  alert  and  eager 
than  ever  before  in  American  history.  Men  and  women  of 
all  classes — under  the  tuition  of  the  platform,  the  pulpit,  and 
the  press — are  more  generally  wide  awake  than  are  any  of  the 
other  peoples  of  the  earth.  Demands  intellectually  are  more 
imperative  than  ever  before.  Those  who  would  meet  these 
demands  must  be  in  the  advance.  To  be  a  leader  of  public 
thought  or  even  largely  influential,  one  must  be  better 
equipped  than  the  average  citizen  of  the  republic.  There 
may  as  yet  be  scarcely  any  educational  test  for  the  privilege 
of  suffrage,  but  more  and  more  there  are  coming  to  be 
advanced  educational  tests  for  high  consideration,  weighty 
influence,  or  accepted  leadership  in  any  of  the  trades,  arts,  or 
professions. 

In  England,  as  the  public  schools  were  largely,  for  many 
years,  on  a  charity  foundation,  so  the  higher  education  has 
been  practically  restricted  to  a  few.  There  until  recently  but 
limited  free  education  has  been  afforded  to  the  middle  classes, 
and  the  higher  education  is  not  free  to  any  class.  The  edu 
cational  system  of  the  United  States  was  primarily  founded 
on  the  public-school  idea. 

The  terms  college  and  university  are  often  used  inter 
changeably,  and  not  without  warrant ;  but  in  more  recent 
years,  the  university  idea  is  more  inclusive  and  far-reaching 
than  was  the  old-time  college  idea.  Both  colleges  and  uni 
versities  are  incorporated  institutions.  It  is  a  long  way  from 
the  day  when,  in  1647,  the  Massachusetts  colony  passed  a  law 
providing  that  every  township  of  fifty  householders  should 
appoint  a  schoolmaster  to  teach  the  children  to  read  and 
write,  to  be  supported  by  the  parents  or  the  public  at  large— 
to  the  day  when  an  education  can  be  obtained,  at  compara- 


108  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

lively  slight  expense,  by  our  American  youth,  within  our 
<>\vn  domain,  as  good  as  can  be  had  by  the  richest  of  the 
English  aristocracy,  in  Cambridge  or  Oxford,  or  in  the  far- 
famed  universities  of  Continental  Europe. 

The  origin  of  eacli  of  our  colleges  and  universities,  if 
investigated  and  brought  out  in  detail,  would  be  not  only 
interesting,  but  in  very  many  instances  might  read  like 
romance.  When,  in  103(3,  the  colony  of  Massachusetts  voted 
to  establish  the  first  college  in  America,  only  two  thousand 
dollars  was  the  original  investment,  and  the  college  was 
located  sufficiently  near  the  capital  of  the  State  to  be  secure 
against  the  attacks  of  prowling  red  men.  Our  colleges  and 
universities  are  supported  mainly  by  the  investment  of 
moneys  granted  by  the  state  or  contributed  by  our  great 
denominations  or  by  the  munificence  of  private  individuals. 
Within  a  single  decade  the  sum  of  twenty-three  million 
dollars  was  contributed  to  the  cause  of  the  higher  education 
by  private  individuals.  The  tuition  in  many  of  our  great 
State  and  other  institutions  is  free. 

The  post-graduate  courses  of  our  colleges  and  universities 
are  coming  to  be  so  extensive  and  thorough  that  those  most 
ambitious  for  advanced  education  and  equipment  scarcely 
need  to  go  abroad. 

The  standards  of  admission  and  graduation  are  being 
raised  with  successive  decades,  and  the  curriculum  of  study 
is  being  expanded  yearly  by  the  elective  system.  Originally 
the  ecclesiastical  idea  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  founding 
of  the  American  college.  Not  a  few7  of  our  higher  institu 
tions,  both  East  and  West,  owe  their  origin  and  chief  encour 
agement  and  support  to  the  intelligent  interest  of  the 
Christian  ministry.  In  even  the  State  universities  of  our  day 
a  very  large  proportion  of  the  professors  and  tutors  consists  of 
members  of  the  Church.  More  than  half  our  college  students 
are  professing  Christians. 

There    are    broad    opportunities    afforded     women    in    the 


American  Institutions. — The  Sclwol.  109 

higher  education  of  America.  Three  young  women  gradu 
ated  at  Oberliu  College  in  1841.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  the  first  women  who  ever  received  a  college  degree  in 
America.  Co-education  is  now  the  rule  in  at  least  two-thirds 
of  our  higher  institutions  of  learning.  Colleges  for  the 
advanced  education  of  women  only  are  multiplying  with  each 
decade.  To-day  the  higher  education  is  within  the  reach  of 
any  ambitious  student  of  either  sex. 

Of  the  thousands  graduating  from  our  many  colleges  and 
universities  a  large  percentage  works  its  way  through. 
While  this  is  the  more  readily  done  in  view  of  the  free 
scholarships  which  may  often  be  secured,  it  tells  of  character 
which  assures  success. in  life. 

From  the  Report  of  the  United  States  Commissioner  of 
Education  for  1896-97,  which  gives  the  latest  authentic 
statistics,  we  collate  the  following  concerning  higher  educa 
tion  in  the  United  States : 


Universities  and  Colleges  for  men  and  for  both  sexes,     .         .         .     472 

These  are  classed  as  follows:  Non-sectarian,  114;  Methodist  Episco 
pal,  86;  Roman  Catholic,  59;  Presbyterian,  54;  Baptist,  51;  Congrega 
tional,  24;  Lutheran,  23;  Christian,  17;  United  Brethren,  8;  Friends, 
7;  Reformed,  7;  Protestant  Episcopal,  5;  Universalist,  4;  German  and 
United  Evangelical,  3;  Seventh  Day  Adventists,  3;  Methodist  Protest 
ant,  2;  all  others,  5. 

Male  students  in  these  institutions,     ......     55,755 

Female  students  in  these  institutions,          .....      16,536 

Colleges  for  women  only,  157 

Number  of  students  in  these,      ....          ...      14,842 

Schools  of  Technology, 48 

Male  students  in  these,       ........        8,907 

Female  students  in  these,  .....  .        1,094 


110  Faciufj  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Schools  of  law,  medicine,  theology,  etc.,  785,  as  follows  : 

SCHOOLS  STUDENTS 

WOMEN 

Theology, 157  8,173  193 

Law,        ...                  .  77  10,441)  ]:;i 

Medical, 150  24,377  1,583 

Dental, 48  6,460  150 

Pharmacy,        .  43  3,462  131 

Veterinary,      .          .          .          .          .          .  12  364 

Nurse-training,                   ....  298  7,26:<  6,705 


< » 


Totals,      .  .  .  785  60,512  7,783 

The  aggregate  valuation  of  the  buildings  .and  grounds  and  the  scien 
tific  apparatus  of  these  institutions  is  $341,230,000. 


EDUCATION    OUT    OF    SCHOOL. 

The  awakening  of  people  out  of  school  to  the  possibility 
f  mental  growth  for  people  of  all  classes  and  of  all  ages  is 
one  of  the  most  important  missions  in  our  day.  Apathy  and 
neglect  in  matters  educational  work  great  damage  not  only 
to  the  flippant  classes  of  society,  but  to  the  toiling  masses, 
who,  although  endowed  with  natural  gifts,  surrender  them 
selves  to  the  groveling  and  ignorant  life. 

o  O  O 

Education  is  possible  outside  of  the  schoolroom.  It  is 
impossible  to  overstate  the  value  of  high  school,  college,  and 
the  processes  of  advanced  training  in  universities ;  but  we 
should  not  be  blind  to  the  fact  that  many  people  deprived  of 
the  superior  advantages  of  these  institutions  have  attained 
great  power,  achieved  great  success,  and  enriched  the  world 
by  their  contributions  to  the  departments  of  science,  art,  and 
literature.  It  is  not  only  men  of  massive  mind  and  native 
genius  who  have  illustrated  this  fact,  but  in  all  spheres  of 
life  we  find  people  lacking  educational  facilities  who  do 
acquire  literary  and  intellectual  power,  and  whose  lives  of 
labor — sometimes  of  lowly  labor — are  enriched  by  their 
appreciation  of  the  better  things  of  life. 

There  are  between   fourteen   and  sixteen   millions  of  our 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  Ill 

American  people  in  the  schools  to-day — from  the  kinder 
garten  to  the  university.  There  are  from  fifty-six  to  sixty 
millions  who  are  to-day  out  of  school.  Some  of  them  have 
completed  the  formal  educational  process ;  some  of  them 
have  prematurely  abandoned  the  school ;  and  some  have 
never  availed  themselves  of  its  most  initial  provisions. 

For  this  large  and  varied  and  important  majority  of  our 
great  American  public  Chautauqua  has  made  appeal,  and 
initiated  provisional  plans  for  a  course  of  reading  and  study 
out  of  school,  and  all  the  way  through  the  years  of  life. 

In  its  originality,  in  its  well-defined  purpose,  and  in  the 
scope  of  its  influence,  perhaps  there  is  no  institution  in  the 
country  more  distinctively  American  than  what  is  known  as 
"  The  Chautauqua  Movement,"  for  extending  the  benefits  of 
a  liberal  education  and  university  outlook  to  persons  out  of 
school.  The  idea  had  its  conception  in  the  fertile  mind  and 
generous  heart  of  Rev.  Dr.  John  H.  Vincent,  now  a  bishop  of 
the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  and  has  been  nurtured  and 
perfected  by  him  from  its  birth  to  the  present  time. 

Chautauqua  has  especially  put  emphasis  on  the  possibilities 
of  intellectual  and  literary  work  by  men  and  women  of 
mature  years. 

The  Chautauqua  Literary  and  Scientific  Circle  provides  a 
course  of  home  reading  for  busy  people.  To  complete  this 
reading  as  given  in  the  books  and  the  magazine — The 
Chautauquan — requires  about  forty  minutes  a  day  for  ten 
months  in  the  year.  The  distinguishing  feature  of  this 
course  of  reading  is  that  it  attempts  to  cover  the  college 
student's  outlook.  It  gives  readings  in  ancient,  mediaeval, 
and  modern  history,  with  an  estimate  of  and  specimens  from 
the  various  distinguished  writers  of  the  ages.  It  discusses 
the  popular  side  of  science,  and  takes  up,  in  a  course  of  four 
years,  the  entire  world  with  which  the  college  student  in  his 
course  becomes  familiar.  While  the  boy  or  girl  in  college 
studies  Greek,  Latin,  German,  or  French,  and  becomes  a  criti- 


112  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

cal  student  of  language,  literature,  science,  and  art ;  the 
mother  at  home,  burdened  with  domestic  responsibilities,  may, 
by  reading  attentively  every  day  for  less  than  an  hour,  be 
able  to  know  the  world  unto  which  her  children  are  intro 
duced  through  their  college  training.  She  and  they  may  talk 
intelligently  together  about  the  same  historic  characters,  the 
same  great  writers  and  artists.  She  also  gets  insight  into  the 
phenomenal  side  of  the  sciences,  and  reads  with  some  degree 
of  thoroughness  in  the  important  world  of  sociology  and 
political  economy.  By  this  admirable  plan  mother  and  chil 
dren  are  kept  together  in  sympathy  and  thought,  and  are  able 
with  delight  and  profit  to  converse  together.  It  is  very  evi 
dent  that  for  such  mothers  college  boys  and  girls  must  have 
the  profoundest  respect,  and  thus  the  horizon  in  which  all 
live  is  substantially  the  same. 

The  Chautauqua  Literary  and  Scientific  Circle  makes  it 
possible  for  men  who  lack  early  advantages  to  make  up  to 
some  extent  the  deficiency  of  the  other  years.  It  does 
another  thing:  it  gives  college  graduates  the  opportunity  of 
reading  in  good  English,  in  the  world  which  they  have 
explored  during  their  college  lives,  but  very  often  in  a  frag 
mentary  and  superficial  manner. 

The  success  of  the  Chautauqna  Literary  and  Scientific 
Circle  is  phenomenal.  More  than  two  hundred  thousand 
names  have  been  enrolled  on  its  lists,  and  its  graduates  num 
ber  many  thousands.  It  would  be  impossible  to  compute  the 
beneficent  results  of  this  educational  movement. 

THE  FREE  PRESS  AS  AN  EDUCATOR. 

The  free  press  is  one  of  the  weightiest  forces  now  at  work 
in  the  enlightenment  and  education  of  modern  society. 
Whether  one  stands  in  Printing  House  Square,  New  York 
City,  surrounded  by  the  shouting  newsboys,  or  sits  in  the 
quiet  retirement  of  the  new  Congressional  Library  in  Wash 
ington,  amid  the  statuesque  representatives  of  literature, 


[RANKLIN 
PRESS 


HOE'S    PRESS,  J899. 


V-      ~ 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  113 

science,  and  art  of  every  age,  he  must  realize  that  the  news 
paper,  the  magazine,  and  the  printed  volume  are  potent 
factors  in  the  development  of  American  thought  and  charac 
ter.  "  Thirty  years  ago,"  we  are  told,  "  the  orators  ruled 
America  :  to-day  it  is  ruled  by  the  editors." 

The  invention,  in  Germany,  of  the  art  of  printing  by  the 
use  of  movable  types  was  initial  to  a  marvelous  increase  in 
modern  enlightenment.  The  familiar  picture  of  Gutenberg, 
Faust,  and  Schoffer  examining  the  proof  sheets  of  one  of  their 
first  ventures  in  the  new  typography  marks  in  itself  a  new  era 
in  Western  civilization.  About  the  year  1438,  in  Strasburg, 
movable  wooden  types  were  first  employed.  Subsequently 
in  Mainz,  the  first  press  of  any  size  was  set  up.  On  it  was 
printed  a  large  folio  Latin  Bible  in  1455.  Amid  legal  and 
financial  difficulties,  in  alternating  experiences  of  hope  and 
fear,  there  were  laid  "  the  foundations  of  an  art  which  was 
soon  to  dominate  the  world."  To  appreciate  our  debt  of 
gratitude  to  John  Gutenberg,  it  must  be  remembered  that  up 
to  this  time — the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century — all  books 
had  been  written.  Beautifully  illuminated  specimens  of  this 
mediaeval  literature  may  to-day  be  seen  in  the  British 
Museum  and  in  many  of  the  libraries  of  the  land.  Notwith 
standing  the  multitude  of  scribes,  transcribers,  and  illumi 
nators  found  in  the  great  universities  and  ecclesiastical 
establishments  of  Western  Europe,  no  form  of  literature  could 
be  greatly  popularized.  Books,  thus  slowly  provided  by  the 
calligrapher  or  illuminated  or  illustrated  by  painstaking  hand 
artists  became,  of  course,  objects  of  luxury.  Commanding 
high  prices  and  valued  for  their  richness  and  variety,  they 
found  their  place  among  the  coveted  treasures  of  the  rich  and 
princely.  Dr.  Josiah  Strong  says  :  "  For  thousands  of  years 
the  sun  of  knowledge  was  below  the  world's  horizon,  and 
only  the  very  top  of  the  social  pyramid  could  catch  his 
beams." 

By  "  the  freedom  of  the  press  "  in  this  country  is  meant  the 


114  Pacing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

freedom  our  people  have  to  print  and  publish  their  thoughts, 
news,  and  opinions  on  religious,  political,  or  other  subjects, 
without  any  official  supervision  or  restriction  from  church  or 
state — subject  only  to  fixed  laws  regularly  and  fairly  admin 
istered.  Said  John  Milton  :  "  Give  me  liberty  to  know,  to 
utter,  and  to  argue  freely,  according  to  conscience,  above  all 
other  liberties." 

The  censorship  of  the  press,  affecting  the  free  expression  and 
publication  of  thought,  both  restrictive  and  corrective,  was 
considered  for  centuries  a  necessary  part  of  government  in 
Great  Britain.  By  order  of  the  Star  Chamber,  in  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  the  right  of  printing  was  restricted  to  the  precincts 
of  London,  Oxford,  and  Cambridge.  Under  its  authority  the 
number  of  printers  and  presses  was  limited.  An  officer  called 
the  "  messenger  of  the  press "  was  empowered  to  search  for 
unlicensed  pi-esses  and  publications.  This  restraint  of  the 
press  continued  long  after  the  abolition  of  the  Star  Chamber, 
called  "  the  great  censorial  authority  of  the  Tudor  period."  It 
was  during  the  reign  of  William  III.  that,  in  the  words  of 
Lord  Macaulay,  "  English  literature  was  emancipated  forever 
from  the  control  of  the  government."  Yet  we  do  well  to 
remember  the  counter-thought  of  Sir  William  Berkeley,  Gov 
ernor  of  Virginia,  who,  in  1671,  wrote  back  to  England  :  "I 
thank  God  there  are  no  free  schools  or  printing,  and  I  hope 
we  shall  not  have  them  here  these  three  hundred  years.  For 
learning  has  brought  heresy  and  disobedience  and  sects  into 
the  world,  and  printing  has  divulged  them,  and  libels  against 
the  best  government.  God  keep  us  from  both." 

In  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  as  in  the  constitu 
tions  of  many  of  the  States,  are  found  strong  declarations  in 
favor  of  the  freedom  of  the  press. 

While  this  freedom  in  our  country  differs  essentially  from 
that  prevailing  in  other  countries,  large  liberty  of  the  press 
is  to-day  conceded  in  most  European  states.  How  far  the 
political  conditions  of  Continental  governments  may  have 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  115 

been  influenced  for  the  better  by  that  of  our  own  land  we 
may  not  certainly  say.  The  dates  of  a  few  political  enact 
ments  are  at  least  suggestive.  It  was  by  the  Constitution  of 
1867  that  liberty  of  the  press  was  finally  secured  to  Austria- 
Hungary.  By  the  Constitution  of  February  7,  1831,  Belgium 
declared  her  press  to  be  free.  In  France,  while  to  print  without 
authority  was  punishable  with  death  in  1559,  by  the  law  of 
1881  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  of  bookselling  was  finally 
asserted.  In  Germany,  as  in  Italy,  the  liberty  of  the  press 
began  with  the  year  1848.  The  magnificent  figure  in  bronze 
that  looms  up  to  welcome  the  curious  traveler  or  illiterate 
immigrant  entering  the  hospitable  harbor  of  New  York  for 
the  first  time  is  a  suggestive  symbol  of  the  meaning  and  mis 
sion  of  the  free  press  of  America ;  it  is,  "  Liberty  Enlightening 
the  World." 

The  benefits  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  are  chiefly  due  to 
the  work  of  a  free  and  fearless  press.  The  average  toiler  in 
factory  or  in  field  to-day,  among  the  populations  of  this  broad 
land,  is  more  intelligent  and  better  informed  than  were  the 
twenty-six  barons  in  England  who  signed  the  Magna  Charta. 
Of  these,  we  are  told,  only  three  wrote  their  names;  the 
remaining  twenty-three  could  only  make  their  mark.  The 
spirit  of  narrow  intolerance,  born  of  ignorance  and  bigotry, 
has  been  often  illustrated  in  the  persecution  of  authors  and  in 
the  authorized  burning  of  books  supposed  to  be  harmful  to 
the  interests  of  state  or  church.  Diocletian  caused  the 
Scriptures  to  be  given  to  the  flames.  The  writings  of  Arius 
were  burned  at  the  instance  of  the  Council  of  Nicaea.  But  a 
veritable  crusade  against  literature  took  a  new  impulse  with 
the  discovery  of  the  art  of  printing.  In  his  "  Liberty  of 
Unlicensed  Printing,"  John  Milton  indignantly  remonstrated 
against  the  work  of  the  clerical  censors  appointed  by  the 
Council  of  Lateran  in  1515.  As  if,  said  he,  "St.  Peter  had 
bequeathed  to  them  the  keys  of  the  press  as  well  as  of  Para 
dise."  Before  the  invention  of  printing  the  press  was  fettered 


llf>  Facing  flic  Twentieth  Century. 

by  the  jealous  and  zealous  espionage  of  the  Roman  Church. 
Any  expression  of  opinions  offensive  to  her  tastes,  or  in  antag 
onism  of  her  authority,  teachings,  or  supposed  interests,  she 
aimed  to  suppress  or  to  control. 

In  1543  the  Inquisition  decreed  that  no  books  should  be 
printed  without  their  leave.  Booksellers,  we  are  further 
informed,  were  required  to  send  in  catalogues  of  their  publi 
cations.  Literary  proscription,  for  many  years  after  this,  was 
so  determined  that  history  tells  us  printing  was  driven  from 
Italy  to  Switzerland  and  to  Germany.  Expurgatory  indexes, 
issued  by  Home  at  different  times,  have  included  the  works 
of  names  as  eminent  in  English  history  as  those  of  Gibbon, 
Hallam,  Locke,  and  Stuart  Mill.  Literary  persecution  and 
proscription  have  not  been  confined  to  the  Latin  countries 
alone;  they  have  extended  to  others  as  well.  In  England, 
early  translations  of  the  Bible  were  suppressed.  In  fact, 
Tyndale's  Version  was  publicly  burned  at  St.  Paul's  Cross 
on  Shrove  Tuesday,  1527.  In  1607  the  English  House 
of  Commons  ordered  Dr.  CowelTs  Law  Dictionary  to  be 
burned  because  the  book  favored  the  Divine  Right  of  King 
James  I. 

The  general  enlightenment  which  a  free  press  helps  to 
secure  is  an  educational  force  in  itself.  Education  may  be 
formal  or  informal.  The  free  press,  its  enlightening  influences 
recognized  or  unrecognized,  is  informal  in  its  agency  and 
effects.  It  may  not  aim  to  be  an  educator  while  in  point  of 
fact  it  is.  One  has  said:  "  Machinery  is  making  leisure, 
popular  government  is  distributing  it,  and  the  people  are 
more  and  more  expending  it  in  gaining  knowledge."  With 
the  application  of  steam  to  the  means  of  locomotion  and  to 
the  printing  press,  an  amazing  impulse  was  given  to  the  cir 
culation  of  books,  periodicals,  and  dailies  throughout  the 
land.  Improved  postal  facilities  and  the  increase,  expedition, 
and  enterprise  of  our  great  express  companies  with  cheap 
freightage  and  rapid  transit  of  every  kind — all  are  contribu- 


American  Institutions. — The  School.  117 

ting  to  aid  a  free  press  in  the  spread  of  popular  intelligence. 
It  is  but  the  realization  of  tlie  word  of  the  prophet — "  Many 
shall  run  to  and  fro,  and  knowledge  shall  be  increased." 
John  Stuart  Mill  has  said  :  "  Almost  all  travelers  are  struck 
by  the  fact  that  every  American  is  in  some  sense  both  a 
patriot  and  a  person  of  cultivated  intelligence.  No  such  wide 
infusion  of  the  ideas,  tastes,  and  sentiments  of  educated  minds 
has  ever  been  seen  elsewhere  or  conceived  of  as  attainable." 
In  1884  the  public  libraries  in  the  United  States  contained 
one  volume  to  every  two  and  a  half  of  the  population.  The 
newspaper  press  of  this  country  is  the  most  enterprising 
newsgatherer  known  in  either  hemisphere.  Daniel  Webster 
in  a  discussion  on  the  influence  of  the  press  spoke  as  follows  : 
"  Every  parent  whose  son  is  away  from  home  at  school  should 
supply  him  with  a  newspaper.  I  well  remember  what  a 
marked  difference  there  was  between  those  of  my  schoolmates 
who  had  and  those  who  had  not  access  to  newspapers.  The 
first  were  always  superior  to  the  last  in  debate,  composition, 
and  general  intelligence." 

The  free  press  of  America  is  largely  instrumental  in  forming 
that  public  opinion  which  expresses  itself  in  the  votes  of  the 
majority  and  determines  the  political  control  of  the  govern 
ment.  If  public  opinion,  under  our  republican  form  of 
government  is,  as  it  has  been  denominated,  a  new  force  in  the 
world,  it  is  the  free  press  in  America  which  most  largely 
molds,  directs,  and  intensifies  that  force.  "  The  man  behind 
the  gun  "  was  the  all-important  factor  in  the  late  war  with 
Spain.  The  man  behind  the  sermon,  the  lecture,  or  the  speech 
has  his  influence  on  public  thought,  but  much  more  has  the 
man  behind  the  free-press  editorial.  The  press  is  the  recog 
nized  organ  of  public  opinion.  It  forms  public  opinion.  It 
educates  it  as  really  as  it  expresses  it.  "  The  man  on  the 
cars  "  is  a  reading  man.  Book,  magazine,  or  paper  is  usually 
in  his  hand.  He  may  never  have  seen  either  college  or  high 
school.  His  is  the  informal  education  of  the  free,  press.  He 


118  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

has  opinions  on  the  great  questions  of  tbe  day.  He  feels  free 
to  make  them  known. 

In  estimating  tbe  free  press  as  an  educator,  we  must  take 
into  consideration  not  only  tbe  vast  energies  and  enterprise  of 
tbe  distinctively  secular  press,  with  its  enormous  annual  out 
put  of  works  literary,  philosophic,  and  scientific,  but  we  must 
think  of  tbe  moral  and  religious  uplift  afforded  tbe  nations  of 
tbe  earth  by  the  polyglot  publications  in  this  country  and  in 
Great  Britain  of  the  great  Bible  societies  of  the  world.  We 
may  well  be  reminded  of  the  historic  fact  in  our  own  country 
that  a  the  first  Congress  assumed  the  right  and  performed  the 
duty  of  a  Bible  society  long  before  such  an  institution  had  an 
existence  in  tbe  world."  The  many  denominational  publish 
ing  houses  also  have  made  their  distinct  contribution  to  the 
moral  and  religious  betterment  of  tbe  people  of  our  own  and 
of  other  lands.  The  great  tract  societies  of  the  country 
have  been  an  educational  power  in  themselves.  It  is  signifi 
cant  that  the  oldest  religious  newspaper  was  named  The 
Herald  of  Gospel  Liberty,  and  was  published  at  Portsmouth, 
N.H.,  September  1,  1803. 

The  English  language  is  rapidly  becoming  a  world  language. 
If  it  be  true  that  "  it  is  the  final  competition  of  races  for 
which  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  being  schooled,"  it  is  evident  that 
tbe  free  press  of  America  is  to  be  a  mighty  agency  in  the 
schooling. 

There  are  necessary  limitations  which  must  be  put  upon 
even  the  freedom  of  the  press  when  that  freedom  is  mis 
takenly  understood.  Under  even  tbe  best  forms  of  govern 
ment,  men  are  free  only  to  do  right.  They  must  not  mistake 
license  for  liberty.  The  state  has  a  right  to  guard  itself 
against  the  machinations  of  the  traitor.  Society  must  protect 
itself  against  any  assaults  made  on  the  foundations  of  morality. 
Even  tbe  free  press  may  give  us  a  literature  that  is  pernicious 
rather  than  pure.  It  may  be  a  demoralizing  agency  positive 
and  widespread.  Its  influence  for  evil,  as  for  good,  may  be 


American  institutions. — The  School.  119 

incalculable.  It  may  be  "perdition  literature,"  sapping  the 
very  foundations  of  morality  and  virtue.  It  may  deprave  the 
public  taste,  and  eat  out  of  the  heart  of  the  young  and 
inexperienced  every  lofty  sentiment  and  every  noble  desire. 
Joseph  Cook  once  said :  "  There  is  a  long  tail  to  the  kite  of 
American  journalism,  and  a  considerable  portion  of  it  is 
bedraggled  by  the  gutters." 

One  justification  of  the  absolute  freedom  of  the  press  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  when  any  particular  newspaper  estab 
lishes  a  reputation  for  lying  by  manufacturing  its  news,  or  by 
continuous  vilifying  personal  assaults,  it  loses  its  influence 
upon  the  public  mind  and  is  never  thereafter  taken  seriously 
or  given  credibility  ;  and  from  its  experience  with  one  such 
newspaper  the  public  comes  to  weigh  suspiciously  and  care 
fully  the  claims  to  credence  of  the  entire  pi-ess.  Thus  the 
public  judgment  sets  bounds  to  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and 
when  it  confounds  license  with  liberty  it  loses  its  influence 
and  becomes  an  object  of  scorn  instead  of  an  educator  of 
opinion  and  a  promoter  of  action. 

The  United  States  Congress,  by  an  enactment  March  3, 
1873,  prohibits  the  printing  and  circulation  of  obscene  litera 
ture.  Men  may  abuse  the  liberty  accorded  to  them  under 
laws  as  beneficent  as  those  of  our  republic,  but  they  are 
responsible  for  such  abuses.  This  fact  is  nobly  educational. 
Added  to  this  is  the  challenge  made  to  an  antagonistic  public 
sentiment  which,  aside  from  the  enactments  of  special  laws, 
can  demand  the  correction  of  these  abuses. 

Another  has  said : 

"  We  seldom  pass  the  pressroom  of  a  large  printing  house 
or  daily  journal  without  being  reminded  of  this  impressive  fact. 
We  look  upon  one  of  these  vast  machines  as  a  magazine  of 
power  which  laughs  to  scorn  the  archimedean  problem.  It  is 
a  power  with  a  lever  as  long  as  eternity,  as  subtle  as  thought, 
as  quick  as  the  sunlight,  and  resting  on  the  fulcrum  of  the 
mind,  bedded  in  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  He  who  uses 


120  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

that  power  has  a  responsibility  which  sweeps  in  the  lines  of 
his  active  influence  beyond  the  stars  and  upward  to  the  bar  of 
final  accountability." 

The  historic  record  between  Franklin's  Press  of  1725  and 
Hoe's  Press  of  1899  embraces  the  most  important  events, 
excepting  only  the  event  which  gave  birth  to  the  Christian 
era,  in  the  annals  of  time,  and  in  the  development  of  a  civili 
zation  made  possible  by  the  illuminating  and  liberating  power 
of  a  press  which  first  asserted  its  own  freedom  and  then 
demanded  it  for  man. 

There  are  published  in  the  United  States  23,000  news 
papers  and  periodicals. 

Of  these  about  2200  are  published  daily  ;  nearly  16,000  are 
weekly  publications,  and  over  2000  are  monthly. 

Over  800  are  published  in  the  interests  of  religion. 

Four  hundred  and  sixty  are  devoted  to  education,  about 
300  of  these  being  college  publications. 

Medicine  and  surgery  are  represented  by  200,  and  science, 
mechanics,  and  art  by  about  300. 

Agricultural  interests  have  400  publications  and  trade  and 
commerce  have  1100. 

There  are  1175  newspapers  and  periodicals  published  in 
languages  other  than  the  English. 

From  the  latest  statistics  published  by  the  United  States 
Bureau  of  Education,  we  tabulate  the  following  instructive 
information  concerning  Libraries : 

There  are  in  the  United  States  over  8000  libraries  of  over 
300  volumes  each.  More  than  4000  of  these  possess  1000 
volumes  or  over. 

In  these  8000  libraries  the  aggregate  number  of  bound 
volumes  is  not  less  than  35,000,000,  and  the  number  of  pam 
phlets  about  6,000,000. 

Included  in  the  above  enumeration  are  over  650  libraries, 
each  containing  3000  volumes  or  over,  which  are  entirely  free 
to  the  public. 


OF    THK 

CTNIVERSTTY 

sPA 


Charles  TX, 
//,-nrv  ///. 
Duke  of  Air  a. 


Catherine  de  Medici. 


Charles  I'. 
Pope  Pius  JT. 

A    GROUP   OF    TYRANTS   AND    FOES   OF   CIVIL    AND    RELKilOUS    LIBERTY. 


PART  III. 
ANGLO-SAXON  AND   LATIN   CIVILIZATIONS. 

SPAIN    IN    HISTORY    THE    REPRESENTATIVE    LATIN    TYPE. 

THE  Spaniards  of  early  history  were  a  composite  people ;  a 
great  variety  of  stocks  mingled  in  their  blood. 

Celts,  Phoenicians,  Greeks,  Carthaginians,  Romans,  Franks, 
Vandals,  Visigoths,  and  Saracens,  by  forcible  invasion  or  peace 
ful  settlement,  took  part  in  peopling  the  Iberian  Peninsula. 
When  the  Peninsula  became  by  conquest  a  Roman  province 
it  was  called  Hispania,  and  Roman  customs  and  laws  and  the 
Latin  language  were  introduced.  The  Roman  system  of  juris 
prudence  and  the  Latin  language,  which  forms  the  substance 
of  the  Spanish  language,  still  remain. 

When  Spain's  rulers  first  embraced  the  Catholic  faith  her 
history  of  intolerance  began,  by  compelling  its  acceptance  by 
the  people,  by  persecution  of  the  Jews,  and  by  tortures  and 
confiscations. 

The  crowns  and  kingdoms  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  on 
October  19, 1469,  were  united  by  the  marriage  of  Isabella  and 
Ferdinand.  The  ties  of  consanguinity  were  so  close  that  this 
marriage  could  not  be  legally  consummated  without  papal 
dispensation,  which  could  not  at  that  time  be  secured  ;  but 
this  difficulty  was  easily  surmounted  by  the  Archbishop  of 
Toledo  forging  a  bull  of  dispensation  with  the  approval  of  the 
royal  bridegroom,  but  not  with  the  knowledge  of  the  royal 
bride,  who,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  ecclesiastical  forgery, 
was  indignant ;  but  the  matter  was  adjusted  by  a  succeeding 
Pope,  who  gave  validity  to  the  fraudulent  marriage  by  issuing 
an  orthodox  and  authoritative  bull.  In  1479  Ferdinand  sue- 

131 


122  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ceeded  to  the  throne  of  his  fathers,  and  then  the  Spanish  king 
dom  absorbed  Castile  and  Aragon. 

The  united  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  marked  an  his 
toric  era  of  fruitfulness  in  conscienceless  intolerance  and 
ingenious  cruelty,  and  of  extended  territorial  conquest;  of 
exhibitions  of  knightly  valor,  of  heartless  persecutions,  and 
of  the  discovery  of  the  New  World.  In  1481  the  Inquisition 
was  established  ;  and  in  1492  Granada  was  conquered  and  con 
solidated  with  Spain,  the  Jews  were  expelled,  and  America 
was  discovered. 

The  Inquisition  is  a  papal  Roman  Catholic  institution  or 
tribunal  employed  as  a  converting  and  financial  agency  in 
many  countries  where  Romanism  has  held  sway.  As  an 
institution  it  reached  the  limits  of  its  perfected  possibilities 
in  Spain,  and  therefore  has  come  to  be  generally  known  as 
u  The  Spanish  Inquisition."  It  was  constituted  by  papal 
bull.  The  first  Inquisitor  General  of  Spain  was  Friar  Tor- 
quemada.  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  Martin  Luther  was 
born  the  same  year  that  Torquemada  began  his  official  work. 
Prescott  says  of  him:  "This  man's  zeal  was  of  such  an 
extravagant  character  that  it  may  almost  shelter  itself  under 
the  name  of  insanity."  The  Moors  and  the  Jews,  who  had 
been  baptized  into  the  Roman  faith  by  compulsion,  were  the 
first  victims  to  be  burned  at  Seville  on  a  scaffold,  "  with  the 
statues  of  four  prophets  attached  to  the  corners." 

The  Inquisition  was  an  ecclesiastical  torture  machine  run 
with  religious  zeal  and  employed  for  political  purposes,  to 
enrich  the  treasuries  of  subservient  and  despotic  monarchs, 
that  they  in  turn  might  be  firmly  held  in  bondage  to  the 
papal  head  of  ecclesiasticism.  This  was  >>n  effective  process 
for  shaping  Spanish-Latin  civilization. 

From  the  first  Ferdinand  gladly  welcomed  this  revenue- 
producing  machine,  but  Isabella  resisted  its  introduction  into 
Spain,  until  her  scruples  we"e  overcome  by  the  spiritual 
counsels  of  the  inventors. 


Anglo- Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  123 

The  Inquisition  was  styled  the  Holy  Office.  The  accused, 
when  summoned,  paralyzed  with  fear,  appeared  without  pro 
test  and  without  knowledge  of  charge  or  testimony,  for  secret 
trial,  and  without  counsel  with  family  or  friends  or  knowl 
edge  of  the  process  of  his  trial,  except  as  its  steps  were 
punctuated  with  tortures.  Appeal  to  Rome  could  only  be 
made  through  the  Inquisitor  himself. 

By  the  power  given  to  the  Inquisition  by  papal  order 
every  Roman  Catholic  was  obliged  to  convey  to  its  authori 
ties  information  in  his  possession  against  all,  even  his  nearest 
kindred.  The  secret  of  the  diabolical  possibilities  of  the 
Holy  Office  was  found  in  the  confessional,  where  the  more 
honest  and  pious  the  believer  the  more  valuable  the  testi 
mony  he  would  be  liable  to  give  to  the  unscrupulous  priest 
who  stood  between  his  soul  and  his  God  ;  and,  prostituting 
his  sacred  office,  the  priest  passed  the  secrets  of  the  soul  and 
the  safety  and  lives  of  kindred  into  the  hands  of  the  pitiless 
Inquisitor.  Has  dishonor  ever  exceeded  this  ? 

The  confessional  has  for  centuries  been  the  chief  secret  of 
the  power  of  Roman  Catholicism  in  many  directions,  over 
the  faith,  the  morals,  the  social  and  political  beliefs  of  its 
adherents.  It  is  a  doubtfully  delicate  and  often  a  danger 
ously  exercised  power. 

The  Inquisition  inflicted  as  penalties :  Confiscation  of  prop 
erty,  which  was  divided  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
authorities;  the  dungeon,  the  galley,  the  lash,  the  brand  of 
infamy  upon  the  subject  and  his  descendants,  and  death  in 
various  forms — the  most  popular  being  the  auto-da-fe,  where, 
after  a  long  and  ostentatious  celebration,  the  victims  were 
burned  as  an  exhibition. 

It  is  asserted  by  high  authorities  that  the  official  records 
show  that  during  the  eighteen  years  of  the  Inquisitor- 
generalship  of  Torquemada,  10,220  victims  were  burned,  6860 
condemned  and  burned  in  effigy  as  absent  or  dead,  and  97,321 
subjected  to  penalties  less  than  death. 


124  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Intolerance  invented  the  Inquisition.  The  sanctions  of  the 
religion  bearing  the  name  of  the  crucified  Christ  were  used 

o  ~ 

by  Rome  in  Spain  to  cover  the  cruelties  of  thousands  of 
crucifixions,  and  to  debase  a  nation  by  familiarizing  its  people, 
many  of  whom  were  both  cultured  and  chivalrous,  with 
a  public  spectacle  of  the  terrible  sufferings  of  those  who 
had  violated  no  just  law  of  God  or  man.  For  three  hundred 
years  the  Inquisition  seized  and  sacrificed  its  victims  in  Spain ; 
and  while  it  no  longer  ventures  to  face  with  its  tortures  the 
civilization  of  the  century  closing,  Spain  yet  has  no  religious 
liberty,  and  only  grudging  toleration. 

When  the  Saracens  and  the  Moors  conquered  Granada,  they 
proved  by  their  treatment  of  the  Spaniards  that  their  Moham 
medanism  possessed  less  bigotry  and  intolerance  than  the  type 
of  Christianity  illustrated  by  their  antagonists. 

AVhen,  under  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  Granada  was  con 
quered,  the  land  was  made  desolate  by  a  barbarous  system  of 
warfare,  which  not  only  confiscated  the  property  of  the  con 
quered  and  destroyed  their  national  wealth,  but  substantially 
either  drove  them  into  exile  or  consigned  them  to  slavery. 

The  Spanish  theory  of  government  which  that  nation  has 
practiced  for  four  centuries  grew  out  of  its  military  prowess  in 
its  wonderful  war  with  the  Saracens  when  the  nation  was  uni 
fied.  It  is  based  upon  military  might  which  first  conquers  and 
then  holds  a  people  in  submission  without  the  slightest  care  as 
to  their  material  and  social  well-being,  and  which  is  only 
scrupulous  about  prompt  payments  of  excessive  demands  for 
national  revenue  and  unquestioning  adherence  to  the  religion 
of  the  state. 

March  30,  1492,  is  the  date  of  one  of  the  most  cruel  and 
infamous  acts  in  human  history,  as  on  this  date  at  Granada  the 
edict  was  signed  for  the  expulsion  of  100,000  Jews  from  Spain 
because  of  their  thrift  and  wealth,  and  because  they  declined 
to  be  forced  to  the  acceptance  of  Spanish  Roman  Catholicism. 
They  had  been  native  Spaniards  for  fifty  generations.  They 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  125 

allowed  only  four  months  to  effect  their  permanent  depar 
ture,  and  upon  property  conditions  that  made  them  paupers. 
The  penalty  for  return  was  death  ;  the  penalty  of  compulsory 
departure  was  banishment  from  their  homes,  with  destitution 
and  death  in  many  strange  lands. 

A  century  later,  by  religious  persecutions,  political  proscrip 
tions,  and  royal  edicts,  the  Moors  had  all  been  driven  from 
Spain.  In  117  years  Spain  drove  nearly  700,000  of  her  peo 
ple  into  banishment. 

The  last  years  of  the  fifteenth  century  witnessed  Spain's 
highest  prosperity  in  all  her  history.  The  confiscation  of 
the  property  of  the  peoples  she  had  exiled,  peace  among 
her  various  provinces,  her  victory  over  Italy,  the  commerce 
and  treasure  of  newly  discovered  countries,  and  astute  rulers 
made  her  great  and  powerful. 

Columbus,  an  Italian  turned  Spaniard,  his  theories  rejected 
by  the  other  European  sovereigns,  found  favor  with  Isabella, 
to  whose  foresight,  sagacity,  self-sacrifice,  and  courage  credit 
must  be  accorded. 

It  looks  like  a  strange  providence  that  monarchs  of  the 
history  and  character  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  representing 
a  civilization  infamous  for  cruelties,  should  be  permitted  to 
send  out  the  discoverer  of  this  New  World. 

No  sooner  had  the  discoverer  set  up  the  cross  on  the  island 
outposts  of  the  New  World — not  as  a  sign  of  liberty  for  man, 
but,  as  the  event  proved,  the  sign  of  discovery,  spoliation,  and 
slavery — than  Spaniards  in  Columbus'  train  gave  vent,  in 
their  treatment  of  the  inhabitants,  to  the  inherent  qualities  of 
their  nature  by  what  has  been  fittingly  described  as  "  a  visita 
tion  of  hell."  They  enslaved  the  natives,  and  gave  as  a  reason 
for  their  course  that  it  would  bring  them  into  contact  with  the 
Christian  religion. 

At  the  various  stages  of  Isabella's  progress  as  a  sovereign, 
she  seemed  to  be  moved  by  humane  promptings  and  generous 
purposes ;  but  she  was  with  great  uniformity  overruled  in  the 


126  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century, 

one  and  thwarted  in  the  other.  Ecclesiastics  could  persuade 
or  dissuade  her  concerning  almost  any  course  of  action. 

Irving,  in  his  "Life  of  Columbus,"  says:  "Twelve  years 
had  not  elapsed  since  the  discovery  of  the  island  [of  His- 
paniola],  and  several  hundred  thousand  of  its  native  inhabi 
tants  had  perished,  miserable  victims  of  the  white  men." 

The  history  of  the  conquests  of  Mexico  and  Peru  by 
Cortez  and  Pizarro,  early  in  the  sixteenth  century,  reads  like 
a  record  of  the  sport  of  fiends  or  like  a  tragedy  founded 
upon  the  prowess  of  the  emissaries  of  Satan.  Cortez  and 
Pizarro  and  their  following  exhibited  courage  and  valor, 
cruelty  and  treachery,  boldness  and  sagacity,  avarice  and 
wantonness.  They  were  faithful  exponents  of  the  civiliza 
tion  which  made  them  possible  and  of  a  type  of  religion 
which  it  was  both  blasphemous  and  infamous  to  call  Chris 
tian.  Mexico  was  enslaved  by  Spain  in  1519,  and  liberated 
by  rebellion  in  1824.  Peru  was  crushed  by  Spain  in  1532, 
and  resurrected  by  revolution  in  1820.  It  is  a  marvel  that 
these  peoples,  after  three  hundred  years  of  ideal  and  oppres 
sive  Spanish  rule,  are  making  any  creditable  advance  in  self- 
government.  The  civil  oppressor  has  departed,  but  the  eccle 
siastical  oppressor  remains,  and  is  making  an  agonizing  effort 
to  maintain  his  intolerant  clutch. 

In  the  Preface  to  "The  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic" 
Motley  says :  "  The  splendid  empire  of  Charles  V.  was 
erected  upon  the  grave  of  liberty.  The  ancient  streams  of 
national  freedom  and  human  progress,  through  many  of  the 
fairest  regions  of  the  world,  were  emptied  and  lost  in  that 
enormous  gulf.  It  is  a  consolation  to  those  who  have  hope  in 
humanity  to  watch,  under  the  reign  of  his  successors,  the 
gradual  but  triumphant  resurrection  of  the  spirit  over  which 
the  sepulcher  had  so  long  been  sealed." 

The  relation  of  Charles  to  the  Netherlands,  where  he  had 
been  born  and  educated  and  of  which  he  had  been  the 
nominal  ruler  since  1506,  was  that  of  unmitigated  oppression. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  127 

He  shed  the  blood  of  their  bravest  people.  He  enriched 
himself  from  their  treasures,  and  spent  enormous  sums 
extorted  from  them  in  wars  in  which  they  had  no  concern, 
and  sought  in  every  way  to  destroy  their  dearly-bought  civil 
and  religious  liberties.  He  planted  the  Inquisition  in  their 
fair  land.  The  number  of  Netherlander  who  by  his  edicts 
were  "  burned,  strangled,  beheaded,  or  buried  alive  "  for  read 
ing  the  Scriptures  and  other  kindred  crimes,  has  never  been 
put  lower  than  fifty  thousand,  and  by  many  authorities  as 
high  as  one  hundred  thousand.  This  infamous  wretch  sum 
moned  his  Estates  about  him  and,  assuring  them  of  his  past 
and  present  affection,  abdicated.  What  possibilities  of 
infamy  are  open  to  Spanish  royal  scoundrels  may  be  appre 
ciated  when  history  tells  us  that  Charles  "  was  never  as 
odious  as  his  successor.'7 

While  the  domain  of  Charles  was  a  vast  European  empire 
he  depended  upon  Spain  for  his  soldiers  and  his  finances. 

Philip  II.  was  Charles'  only  legitimate  son  and  his  suc 
cessor.  He  established  a  crushing  despotism.  He  used  the 
army  of  one  province  to  overcome  the  liberties  of  another. 
He  used  the  Inquisition  to  suppress  both  secular  and  religious 
dissent.  He  compelled  the  Cortes  to  legalize  his  tyrannies 
and  remove  all  obstacles  to  their  exercise.  His  intolerance 
caused  the  Netherlands  successfully  to  revolt  and  secure 
independence.  In  1567  Philip  sent  Alva  to  the  Netherlands 
with  10,000  armed  men  and  2000  prostitutes,  and  established 
"  The  Council  of  Troubles  "  as  a  re-enforcement  to  the  Inquisi 
tion.  As  part  of  the  fruit  of  this  new  engine  of  tyranny, 
Motley  says :  "  The  whole  country  became  a  charnel  house ; 
the  death-bell  tolled  hourly  in  every  village.  Columns  and 
stakes  in  every  street,  the  doors  of  private  houses,  the  fences 
in  the  fields,  were  laden  with  human  carcasses,  strangled, 
burned,  beheaded.  The  orchards  in  the  country  bore  on 
many  a  tree  the  fruit  of  human  bodies."  Alva,  after  six  years' 
rule,  boasted  that  in  addition  to  those  slain  in  battle  and 


128  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

massacred  lie  had  executed  18,600  people,  and  in  a  single 
massacre  mercilessly  slaughtered  7000  patriots.  For  forty 
years  Spain  through  her  instruments  continued  her  work  of 
attempted  extermination  of  liberty  in  the  Netherlands,  even 
hiring  the  assassination  of  William  of  Orange  and  rewarding 
the  assassin  and  his  heirs. 

If  character  had  floated  on  her  ships  and  stood  in  com 
mand  on  her  decks  and  behind  her  guns,  Spain  would  nor 
mally  have  been  the  mistress  of  the  seas,  from  the  choice 
geographical  position  she  occupied,  with  her  extended  coast 
line  washed  by  the  Atlantic  and  the  Mediterranean  and  her 
colonial  possessions  embracing  the  wealth  of  the  Orient  and 
of  the  New  World.  Captain  Mahau,  in  his  work  on  "  The 
Influence  of  Sea-Power  upon  History,"  says :  "  Since  the 
battle  of  Lepanto  in  1571,  though  engaged  in  many  Avars,  no 
sea  victory  of  any  consequence  shines  on  the  pages  of  Spanish 
history  ;  and  the  decay  of  her  commerce  sufficiently  accounts 
for  the  painful  and  sometimes  ludicrous  inaptness  shown  on 
the  decks  of  her  ships  of  war."  The  Spanish  were  always 
defeated  by  the  Dutch  and  English.  Their  one  victory  was 
over  the  Turks,  after  forming  an  alliance  with  the  Pope's 
forces  and  the  fleets  of  Venice  and  Genoa. 

In  1587  30  English  ships  destroyed  the  Spanish  war-ships 
and  merchantmen  in  the  harbor  of  Cadiz. 

In  1588  "The  Invincible  Armada,"  composed  of  130  ships, 
3165  guns,  30,000  men,  300  monks  and  priests,  and  the 
vicar  general  of  the  Inquisition,  which  it  was  proposed  to  set 
up  in  England,  entered  the  English  Channel.  The  English 
had  67  ships.  After  days  of  battle  with  shot  and  fire,  re-en 
forced  by  storm,  there  returned  to  the  Spanish  coast  54 
shattered  vessels  of  the  "Armada"  and  about  10,000  demoral 
ized  and  disease-stricken  men.  A  higher  civilization  was 
afloat  on  all  seas. 

In  1639  a  Spanish  navy  composed  of  about  70  ships  was 
captured  or  destroyed  by  about  20  Dutch  ships. 


Till-:   COM.MAXDKRS   OF    THI-    OI>I>(  >SIXr,    FLEKTS    IX    TH,.:    SI>ANISH. 
AMERICAN    WAR. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  129 

In  1718  the  Spanish  navy  was  destroyed  at  Cape  Passaro. 

In  1805  at  Trafalgar  the  combined  Spanish  and  French 
fleets  were  defeated  by  the  English. 

On  May  1,  1898,  the  Spaniard  again  meets  the  Anglo- 
Saxon,  of  the  American  type,  in  Manila  Bay,  and  in  a  few 
hours  his  entire  Asiatic  fleet  is  destroyed.  On  July  3,  1898, 
the  best  ships  of  the  Spanish  navy  comprising  the  Atlantic 
fleet,  which  was  expected  to  destroy  the  cities  on  the  Ameri 
can  coast,  were  utterly  annihilated  at  Santiago.  A  higher 
civilization  was  afloat  on  all  seas. 

History  repeated  itself  in  many  particulars  in  these  last 
naval  contests  between  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Latin 
Spaniard. 

In  1588  Howard  in  the  English  Channel  commanded  a 
ship  named  Haleigli,  and  in  1898  in  Manila  Bay  there  was 
a  ship  named  jRaleigh  in  Dewey's  fleet.  In  1588  the  loss  on 
the  English  ships  was  inconsiderable,  while  the  Spanish  lost 
two-thirds  of  their  entire  force  of  men  and  most  of  their  ships. 
In  1898  the  loss  on  the  American  ships  was  inconsiderable, 
while  the  Spanish  lost  all  of  their  ships  and  all  of  their  men 
by  death  or  as  prisoners. 

In  1588  the  Spanish  people  were  told  that  the  Armada 
had  been  victorious,  and  that  "  the  great  dog,  Sir  Francis 
Drake,"  had  been  taken  prisoner  and  put  in  chains.  In  1898, 
after  the  naval  battles  of  Manila  and  Santiago,  the  Spanish 
people  were  told  that  the  "  Yankee  pigs "  had  been  beaten 
and  their  commanders  had  been  taken  prisoners. 

One  of  the  Spanish  traits  emphasized  by  the  war  was  their 
capacity  for  lying,  not  simply  to  their  enemies,  but  to  their 
own  people.  In  their  reports  of  engagements  on  sea  and  land 
it  would  be  difficult  to  find  a  single  instance  in  which  they 
told  the  simple  truth.  They  seemed  to  have  an  unconquer 
able  prejudice,  amounting  to  hatred,  against  veracity.  Their 
souls  seemed  to  feed  on  deception  as  a  regular  diet.  A  glim 
mer  of  the  sunshine  of  truth  seemed  to  dazzle  their  vision. 


130  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

For  Spain  a  war  with  the  United  States  was  necessary,  to 
cover  up  the  stealings  of  military,  naval,  and  civil  officers  at 
home  and  abroad  and  to  preserve  untarnished  her  Latin  sense 
of  honor. 

Mrs.  J.  Addison  Porter  reported  from  the  seat  of  war 
that  Spanish  troops  at  Santiago  fired  upon  the  Red  Cross 
ambulances. 

Lieutenant  Joseph  A.  Carr  says  :  "  While  under  the  shadow 
of  the  Red  Cross  I  was  shot  again  in  the  hip.  The  Spanish 
seemed  to  direct  their  most  savage  fire  wherever  they  saw  the 
Red  Cross."  This  is  the  all  but  unanimous  testimony  of  the 
wounded  at  Santiago,  and  of  those  who  had  them  in  charge, 
among  the  American  troops. 

In  the  light  of  history,  the  following  statement  by  Father 
Hecker  reads  strangely : 

"  The  discovery  of  the  Western  Continent  was  eminently  a 
religious  enterprise.  Columbus  had  in  vain  sought  aid  for  his 
great  undertaking  from  his  native  city  Genoa,  from  Portugal, 
England,  Venice,  and  the  court  of  Spain ;  and  it  was  after 
these  fruitless  applications  that  Juan  Perez,  the  prior  of  La 
Rabida,  took  up  his  cause  and  pleaded  it  with  so  much  ear 
nestness  and  ability  in  a  letter  to  Queen  Isabella  that  she  at 
once  sent  for  Columbus  and  offered  to  pledge  her  jewels  to 
obtain  funds  for  the  expedition.  The  motive  which  animated 
Columbus,  in  common  with  the  Franciscan  friar  and  Isabella 
the  Catholic,  was  the  burning  desire  to  carry  the  blessings  of 
the  Christian  faith  to  the  inhabitants  of  a  new  continent,  and 
it  was  the  inspiration  of  this  idea  which  brought  a  new  world 
to  light." 

There  is  nothing  except  the  bare  fact  of  discovery,  in  con 
nection  with  the  Spanish  conquest  and  occupation  for  three 
centuries  of  the  Americas,  that  is  worthy  of  any  favorable 
judgment  from  mankind.  The  experiment  may  have  been 
necessary  to  prove  that  God  would  not  permit  such  a  civiliza 
tion  to  control  the  New  World, 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  131 

Two  hundred  and  seventy -five  years  ago  the  Latin  powers 
had  no  rival  on  this  continent.  One  hundred  and  fifty  years 
ago  there  were  a  few  Dutch  and  English  colonists  on  the 
northern  Atlantic  coast.  Now,  without  an  exception  worth 
noting,  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  rules  North  America  with  con 
stitutional  government  based  upon  Christian  principles. 

Under  Spanish  occupation,  native  and  African  slavery  was 
introduced  into  the  islands  Columbus  discovered,  extermi 
nating  the  original  inhabitants,  and  placing  the  native  races  of 
half  the  continent  in  the  rear  of  all  the  Christian  peoples  in 
the  world  at  the  end  of  four  centuries.  An  insane  hunt  for 
gold,  and  the  mediaeval  union  of  church  and  state,  were  the 
propelling  powers  of  Spanish-American  occupation. 

The  Latin  nations — the  Spanish,  French,  and  Portuguese — 
settled  and  practically  occupied  the  western  continent  for  two 
centuries.  What  did  they  do  for  their  race,  and  what  did 
they  do  in  making  this  and  the  other  American  republics  ? 

The  joint  governments  of  Castile  and  Aragon,  under  Ferdi 
nand  and  Isabella,  represent  the  initiation  of  an  era  of  civil 
and  religious  despotism  and  of  a  destructive  industrial  policy 
which  in  these  four  centuries  has  reduced  the  proudest  nation 
in  Europe  to  a  power  that  the  other  nations  neither  fear  nor 
respect. 

Spain  has  always  been  an  exterminator  among  the  nations 
and  never  a  civilizer.  She  has  never  assimilated  the  peoples 
she  has  conquered  or  ruled,  but  has  isolated  and  exasperated 
them  to  hatred  and  rebellion.  Incapable  of  governing  herself, 
she  of  necessity  cannot  govern  colonies. 

In  her  conquest  of  nations  in  the  Old  World,  and  in  her 
conquest  of  nations  and  planting  of  colonies  in  the  New 
World,  she  made  everything  contribute  to  the  increase  of 
wealth  and  power  of  the  home  government ;  we  will  not  say 
the  mother  government,  because  she  never  sustained  such  a 
relation  to  the  people  she  subdued  as  to  inspire  the  feeling  of 
filial  loyalty. 


132  Facing  tlte  Twentieth  Century. 

The  Spaniard  is  cruel  and  conscienceless,  but  very  religious. 

The  copartnership  of  bullfights  and  religious  devotions 
legitimately  put  to  the  front  a  Weyler. 

"The  reader  will  now  be  able  to  understand  the  real  nature 
of  Spanish  civilization.  He  will  see  how,  under  the  high- 
sounding  names  of  loyalty  and  religion,  lurk  the  deadly  evils 
which  those  names  have  always  concealed,  but  which  it  is  the 
business  of  the  historian  to  drag  to  light  and  expose.  A  blind 
spirit  of  reverence,  taking  the  form  of  an  unworthy  and  igno 
minious  submission  to  the  crown  and  the  Church,  is  the  cap 
ital  and  essential  vice  of  the  Spanish  people.  It  is  their  sole 
national  vice,  and  it  has  sufficed  to  ruin  them.  From  it  all 
nations  have  grievously  suffered,  and  many  still  suffer.  But 
nowhere  in  Europe  has  this  principle  been  so  long  supreme 
as  in  Spain.  Therefore,  nowhere  else  in  Europe  are  the  con 
sequences  so  manifest  and  so  fatal.  The  idea  of  liberty  is 
extinct,  if,  indeed,  in  the  true  sense  of  the  word,  it  ever  can 
be  said  to  have  existed. 

"  Spain  sleeps  on,  untroubled,  unheeding,  impassive,  receiv 
ing  no  impressions  from  the  rest  of  the  world,  and  making  no 
impressions  upon  it.  There  she  lies,  at  the  further  extremity 
of  the  Continent,  a  huge  and  torpid  mass,  the  sole  representa 
tive  now  remaining  of  the  feelings  and  knowledge  of  the 
Middle  Ages.  And,  what  is  the  worst  symptom  of  all,  she 
is  satisfied  with  her  own  condition.  Though  she  is  the  most 
backward  country  in  Europe,  she  believes  herself  to  be  the 
foremost.  She  is  proud  of  everything  of  which  she  should  be 
ashamed.  She  is  proud  of  the  antiquity  of  her  opinions; 
proud  of  her  orthodoxy;  proud  of  the  strength  of  her  faith  ; 
proud  of  her  immeasurable  and  childish  credulity;  proud  of 
her  unwillingness  to  amend  either  her  creed  or  her  customs; 
proud  of  her  hatred  of  heretics;  and  proud  of  the  undying 
vigilance  with  which  she  has  baffled  their  efforts  to  obtain  a 
full  and  legal  establishment  on  her  soil. 

u  All  these   things,  conspiring  together,   produce,  in  their 


Anglo- Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  133 

aggregate,  that  melancholy  exhibition  to  which  we  give  the 
collective  name  of  Spain.  The  history  of  that  single  word  is 
the  history  of  nearly  every  vicissitude  of  which  the  human 
species  is  capable." — "  History  of  Civilization"  Buckle,  vol. 
ii.  pp.  119-122. 

AMERICA'S  EARLY  ESCAPE  FROM  THE  GRASP  OF 
LATIN  CIVILIZATION. 

No  new  worlds  on  the  earth  are  hidden  awaiting  a  dis 
coverer.  The  discovery  of  the  New  World  completed  the 
territorial  circuit  of  the  globe.  Civilization  must  be  perfected 
where  nations  now  exist,  as  no  virgin  soil  remains  for  the 
planting  of  new  seeds,  and  no  new  theater  can  be  opened  for 
the  trial  of  experiments.  Problems  must  be  solved,  perils 
must  be  averted,  principles  must  be  intrenched  in  the  midst 
of  conditions  caused  by  conflicting  civilizations.  The  last, 
and  thus  far  the  most  successful  experiment  in  civilization 
in  its  western  course,  is  found  in  the  Christian,  republican, 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization  of  the  American  republic,  because  it 
has  secured  civil  and  religious  liberty,  industrial  progress, 
social  happiness,  educational  opportunities,  and  individual 
prosperity  to  more  people  under  one  national  and  political 
system  than  history  has  ever  before  been  permitted  to 
record. 

The  race,  with  its  best  as  well  as  its  worst  religions  and 
philosophies,  was  cradled  in  the  East.  But  as  it  moved  out 
and  away  from  its  cradle,  the  character  of  its  civilization  has 
improved  in  strength  and  sturdiness  in  its  westward  march ; 
its  religions  becoming  tolerant  and  its  philosophies  practical. 
The  races  which  have  remained  in  the  lands  adjacent  to  the 
birthplace  of  the  race,  and  multiplied  into  hundreds  of  mil 
lions,  are  separated  from  Western  civilization  by  a  chasm  the 
width  of  which  is  not  measured  by  seas  or  continents,  but  by 
centuries  belated  by  a  conservatism  that  has  erected  impass 
able  barriers. 


134  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  parallels  of  latitude  which  embrace  our  geographical 
and  climatic  limitations  also  mark  the  birthplace  of  the  great 
est  leaders  of  humanity,  the  theater  of  the  greatest  events  in 
history,  of  the  greatest  triumphs  of  genius,  and  of  the  proces 
sion  of  the  mightiest  races  of  men. 

AVe  have  greater  natural,  political,  and  economic  advan 
tages  than  any  other  people,  and  therefore  greater  responsi 
bilities.  We  have  great  problems  to  solve. 

"  Unsettled  questions  and  pressing  problems  are  the  police 
of  the  world,  always  on  duty,  giving  nations  no  repose,  and 
bidding  humanity  move  ever  on." 

How  these  problems  are  solved  must  be  dictated  by  the 
character  of  our  civilization. 

The  theory  of  our  civilization  certainly  is  the  greatest  good 
of  the  greatest  number,  and  that  greatest  number  certainly 
hold  the  political  power  and  fortunes  of  the  commonwealth 
in  their  hands. 

Of  our  civilization  Matthew  Arnold  says :  "  The  political 
and  social  problem  does  seem  to  be  solved  there  with  re 
markable  success." 

Our  civilization  is  Anglo-Saxon,  and  Anglo-Saxon  civiliza 
tion  is  Protestant  civilization.  Latin  civilization  is  Roman 
Catholic  civilization. 

We  can  hardly  subscribe  to  the  sentiment  uttered  by  the 
late  Archbishop  Hughes  that  "  The  jewels  of  Isabella  the 
Catholic  would  be  an  appropriate  ornament  for  the  sword  of 
Washington." 

While  we  ought  to  be  grateful  that  Columbus,  aided  by 
Isabella,  discovered  the  outposts  of  this  continent,  we  ought 
to  be  supremely  grateful  that  the  civilization  they  repre 
sented  neither  ornamented  nor  wielded  the  sword  of  Wash 
ington. 

Papal  Spain  put  Columbus  in  chains  and  disgraced  him, 
then  scattered  monuments  over  its  possessions  in  his  memory. 

The    Anglo-Saxon   intellect  and  conscience  have  never  in- 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  135 

dorsed  the  pretensions  or  dogmas  of  the  papacy,  although 
they  have  at  times  been  compelled  to  submit  to  its  supremacy. 

Latin  civilization  at  the  present  time  has  only  one  bond  in 
common,  and  that  is  the  recognition  of  Romanism  as  a  polit 
ico-ecclesiastical  religious  power  used  for  political  purposes. 

The  first  devotion  of  the  Latin  is  given  to  a  person  and  not 
to  a  principle,  but  the  first  devotion  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  is 
given  to  a  principle  and  not  to  a  person. 

The  English  language  makes  no  distinction  between  law  and 
justice  as  the  Latin  language  does,  and  this  constitutes  the 
vital  difference  between  the  English  and  Latin  civilizations. 

In  countries  of  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  an  accused  man  is 
considered  innocent  until  proved  guilty,  but  in  countries  of 
Latin  civilization  an  accused  man  is  considered  guilty  until 
he  is  proved  innocent.  The  Dreyfus  and  Picquart  cases  in 
so-called  republican  France  illustrate  even  the  most  liberal 
and  advanced  type  of  Latin  civilization's  conception  of  justice 
to  individual  man,  where  the  accused  were  not  only  assumed 
to  be  guilty,  but  were  denied  the  opportunity  of  proving 
their  innocence.  The  spirit  and  character  of  the  Inquisition 
have  poisoned  the  blood  of  the  body  politic  in  every  nation 
where  Rome  yet  has  ecclesiastical  hold  upon  the  people. 

Surpassed  by  Venice  in  the  national  rivalry  for  wealth  and 
empire,  and  excluded  from  approach  to  Asia  by  any  overland 
route,  the  nations  of  Western  Europe  in  their  quest  for  an 
unobstructed  entrance  to  the  golden  gates  turned  westward, 
and  without  intent  revealed  to  the  Old  World  a  new  continent 
and  a  New  World,  which  were  to  furnish  the  human  race  a 
new  chance  for  development,  freed  from  despotism,  fanati 
cism,  and  pauperism. 

The  discovery  of  America  is  referred  to  by  Humboldt  as 
a  "  wonderful  concatenation  of  trivial  circumstances,"  which 
undeniably  exercised  an  influence  on  the  course  of  the  world's 
destiny.  "  These  circumstances  are,"  Washington  Irving  has 
justly  observed,  "  that  if  Columbus  had  resisted  the  counsel 


136  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  Martin  Alonzo  Pinzon,  and  continued  to  steer  westward, 
he  would  have  entered  the  Gulf  Stream,  and  been  borne  to 
Florida,  and  from  thence  probably  to  Cape  Hatteras  and  Vir 
ginia — a  circumstance  of  incalculable  importance,  since  it 
might  have  been  the  means  of  giving  the  United  States  of 
North  America  a  Catholic-Spanish  population  in  the  place 
of  the  Protestant-English,  one  by  which  those  regions  were 
subsequently  colonized.  *  It  seems  to  me  like  an  inspiration,' 
said  Pinzon  to  the  admiral,  l  that  my  heart  dictates  to  me  that 
we  ought  to  steer  in  a  different  direction.'  It  was  on  the 
strength  of  this  circumstance  that,  in  the  celebrated  lawsuit 
which  Pinzon  carried  on  against  the  heirs  of  Columbus 
between  1513  and  1515,  he  maintained  that  the  discovery 
of  America  was  alone  due  to  him.  This  inspiration,  Piiizon 
owed,  as  related  by  an  old  sailor,  at  the  same  trial,  to  the  flight 
of  a  flock  of  parrots,  which  he  had  observed  in  the  evening 
flying  toward  the  southwest,  in  order,  as  he  might  well  have 
conjectured,  to  roost  on  trees  on  the  land.  Never  has  a  flight 
of  birds  been  attended  with  more  important  results." 

Franz  Sigel  writes  :  u  If  the  decree  of  Pope  Alexander  VI. 
had  prevailed,  the  American  continent  would  have  become  a 
Spanish  province ;  but  fortunately,  not  only  Portugal,  but 
France,  England,  the  Dutch,  and  the  Swedes  very  soon  entered 
into  practical  competition  with  the  Spanish  conquerors,  and 
while  the  French  began  their  operations  in  Canada  and  in  the 
Mississippi  Valley,  the  English,  Dutch,  Scandinavians,  and 
(iermans  settled,  slowly  but  securely,  upon  the  Atlantic  coast, 
forming  the  very  germ  and  nucleus  of  what  is  now  the  United 
States  of  America. 

"  By  a  coincidence  of  most  fortunate  circumstances  it  so  hap 
pened  that,  while  everywhere  else  on  this  continent  the  des 
potic  and  bigoted  governments  of  France  and  Spain  held 
unrestricted  sway  over  conquered  provinces,  here,  on  the 
Eastern  slope  of  the  Alleghanies,  grew  up  corporations  and 
colonies  of  quite  a  different  sort.  Instead  of  the  hidalgo  and 


Ferdinand. 
Columbus. 


Caravels  of  Columbus. 


Isabella . 
Vesfiucius. 


BRA 

OF  T  Hi-- 
UNIVERSITY 


Anglo- Saxan  and  Latin  Civilizations.  137 

filibuster,  the  wild  speculator  and  adventurer,  the  friar 
and  the  Jesuit,  there  came  the  Puritan  and  the  Quaker, 
the  Huguenot,  the  Dutch  Reformer  and  the  Swedish  Prot 
estant,  the  Moravian  and  Baptist,  the  German  Lutheran  arid 
refugee  from  devastated  Palatinate,  Alsace,  and  Southern  Ger 
many.  In  fact,  the  most  persecuted,  but  also  the  most  liberal 
elements  of  European  society  sought  shelter  and  a  new  home 
in  the  New  World,  and  finally  succeeded,  by  their  energy, 
self-reliance,  and  faith,  by  their  love  of  liberty  and  love  of 
labor,  in  building  up  new  communities,  cities,  and  States,  and 
in  laying  the  foundation  of  a  powerful  empire  as  a  counter 
poise  to  despotism,  suppression,  and  religious  intolerance." 

Tbe  present  generations  of  American  citizens  ought  to  be 
grateful  that  God  postponed  their  arrival  on  this  globe  until 
the  nineteenth  century  of  the  Christian  era,  when  man  is  no 
longer  the  slave  but  the  master  of  nature ;  when  science 
tunnels  the  mountains,  skims  the  seas,  transforms  thought 
into  implements  of  daily  use,  and  is  harnessed  to  Jehovah's 
triumphal  chariot  in  its  way  among  the  nations,  and  when 
there  is  one  land  in  which  civil  and  religious  liberty  is  the 
unquestioned  right  of  all  men. 

In  these  history-making  times  it  becomes  all  citizens  to  do 
some  serious  thinking  and  recall  the  sources  of  our  civiliza 
tion.  Since  the  gun  on  the  Pintcfs  deck,  on  October  12, 
1492,  caused  air  to  vibrate  which  until  that  hour  had  never 
resounded  to  cannon's  roar,  four  centuries  of  American  history 
have  been  enacted  and  recorded.  The  highest  proof  of  the 
favor  of  the  Divine  Ruler  of  the  universe  toward  this  land  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  during  the  first  century  of  the  four  of 
our  history  God  stretched  his  omnipotent  hand  over  North 
America,  and  did  not  permit  the  type  of  civilization  repre 
sented  by  the  nations  from  which  the  discoverer  came  to  take 
root. 

After  America  was  discovered  the  hand  of  God  hid  and 
sheltered  it,  and  prohibited  from  settlement  for  a  century 


138  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

its  three  thousand  miles  of  coast  line.  "  The  Almighty  paced 
up  and  down  America,  after  its  discovery,  like  a  stern  sentry, 
holding  off  the  nations  for  a  hundred  years,"  said  Dr.  Roswell 
Hitchcock.  The  new  continent  had  been  revealed.  Its 
possession  was  coveted  by  the  nations  of  the  Old  World,  but 
they  were  restrained.  The  explanation  of  the  cause  of  this 
restraint  is  found  in  the  events  which  were  transpiring  in 
Europe  in  the  first  American  century.  The  Scriptures  were 
being  disentombed  and  being  read,  and  were  quickening 
intellect,  purifying  politics,  and  inspiring  heroic  faith.  The 
colonizers  of  our  country  were  all  inspired  by  the  power  of 
a  liberated  Bible.  The  Bible,  buried  for  a  thousand  years, 
was  resurrected  just  at  the  time  when  the  men  who  were  to 
colonize  America  were  born,  and  in  these  men  the  germ  of 
republicanism,  which  was  the"  written  and  preserved  thought 
of  God  for  man's  government  of  man,  was  born. 

Edward  Everett  says  of  the  source  of  the  power  of  these 
men  :  "  Although  born  the  subjects  of  a  monarchy,  accus 
tomed  to  an  hereditary  nobility  and  a  splendid  hierarchy, 
they  put  everything  at  once  on  the  footing  of  a  broad,  down 
right  political  equality.  Why  ?  Under  what  influence  ? 
Men  do  not,  like  Divine  Power,  create  worlds  out  of  nothing. 
Where  did  our  fathers  find  the  elements  out  of  which  they 
constructed  the  social  edifice?  They  found  them  in  the  Bible. 
The  plan  of  a  representative  republic,  which  they  devised,  will 
go  down  with  the  Scriptures  from  which  its  principles  are 
drawn,  to  the  latest  posterity." 

Under  (rod,  these  men  rescued  us  from  the  grasp  of  a 
Latin  civilization,  and  furnished  fountains  of  life-blood  for  a 
noble  national  life  with  all  its  infinite  current  of  blessings. 

Latin  civilization,  with  its  union  of  church  and  state,  in 
the  Central  and  South  American  states,  in  Mexico  and 
Cuba,  reveals  to  us  what  we  have  escaped.  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  united  the  crowns  of  Castile  and  Aragon  and  became 
the  inventors  of  the  Inquisition,  which  sent  to  death,  for  the 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  139 

crime  of  holding  personal  religious  opinions,  ten  thousand  of 
their  subjects,  and  deluged  Europe  with  blood.  "  Spanish 
policy  in  America  has  always  been  the  same ;  a  policy  of 
suppression  and  spoliation,  of  death  and  desolation,  and  it  lias 
never  been  relinquished  save  when  se-t  aside  by  successive 
revolts  and  revolutions."  African  slavery  was  our  inherit 
ance  from  Spain.  Then  Spain  was  honored  and  feared  by 
all  nations  ;  now  she  is  honored  and  feared  by  none  but 
despised  by  all. 

The  discovery  of  America  marked  a  new  departure  in  the 
history  of  the  human  race,  with  the  best  of  the  past  civiliza 
tions  surrounding  its  initial  movements.  One  of  our  scholars 
has  said  :  "  America  is  but  another  name  for  opportunity," 
and  one  of  our  orators  has  said :  "  The  cross  on  Calvary  meant 
hope ;  the  cross  on  San  Salvador  meant  opportunity,"  but 
God  required  this  goodly  land  to  wait  for  a  prepared  race  of 
men  to  enter  into  opportunity. 

As  we  have  seen,  our  civilization  sprang  from  types  of 
character  which  legitimately  should  produce  an  intelligent, 
full-orbed,  and  sovereign  manhood. 

As  the  resultant  of  this  American  Christian  civilization  from 
such  a  marvelous  and  composite  heredity,  we  enjoy  our  dis 
tinctively  American  institutions,  principles,  and  privileges, 
which  we  ought  to  appreciate  and  which  we  are  bound  to 
defend. 

These  institutions  are  in  vital  particulars  distinctively 
American  and  original,  and  not  inherited  from  the  civiliza 
tions  of  nations  of  longer  lineage.  With  such  an  inheritance 
and  with  such  privileges  ought  not  our  people  to  be  patriotic? 
Patriotism  is  an  American  instinct.  It  is  the  vital  air  of 
citizenship  in  the  republic.  We  welcome  the  representa 
tives  of  all  inferior  civilizations  to  enjoy  our  superior  civili 
zation,  but  not  to  undermine  or  destroy  it.  We  welcome 
the  refugees  from  civil  and  religious  bondage  and  persecu 
tion  from  all  climes  to  the  freedom  and  protection  of  our 


140  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

institutions,  but  they  must  not  confound  liberty  with  license, 
nor  use  our  free  air  to  float  the  banners  of  anarchy  and 
nihilism. 


AMERICAN    POPULATIONS    AND    CIVILIZATION    ESSENTIALLY 
ANGLO-SAXON. 

All  the  facts  and  approximate  estimates  concerning  the  racial 
constitution  of  the  American  people  go  to  show  that  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  element  strongly  preponderates,  constituting  nearly  two- 
thirds  of  the  white  population.  Our  origin,  our  language,  our 
institutions,  our  distinctive  character  are  all  Anglo-Saxon,  and 
the  contributions  from  other  races  to  our  national  progress  have 
been  valuable  only  as  they  have  been  molded  by  our  institu 
tions  and  have  not  sought  to  change  them. 

o  o 

Dr.  Edward  E.  Cornwall,  as  the  result  of  discriminating 
study,  furnishes  the  following  statement  in  the  New  York 
Sun,  September,  1898: 

"  Of  the  3,000,000  white  Americans  of  1790,  five-sixths  were 
Anglo-Saxon  ;  the  remaining  sixth  were  divided  among  the 
Continental  Teutonic,  the  Celtic,  and  the  miscellaneous  classes, 
the  Teutonic  embracing  the  largest  share. 

O  O 

"  Dividing,  according  to  these  proportions,  the  32,500,000 
who  in  1890  represented  the  natural  increase  of  the  3,000,000 
of  1790, 1  find  that  the  Anglo-Saxons  amounted  to  27,000,000, 
the  Continental  Teutons  to  3,500,000,  the  Celts  to  1,500,000, 
and  the  miscellaneous  to  500,000. 

"  Now,  making  a  final  summation,  I  find  that  the  55,000,000 
white  Americans  of  1890  are  racially  divided  as  follows: 

Anglo-Saxon  of  colonial  ancestry,        .....  27,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon  of  American,  but  post-colonial  ancestry,          .  1,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon  of  foreign  parentage,       ...                   .  2,000,000 

Anglo-Saxon  of  foreign  birth,       .                                                  .  2,000,000 


Total  Anglo-Saxon,   .  ...       32,000,000 


Anglo- Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  141 

Continental  Teutonic  of  colonial  ancestry,  ....  3,500,000 
Continental    Teutonic   of  American,  but  post-colonial  an 
cestry,    500,000 

Continental  Teutonic  of  foreign  parentage,          .         .         .  5,000,000 

Continental  Teutonic  of  foreign  birth,          ....  4,000,000 

Total  Continental  Teutonic, 13,000,000 

Celtic  of  colonial  ancestry,  .......  1,500,000 

Celtic  of  American,  but  post-colonial  ancestry,    .         .  500,000 

Celtic  of  foreign  parentage, 3,000,000 

Celtic  of  foreign  birth, 2,000,000 

Total  Celtic, 7,000,000 

Miscellaneous  of  colonial  ancestry,       .....  600,000 

Miscellaneous  of  American,  but  post-colonial  ancestry,         .  500,000 

Miscellaneous  of  foreign  parentage, 1,000,000 

Miscellaneous  of  foreign  birth,              1,000,000 

Total  miscellaneous, 3,000,000 


A    ROMAN    CATHOLIC    TRIBUTE   TO    OUR    ANGLO-SAXON 
CIVILIZATION. 

"The  Anglo-Saxon  race  in  the  United  States  were  given  the 
conservative  instincts  which  arose  from  their  thorough  knowl 
edge  of  the  laws  and  institutions  which  had  been  in  the  old 
country  the  outcome  and  expression  of  their  whole  social  life 
— a  life  continued  in  the  new,  and  there  expressed  by  the  same 
institutions,  the  same  laws,  the  same  forms  of  government,  in  so 
far  as  the  altered  circumstances  of  a  new  existence  permitted 
their  doing  so. 

"  God  gave  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  at  home,  in  what,  in  the 
fullest  comprehensiveness  of  the  word,  we  may  call  the  British 
Constitution,  this  full  embodiment  of  the  character,  the  tend 
encies,  the  needs  of  the  race  ;  He  gave  them  with  that  enlight 
ened  love  and  a  deep  attachment  to  these  forms  of  their  social 
life. 


142  Faring  the  Twentieth,  Century. 

"  In  America  these  forms,  with  the  very  important  excep 
tion  of  the  feudal  proprietary  system  imported  into  England 
by  the  Normans,  were  planted  and  cherished  by  the  early 
British  colonists.  It  was  an  invasion  of  the  most  sacred  con 
stitutional  rights  of  the  people  of  the  colonies  by  the  British 
Parliament  which  led  to  the  War  of  Independence  in  1775. 
The  war,  miscalled  a  revolution,  \vas  entirely  conservative. 
Americans  fought  to  defend  their  rights,  to  preserve  from 
usurpation  or  infraction  the  dearest  privileges  of  British  free 
men  and  citizens.  The  war  over,  and  even  from  their  solemn 
Declaration  of  Independence,  their  governmental  forms,  their 
laws,  the  entire  framework  of  their  social  life,  remained  what 
they  had  been. 

"  How  strange,  but  how  striking,  that  while  the  French  states 
men  of  1789  were  thus  blowing  up  the  social  edifice  reared  by 
their  fathers,  and  inoculating  all  the  Latin  nations  with  the 
virus  of  their  own  political  and  religious  madness,  the  assem 
bled  representatives  of  the  American  Union  should  have  been 
laying  simultaneously  the  foundations  of  a  system  which 
preserved  all  that  was  best  in  the  political  life  of  their  fore- 
fathers."—  ffReill^  "Life  of  Leo  XIII.?  pp.  444-46. 

Some  conception  of  the  blighting  effects  of  Latin  civilization 
upon  character  and  race  in  the  country  where  its  central  power 
is  located  may  be  had  by  studying  the  condition  of  the  emi 
grants  who  have  for  many  years  been  flocking  to  this  country 
from  Rome  and  other  cities  of  Italy.  "  I  am  a  Roman  citizen," 
was  once  the  proud  boast  of  proud  men  in  ancient  Rome,  but 
these  representatives  of  modern  Rome  among  our  citizenship 
contribute  little  to  the  causes  for  individual  national  pride  in 
the  boast,  "  I  am  an  American  citizen." 

While  the  same  Latin  origin  of  language  and  the  same  sys 
tem  of  Roman  jurisprudence  inherited  from  Imperial  Rome 
may  largely  determine  what  constitute  Latin  races,  these  are 
not  the  only  or  the  chief  factors  in  determining  what  nations 
are  wholly  or  in  part  the  products  of  Latin  civilization.  The 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  143 

Latin  civilization  of  the  mediaeval  and  modern  centuries  is  the 
product  of  the  power  and  teachings  not  of  Imperial  Home,  but 
of  Imperial  Papal  Rome. 

Latin  civilization,  which  has  had  the  largest  opportunities 
in  all  history,  has  proved  itself  incapable  of  founding  en 
during  empires,  because  it  has  never  based  them  upon  jus 
tice  and  the  rights  of  men  ;  because  it  has  denied  the  claims  of 
individual  conscience  and  private  judgment ;  because  it  has 
depended  solely  upon  two  forces  to  hold  peoples  in  subjec 
tion — the  might  of  irresponsible  military  power  and  the 
slavery  of  fanatical  and  conscienceless  ecclesiastical  terrors, 
backed  up  by  the  awful  sanctions  of  religion.  Its  very 
genius  breeds  disloyalty  among  aspiring  peoples  and  degrades 
the  lowly. 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization  has  founded  enduring  empires, 
because  its  purpose  has  been  to  promote  the  prosperity,  the 
thrift,  the  comfort,  and  the  happiness  of  the  people  it  has 
brought  under  its  dominion,  through  guarantees  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty.  It  possesses  a  virility  of  character  which 
enables  it  to  colonize  without  losing  its  identity,  and  to  bring 
order  out  of  the  chaos  of  an  inferior  civilization. 

It  has  largely  absorbed  and  assimilated  the  composite  peoples 
it  has  ruled,  raising  them  to  a  higher  level  instead  of  being 
degraded  by  them.  Its  very  genius  is  uplifting. 

Contrast  the  Latin  civilization  of  Spain  with  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  civilization  of  Great  Britain  in  relation  to  their  efforts 
at  colonization  in  America.  With  Spain  it  was  the  soldier  to 
subdue,  and  the  priest  to  convert,  that  ecclesiasticism  might 
enslave.  With  Britain  it  was  new  fields  for  industry  and  for 
homes,  with  its  ministers  of  religion  appealing  to  conscience. 
With  Spain  it  was  a  quest  for  treasure  ;  with  Britain  it  was 
a  search  for  civil  and  religious  liberty.  With  Spain,  nature 
was  compelled  to  surrender  her  wealth  by  the  unrequited  toil 
of  slaves ;  with  Britain,  nature  was  conquered  by  the  sweat 
of  the  labor  of  free  men.  Ecclesiasticism  and  Puritanism 


144  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 


reduced  colonial  results  as  antithetic  as  darkness  and  lisrht 


1 

as  bigotry  and  toleration,  as  slavery  and  freedom. 

The  history  of  English  colonization  in  the  Western  Hemi 
sphere,  while  not  exempt  from  dark  chapters,  has  been  a 
record  of  fruitfulness  for  the  best  civilization.  It  has  multi 
plied  resources,  developed  wealth,  inspired  invention,  created 
statesmen,  and  put  a  premium  upon  thrift,  enterprise,  courage, 
and  capacity. 

American  civilization,  or  the  civilization  of  the  United 
States,  is  Anglo-Saxon.  An  effort  of  desperation,  on  the  part 
of  those  who  seek  to  dampen  the  ardor  of  the  newly  and 
extensively  manifested  friendship  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  is  being  made  to  assault  the  suggested 
possible  Anglo-Saxon  Alliance  on  the  ground  that  the  Ameri 
cans  of  to-day  cannot  accurately  be  described  as  Anglo- 
Saxons. 

Suppose,  for  purposes  of  argument  only,  we  admit  the  con 
tention.  Suppose  that  an  inconsiderable  portion  of  our  popu 
lation  are  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin.  These  admissions,  if  they 
were  true,  would  not  change  the  incontestable  fact  that  our 
civilization  is  Anglo-Saxon  in  contradistinction  to  Latin  civili 
zation.  It  is  significant  that  the  chief  writers  and  speakers  in 
opposition  to  the  closer  alliance  of  the  peoples  whose  institu 
tions  are  the  product  of  Anglo  Saxon  civilization  are  them 
selves,  ecclesiastically,  the  products  of  Latin  civilization. 

Professor  Waldstein  in  the  North  American  Review  for 
August,  1898,  gives  as  the  essential  elements  of  Anglo-Ameri 
can  unity:  "A  common  country;  a  common  nationality;  a 
common  language;  common  forms  of  government;  common 
culture,  including  customs  and  institutions;  a  common  his 
tory  ;  a  common  religion,  in  so  far  as  religion  stands  for  the 
same  basis  of  morality;  and,  finally,  common  interests." 

The  two  peoples  are  essentially  akin  in  sufficient  of  these 
enumerated  elements  to  justify  and  dictate  close  and  perma 
nent  amity  for  mutual  weal.  British  and  American  iustitu- 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  145 

tions  have  largely  a  common  origin  and  historic  development, 
and  both  when  united  and  when  separated  they  have  con 
tended  for  self-government  and  independence,  for  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  and  they  now  have  a  "  common  foundation 
of  popular  and  national  ethics  and  religion." 

Professor  Waldstein  also  says:  "Britains  and  Americans 
stand  in  the  forefront  of  civilization  ;  in  political,  social,  and 
economical  education  they  stand  as  high  as  any  nation,  and 
higher  than  any  group  of  nations  that  could  be  massed  against 
them.  In  furthering  our  sphere  of  influence  we  are  neces 
sarily  spreading  the  most  advanced  and  highest  results  of 
man's  collective  efforts  in  the  history  of  his  civilization.  An 
English-speaking  brotherhood  will,  after  all,  only  be  a  step 
and  link  in  the  general  alliance  of  civilized  peoples." 

In  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  Spain  and  Turkey 
were  the  two  greatest  and  most  dreaded  powers  in  the  Old 
World.  Turkey  is  now  leaving  Europe  and  retreating  into 
her  native  Asia.  Spain  has  been  expelled  from  Germany,  the 
Netherlands,  France,  Italy,  the  Philippines,  and  the  Western 
Hemisphere.  The  banner  of  England  in  the  last  quarter  of 
the  sixteenth  century  was  excluded  from  Eastern  waters,  but 
at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth  century  it  floats  over  merchant 
men  and  warships  on  every  sea,  and  over  benignly  ruled 
colonies  around  the  globe. 

The  contest  for  the  control  of  the  world  between  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  and  Latin  races  for  the  past  two  centuries  is  startlingly 
set  forth  in  the  following  statistical  facts : 


1700  1800  1898. 

Populations  under  Anglo-Saxon  con 
trol,  0,000,000  96,000,000  475,000,000 

Populations  under  Latin  control,        .    41,000,00065,000,000  255,000,000 

Domain  in  square  miles  under  Anglo- 
Saxon  control,  ....  650,000  8,750,000  15,050,000 

Domain  in  square  miles  under  Latin 

control, 8,050,000  11,450,000  14,950,000 


146  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

During  the  nineteenth  century  the  use  of  the  English  lan 
guage  throughout  the  world,  in  comparison  with  other  Euro 
pean  languages,  has  increased  over  fifteen  per  cent.,  while 
there  has  been  a  decrease  ranging  from  one  to  seven  per  cent, 
in  the  use  of  the  other  European  languages,  excepting  the 
German,  which  has  remained  stationary. 

THE    SPANISH-AMERICAN    WAR    OF    CIVILIZATIONS. 

The  nineteenth  century  closes  with  a  war  of  civilizations  in 
which  Latin  civilization,  as  represented  by  Spain,  is  banished 
from  the  Western  Hemisphere. 

We  are  citizens  of  the  great  republic  which  was  born  on 
July  4,  1776,  which  has  concededly  furnished  the  most  suc 
cessful  experiment  in  self-government  on  the  grandest  scale 
the  world  has  ever  witnessed.  We  are  the  heirs  of  history, 
and  we  are  living  in  times  when  history  is  being  made.  The 
best  of  the  past  civilizations  were  focused  at  the  initial  move 
ments  which  culminated  in  a  governmental  structure  with 
civil  and  religious  liberty  as  the  corner  stone.  The  founda 
tions  of  the  republic  were  laid  in  prayer  by  men  who  had 
fled  from  civil  and  ecclesiastical  persecutions. 

The  republic  in  its  early  history  had  some  minor  struggles 
with  other  powers,  while  the  crowned  sovereigns  of  the  older 
nations  were  reluctantly  adjusting  themselves  to  the  arrival 
in  their  midst  of  a  nation  of  sovereigns.  As  this  stalwart 
youth  among  the  nations  has  grown  in  strength  and  felt  the 
need  of  a  more  ample  domain  for  the  exercise  of  its  matured 
powers,  it  has  increased  its  possessions  to  meet  its  needs. 
From  time  to  time  we  have,  in  sympathy  witli  struggling 
peoples,  forcibly  suggested  to  Old  World  tyrannical  powers 
that  the  Western  Hemisphere  was  not  an  appropriate  field  for 
exploiting  any  discarded  civilization.  And  the  suggestions 
have  been  favorably  acted  upon  with  commendable  prompt 
ness.  We  have  engaged  in  a  terrific  civil  strife  and  have 
established  the  integrity  of  the  Union.  For  thirty-three 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  147 

years  we  had  been  at  peace  with  ourselves  and  with  the  world. 
We  have  had  growfch  in  numbers  and  in  wealth  without  a 
parallel  in  human  history.  While  enjoying  our  great  privi 
leges  in  perfect  security,  and  furnishing  refuge  and  opportu 
nity  for  millions  of  the  people  of  the  Old  World,  who  had 
fled  to  us  from  hard  conditions,  we  were  compelled  to  recog 
nize  the  fact  that  for  years  a  tragedy  of  horrors  was  being 
enacted  on  the  fairest  island  of  the  seas  and  within  the  very 
shadow  of  our  Southern  domain. 

Less  than  one  hundred  miles  from  our  Southern  coast  Spain 
had  held  Cuba  by  fire  and  sword  and  murder  for  four  cen 
turies.  It  enslaved  and  virtually  exterminated  the  native  pop 
ulations,  and  introduced  African  slavery.  It  had  never  rec 
ognized  the  civil  rights  of  natives  even  if  they  were  of  pure 
Spanish  blood.  Its  governors  general  had  been  appointed 
that  they  might  become  rich  by  robbing  the  people  and 
return  to  Spain  to  extend  their  fortunes.  When  the  people 
of  Cuba  rebelled,  Spain  pretended  to  make  some  liberal  con 
cessions,  and  sent  over  armies  to  "pacify"  by  subjugation, 
and  more  surely  forge  the  chains  of  bondage. 

War  after  Avar  was  waged  for  liberty  by  the  Cubans,  one 
revolt  extending  through  ten  years.  Their  last  war  for  free 
dom  began  in  1895,  and  continued  for  three  years. 

During  that  time  Spain  sought  to  suppress  the  insurrection 
by  a  military  force  composed  of  150,000  imported  troops  and 
75,000  volunteers.  The  unspeakably  infamous  General 
Weyler  commanded  these  forces  and  ruled  the  island.  He 
enforced  the  reconcentrado  system.  By  it  over  500,000  non- 
combatants,  largely  women  and  children  and  aged  people,  were 
corraled  in  the  towns,  hedged  in  by  bayonets,  until  over  400,- 
000  were  starved  to  death.  The  crimes  of  Alva  must  take 
second  rank  with  those  of  Weyler. 

The  following  table  of  statistics  was  published  on  the  16th 
of  February,  1898,  in  the  Christian  Herald,  whose  editor, 
Dr.  Klopsch,  raised  large  sums  of  money  for  the  relief  of 


148  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the    reconcentrados,  and    superintended  the  distribution    of 
supplies. 

These  statistics  of  Cuba's  hunger  plagues  were  furnished  by 
Mr.  Sylvester  Scovel,  then  in  Cuba,  and  were  drawn  from 
official  and  other  sources.  They  are  believed  to  be  entirely 
reliable : 

Normal  population  of  Cuba,        ....  1,600,000 

Cubans  living  out  of  Cuba  (luring  the  war,          .          100,000 

Cuban  insurgents  and  their  families  in  field,        .         270,000          370,000 


Number  of  <c  concentrados"   in  fortified  towns, 
Reconcentrados  brought  into  towns  (now  dead),  380,000 

Lower  classes  of  townspeople  (dead),          .          .         100,000 

Estimated  number  dead  of  starvation,        ....  480,000 

Alive  in  the  towns  of  Cuba  to-day,  ....  750,000 

These  figures  are  wholly  outside  of  losses  sustained  by  the 
war. 

Captain  General  Weyler,  in  an  interview  published  in  the 
London  Daily  Telegraph,  said,  when  asked  if  he  had  been 
cruel : 

"  I  don't  know.  I  don't  trouble  to  consider.  I  am  a 
military  man  and  do  not  live  for  myself,  but  for  my  country. 
I  was  sent  to  make  Avar  upon  the  rebels,  and  I  did  this,  and 
neither  more  nor  less  than  this. 

"  I  am  old-fashioned  enough  to  think  myself  merciful.  I 
was  rigorous,  just,  and  resolute.  I  had  a  problem  to  solve  by 
the  rules  of  military  science.  I  have  earned  the  hatred  and 
provoked  the  curses  of  the  sworn  enemies  of  Spain ;  but  it 
will  never  cause  me  a  bad  night's  sleep." 

The  United  States  by  armed  force  contested  Spain's  right 
to  rule  and  ruin  Cuba. 

President  McKinley,  in  his  Message  to  Congress,  April  11, 
1898,  said: 


CAPTAIN-GENERAL    WEYLER,   THE   ALVA  OF   THE   NINETEENTH 

CENTURY. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  149 

"  The  only  hope  of  relief  and  repose  from  a  condition  which 
can  no  longer  be  endured,  is  the  enforced  pacification  of  Cuba. 
In  the  name  of  humanity,  in  the  name  of  civilization,  in  behalf 
of  endangered  American  interests  which  give  us  the  right  and 
the  duty  to  speak  and  to  act,  the  war  in  Cuba  must  stop." 

April  18, 1898,  both  houses  of  Congress  passed  the  following 
resolutions : 

"  First.  That  the  people  of  the  Island  of  Cuba  are  and  of 
right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent. 

"  Second.  That  it  is  the  duty  of  the  United  States  to 
demand,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  does 
hereby  demand,  that  the  Government  of  Spain  at  once  relin 
quish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  Island  of  Cuba 
and  withdraw  its  land  and  naval  forces  from  Cuba  and 
Cuban  waters. 

"Third.  That  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and 
he  hereby  is,  directed  and  empowered  to  use  the  entire  laud 
and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States,  and  to  call  into  the 
actual  service  of  the  United  States  the  militia  of  the  several 
States,  to  such  extent  as  may  be  necessary  to  carry  these 
resolutions  into  effect." 

As  President  of  the  Republic,  William  McKinley  has  affixed 
his  signature  to  two  documents  that  will  lend  immortality  to 
his  fame  as  a  ruler,  and  will  place  his  name  above  that  of 
whole  processions  of  hereditary  monarchs. 

The  signing  of  the  joint  resolutions  of  Congress  for  the  ex 
pulsion  of  Spain  from  Cuba  by  President  McKinley  at  about 
noon  on  April  20,  1898,  was  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
of  the  Western  Hemisphere  from  the  last  bondage  clutch  of 
a  Latin  civilization,  terminating  four  hundred  years  of  in 
tolerance,  rapacity,  and  cruelty.  It  was  one  of  the  pivotal 
points  in  the  history  of  the  race.  The  Proclamation  was 
signed  by  the  firm  hand  of  a  ruler  in  whose  veins  courses  the 
blood  of  an  ancestry  which  helped  secure  for  us  our  civil  and 
religious  liberties,  and  by  the  hand  that  wielded  a  sword 


150  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

which  helped  to  make  Lincoln's  Emancipation  Proclamation 
effective  in  breaking  the  chains  of  millions  of  bondsmen. 

o 

On  June  7,  1898,  the  same  hand  signed  the  enactment  doing 
away  with  all  the  disabilities  incident  to  the  Civil  War. 

By  historic  origin  and  precedent,  by  principles  of  legisla 
tive  action,  by  the  character  of  our  fundamental  institutions, 
by  judicial  decisions  and  by  the  genius  of  our  civilization, 
we  are  a  Christian  nation. 

Whether  war  is  a  justifiable  resort  for  Christian  people  is 
hardly  a  question  open  to  debate,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the 
privileges  and  liberties  we  enjoy  have  been  largely  secured 
by  war. 

The  God  of  Revelation  has  often  in  history  become  the  God 
of  Revolution.  In  Apocalyptic  vision  the  Prince  of  Peace 
was  seen  on  the  great  white  horse,  "Riding  with  vestures 
dipped  in  blood  and  drawn  sword  in  hand,  followed  by  all 
the  mounted  hosts  of  heaven,  judging  and  waging  war  in 
righteousness  and  treading  out  the  wine-press  of  the  wrath  of 
God." 

It  is  more  unselfishly  Christian  to  rescue  others  from  peril 
and  redress  their  wrongs  than  to  defend  ourselves  ;  and  no 
one  who  has  the  right  to  live  among  men  would  deny  the 
Christian  right  of  self-defense. 

Perpetuation  of  wrong  does  not  make  it  right,  Tyranny, 
hoary  with  years,  is  tyranny  still,  and  has  established  no 
rights  which  Christian  men  or  nations  can  concede. 

O 

Principle  and  not  expediency  has  made  this  nation  great 
in  so  far  as  it  is  great. 

War  is  serious  and  terrible  business,  but  peace  without  war 
is  more  serious  and  more  terrible  business  when  it  is  the 
result  of  cowardice  and  compromise  with  cruelty  and  oppres 
sion.  There  is  nothing  so  fatal  for  man  or  nation  as  the  fear 
of  doing  right. 

Paradoxical  as  it  may  seem,  the  blessings  of  war  are  often 
necessary  to  overcome  the  horrors  of  peace. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  151 

In  every  controversy  where  principle  and  righteousness  are 
involved  there  never  can  be  permanent  peace  until  principle 
is  vindicated  and  righteousness  is  established. 

We  could  not  ignore  the  main  and  moral  issue  before  the 
nation  if  we  would,  and  we  would  not  if  we  could.  We  be 
long  to  the  family  of  nations.  We  belong  to  the  humanity  in 
whose  line  the  Saviour  of  men  came. 

It  was  impossible  to  minify  or  narrow  the  scope  and  mean 
ing  of  the  contest.  It  was  not  a  commercial  and  financial 
contest.  It  was  not  a  naval  and  military  contest.  It  was  not 
a  political  or  police  contest.  All  these  were  incidental  and 
not  primary  considerations.  It  was  a  contest  in  which  the 
character  of  civilization  and  the  interpretation  of  the  Decalogue 
and  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  were  involved. 

In  this  and  in  many  lands  God  is  summoning  the  nations 
with  the  challenge,  u  Who  is  on  the  Lord's  side  ? " 

We  see  the  nations  which  are  the  conservators  of  human 
rights  and  liberties  in  the  front,  and  the  nations  nurtured  by 
exaction  and  tyranny  in  decadence. 

The  Christian  nations  now  police  the  globe  and  will  be  held 
responsible  for  liberty  and  order  wherever  man  abides. 

The  war  was  another  "  irrepressible  conflict."  A  state  of 
organized  society  resting  upon  the  bondage  of  a  Latin  civili 
zation  stood  confronting  a  state  of  organized  society  resting 
upon  the  liberty  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  civilization. 

There  is  no  difference  in  character  and  purpose  between 
Alva  and  Weyler,  who  stand  at  either  end  of  a  history 
embracing  three  and  a  half  centuries  of  human  struggles  for 
civil  and  religious  liberty.  Daring  this  period  human  rights 
have  been  victorious  on  every  continent  and  in  the  islands  of 
the  sea,  but  never  by  Spanish  permission  or  promotion,  but 
always  despite  her  resistance.  She  has  contested  the  progress 
of  human  liberty  at  every  step.  Was  not  our  cause  against 
her  right  ? 

The  judgment  of  Christendom  and  the  law  of  God  both 


152  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

justified  us  in  the  face  of  the  cruel  facts  confronting  us,  with 
out  hatred,  revenge,  or  vindictiveness  in  declaring  that,  "  In 
the  name  of  our  God,  we  will  set  up  our  banners,"  and  we  held 
them  on  high  until  the  oppressed  were  relieved  and  the  grasp 
of  tyranny  was  broken. 

Liberty  finally  confronted  bondage ;  freedom  confronted 
slavery ;  mercy  confronted  cruelty ;  manliness  confronted 
meanness;  virtue  confronted  vice  ;  plenty  confronted  hunger; 
thrift  confronted  poverty ;  intelligence  confronted  ignorance ; 
civilization  confronted  barbarism,  and  tolerance  confronted  in 
tolerance.  These  opposites  faced  each  other  from  yawning 
cannon,  and  the  better  civilization  prevailed. 

Will  the  war  pay  ?  was  often  asked,  and  it  was  a  very  mean 
question  for  a  patriot  to  ask.  Was  the  war  right  ?  was  the 
question  for  righteous  men  to  ask.  If  it  was  right  it  must  pay. 

Do  the  results  warrant  the  outlay  ?     Yes  !  a  thousand-fold. 

One  of  the  worst  results  of  the  Spanish-American  situation 
was  the  blunting  of  the  moral  sense  of  our  citizens  by  com 
pelling  them  to  become  familiar  with  Spanish  cruelty  as  unre 
sisting  witnesses.  The  virility  of  American  patriotism  was 
resurrected. 

The  renaissance  of  self-respect  asserted  itself,  and  the  people 
ventured  to  look  up  to  God  in  confident  supplication  for  the 
blessing  that  he  always  bestows  upon  the  hearts  and  lives  of 
men  who  dare  to  defend  the  oppressed,  though  it  may  require 
the  punishment  of  the  oppressor. 

Nationality  asserted  itself.  The  new  patriotism  came  to  the 
front.  Before  the  war  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union  and 
the  abolition  of  slavery  patriotism  was  based  upon  historic, 
revolutionary  memories,  and  upon  State  pride.  Since  the  war 
the  patriotism  based  upon  nationality  had  been  slowly  devel 
oping.  The  crisis  in  the  relation  of  the  republic  to  Spain 
forced  to  fruition  the  results  of  our  Civil  War.  Sectionalism 
was  blotted  out,  and  the  representatives  and  citizens  of  forty- 
five  sovereign  States  contended  with  each  other  in  their  eager- 


U.    S.   Grant.  R.  E.  Lee. 

Fitzhugh  Lee.  Frederick  D.   Grant. 

"LET   US   HAVE   PEACE." 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  153 

ness  to  plant  the  ensign  of  the  republic  where  its  ample  folds 
should  protect  a  people  struggling  for  liberty  against  the  iron 
heel  of  an  oppressor.  The  nation  first  saw  William  McKin- 
ley  in  Washington  and  Fitzhugh  Lee  in  Havana ;  then  the 
commissioning  in  the  volunteer  army  by  the  President  and 
Senate  of  generals  who  fought  in  our  Civil  War  on  the  Union 
side  and  on  the  Confederate  side ;  then  the  command  of  Com 
modore  Dewey  from  the  decks  of  the  Olympia  to  "  open  with 
all  guns,"  responded  to  by  the  Boston  and  the  Baltimore,  the 
Concord  and  the  Raleigh;  then,  a  little  later  on,  the  Oregon 
and  the  Texas,  the  Iowa  and  the  Brooklyn,  responded  to  Com 
modore  Sampson's  command,  and  we  thus  and  then  served 
notice  upon  the  family  of  nations  that,  looking  this  way,  they 
must  face  an  undivided  Nation  and  not  a  confederation  of 
States. 

The  tattered  battle  flags,  telling  of  alternating  victory  and 
defeat  of  thirty-five  years  ago,  are  not  decaying,  but  are  trans 
figured,  while  thirteen  Stripes  and  forty-five  Stars  are  made  to 
mean  E pluribus  unum. 

It  is  not  simply  welding,  but  under  the  alchemy  of  patriotic 
ardor  it  is  union  and  oneness.  It  is  not  simply  amalgamation, 
but  by  yielding  personal  prejudice,  by  curbing  individuality, 
and  by  suppressing  identity,  the  oneness  of  a  common  national 
personality  is  begotten  and  born. 

Grant  said :  "  Let  us  have  peace " — and  the  utterance  is 
carved  upon  his  tomb,  where  his  body  was  laid  by  hands 
which  warred  with  him  and  warred  against  him.  If  he  were 
alive  and  with  us  to-day,  he  would  say,  let  us  have  peace 
that  we  may  be  prepared  for  righteous  war. 

The  roll  call  in  army  and  navy,  of  leaders  and  heroes  and 
martyrs,  tells  the  story  of  the  Nation,  peaceful  and  united  as 
never  before  in  its  history. 

The  reflex  influence  of  an  unselfish  act  upon  an  individual 
or  a  nation  is  often  more  powerful  for  good  than  the  act  itself. 
We  started  out  to  right  the  wrongs  of  an  oppressed  and 


154  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

wounded  people,  and  the  first  result  of  our  action  was  the 
gift  of  a  balm  that  has  healed  our  own  wounds  and  blotted 
out  the  scars  caused  by  our  civil  strife. 

We  twice  argued  in  battle  by  sea  and  laud  with  our  British 
ancestors  and  secured  our  liberties  by  revolution.  Then  we 
argued  with  each  other  in  battle  on  sea  and  land,  and  deter 
mined  the  governmental  methods  of  administering  and  per 
petuating  the  liberties  thus  secured.  Now  we  have  no 
argument  among  ourselves  because  we  are  of  one  mind, 
and  because  we  are  standing  heart  to  heart  in  love  for,  and 
in  defense  of,  the  principles  and  honor  of  our  one  common  be 
loved  country ;  while  the  mighty  nation  which  a  century  ago 
yielded  to  us  our  liberties  under  compulsion  allies  herself  to 
us  in  our  war  for  humanity,  with  a  bond  based  upon  kinship 
and  upon  sympathy  for  our  unselfish  purpose,  and  therefore 
stronger  than  any  written  treaty  or  sealed  compact. 

We  hear  much  talk  in  these  days  about  an  international 
Anglo-Saxon  alliance,  and  it  is  good  and  healthful.  But  we 
now  have  an  assured  alliance  between  forty-five  sovereign 
States.  It  is  this  union  at  home,  constituting  a  mighty  and 
unconquerable  nation,  that  attracts  the  attention  of  the 
nations  of  the  Old  World  and  makes  them  think  an  alliance 
desirable.  Some  would  seek  such  an  alliance,  all  would  recog 
nize  its  omnipotence. 

The  war  in  which  we  engaged  was  initiated  upon  a  high 
moral  plane  of  national  responsibility.  The  adjustment  of 
its  results  must  be  kept  there.  No  unworthy  partisan  politi 
cal  purpose  must  divert  us. 

The  God  of  Nations  revealed  himself  in  our  international 
struggle.  Let  men  who  count  themselves  statesmen  be  care 
ful  how  they  attempt  to  steady  the  Ark  of  God  and  beware 
of  the  fate  of  Uzzah.  Let  us,  as  a  nation  divinely  favored 
in  all  our  history,  earnestly  and  reverently  seek  his  guidance, 
legislate  as  he  wills,  and  be  careful  not  to  legislate  with  a 
purpose  to  direct  the  Almighty. 


Anglo-Saxon  mid  Latin  Civilizations.  155 

In  an  emergency  never  prophesied  or  dreamed,  a  free 
people's  war  for  humanity  and  the  rights  of  man  caused  on 
May  1,  1898,  the  starry  ensign  of  the  republic,  with  all  it 
means,  to  float  over  fertile  islands  on  the  other  side  of  the 
globe,  inhabited  by  eight  millions  of  oppressed,  plundered, 
and  misruled  people.  Thus  suddenly  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
took  on  new  beauty  for  friendly  eyes  and  new  terror  for  the 
foes  of  liberty. 

The  sun  of  heaven  now  greets  the  stars  of  hope  in  liberty's 
banner  during  every  hour  of  every  revolution  of  the  round 
earth.  A  blow  from  the  strong  right  hand  of  this  nation, 
designed  to  break  the  grasp  of  a  cruel  oppressor  in  an  island 
just  off  our  coast,  first  paralyzed  the  same  oppressor's  hand, 
deprived  her  of  her  richest  colonies,  and  liberated  millions  of 
her  victims  on  the  other  side  of  the  world.  Kinship  in  suffer 
ing  and  in  hopes  makes  all  the  race  neighbors. 

We  purpose  here  to  give  some  arguments,  facts,  incidents 
and  authorities  to  corroborate  the  claim  that  the  war  was  one 
of  civilizations. 

On  April  5,  1898,  the  writer  prepared  and  presented  a 
report  to  a  Conference,  of  which  he  was  a  member,  of  some 
hundreds  of  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  on  the  state  of  the 
country  in  its  relations  to  Spain.  The  report  was  adopted 
with  unanimity  and  enthusiasm.  The  action  met  with  severe 
criticism  from  various  sources.  We  submit  that  in  the  light 
of  history  the  indictment  against  Spain  reads  well  to-day. 
We  repeat  it : 

"  We  believe  that  the  following  facts  constitute  an  indict 
ment  demanding  the  expulsion  of  Spanish  rule  from  Cuba : 

"  1.  Its  destruction  of  commercial  interests  of  the  United 
States,  already  making  an  invoice  of  millions  of  treasure. 

"  2.  Its  insolence  in  searching  our  merchantmen  on  the 
high  seas,  and  repudiation  of  claims  for  restitution. 

"  3.  Its  cowardly  insult  to  our  honored  President,  by  its 
representative  at  our  nation's  capital. 


156  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"  4.  Its  trivial  treatment  of  international  diplomatic  rela 
tions. 

"  5.  Its  requiring  the  United  States  in  obedience  to  humili 
ating  treaty  obligations  to  police  the  seas,  to  prevent  the 
extension  of  assistance  to  struggling  patriots  seeking  aid. 

Oo          ~    1  ~ 

"  (5.  Its  criminally  permissive,  if  not  ordered,  destruction  of 
the  United  States  battleship  Alat'ne,  with  the  loss  of  the  lives 
of  206  American  defenders. 

"  7.  Its  barbarity  and  inhumanity  in  the  methods  of  warfare, 
with  its  treacherous  murder  of  men,  its  herding  and  starving 
of  aged  men  and  women  and  children  to  the  extent  of  over 
400,000  in  number,  its  ingenious  and  exterminating  tortures  of 

O  o 

a  people  it  has  neither  the  courage  nor  the  vigor  to  conquer. 

"  8.  Its  sacrilegious  pretext  of  claiming  to  be  a  Christian 
nation. 

"  9.  Its  prostitution  of  the  moral  sense  of  our  citizens  by 
obliging  them  for  years  to  look  upon  and  become  familiar 
with  fiendish  barbarism  so  near  us  that  we  can  almost  hear 
the  cries  of  its  victims. 

"  10.  Its  paralyzing  power  upon  the  Christian  civilization 
of  the  century,  by  holding  in  darkness,  denser  than  that  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  the  inhabitants  of  the  fairest  island  of  the 

o      / 

sea. 

"  Humanity,  honesty,  virtue,  reason,  liberty,  civilization, 
and  Christianity  demand  the  expulsion  of  this  last  consum 
mate  specimen  of  the  frightful  cruelties  of  a  Latin  civiliza 
tion  from  the  island  whose  shores  are  touched  by  the  same 
tides  that  wash  the  coasts  of  this  republic. 

"  We  want  no  overtures  from  our  government  nor  to  our 
government  for  settlement  of  the  burning  questions  confront 
ing  us  as  a  nation,  based  upon  propositions  emanating  from 
Home.  Let  efforts  emanating  from  that  source  exhaust  them 
selves  in  humanizing  and  civilizing  Spain.  American  institu 
tions  will  guard  their  own  honor." 

On  April  15,  1898,  almost  every  one  of  these  ten  points  of 


SIGSBEE  AND  WAINWRIGHT,   AND  THE  "MAINE"   AS   IT   WAS  AND  AS   IT   IS. 


Anglo- Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  157 

indictment,  in  an  elaborated  form,  was  mentioned  in  the  report 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  United  States 
Senate,  and  upon  which  the  Committee  asked  the  Senate 
to  vote  to  expel  Spain  from  Cuba  by  instructing  the  Presi 
dent  to  use  the  army  and  navy  for  the  purpose. 

When  the  United  States  entered  upon  the  war  with  Spain 
the  President's  proclamation  explicitly  announced  the  highest 
principles  of  civilized  warfare,  which  not  only  measured  up 
to  all  the  requirements  of  international  law,  but  took  in  the 
domain  of  courtesy,  morality,  and  humanity.  These  principles 
embodied  abstinence  from  privateering,  despite  the  fact  that 
our  government  was  not  a  party  to  the  international  declara 
tion  prohibiting  privateering  by  the  signatory  powers,  having 
refused  to  sign  the  declaration  because  the  other  nations  would 
not  agree  that  all  private  property  on  both  sea  and  land  should 
be  exempt  from  seizure,  unless  it  was  contraband  of  war. 
The  principles  announced  substantially  carried  out  our 
humane  propositions  which  had  been  rejected  by  the  other 
nations.  The  proclamation  guaranteed  a  month's  exemption 
from  seizure  to  all  of  the  enemy's  merchantmen  loading  in  or 
sailing  from  American  ports,  and  permitted  all  Spanish 
vessels  which  had  sailed  for  an  American  port  previous  to  the 
date  of  the  declaration  of  war  to  enter  that  port,  discharge 
their  cargoes  and  resail  unmolested.  All  this  leniency  was  not 
only  beyond  the  requirements  of  existing  international  law, 
but  put  war  on  a  more  exalted  and  more  humane  level  than 
the  world  had  before  witnessed,  and  was  in  marked  contrast 
with  the  historic  methods  of  warfare  of  the  nation  whose 
corrupt  civilization  our  country  was  called  upon  to  expel 
from  Cuba. 

President  McKinley,  at  the  Peace  Jubilee  in  Chicago,  Octo 
ber  18,  1898,  said  : 

"  It  is  gratifying  to  all  of  us  to  know  that  this  never  ceased 
to  be  a  war  of  humanity.  The  last  ship  that  went  out  of  the 
harbor  of  Havana  before  war  was  declared  was  an  American 


158  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ship,  which  had  taken  to  the  suffering  people  of  Cuba  the 
supplies  furnished  by  American  chanty.  And  the  first  ship 
to  sail  into  the  harbor  of  Santiago  was  another  American  ship 
bearing  food  supplies  to  the  suffering  Cubans,  and  I  am  sure 
it  is  the  universal  prayer  of  American  citizens  that  justice  and 
humanity  and  civilization  shall  characterize  the  final  settlement 
of  peace  as  they  have  distinguished  the  progress  of  the  war.1' 

Whenever  in  naval  warfare  the  Anglo-Saxon  lias  been  back 
of  the  guns  which  have  faced  the  Spaniard  he  lias,  with  unva 
rying  uniformity,  not  only  defeated  him,  but  destroyed  the 
ships  which  carried  Spain's  ensign  of  mediaeval  civilization. 

Commodore  Philip  of  the  warship  Texa-Sj  when  asked  on 
September  10,  1898,  "  How  about  the  personnel  of  the 
American  crews  to-day  in  the  matter  of  birth?"  "A  large 
majority,"  replied  the  Commodore,  "  come  of  Anglo-Saxon  and 
Scandinavian  blood.  This  includes  men  of  direct  Ameri 
can,  English,  and  Irish  pedigree,  and  the  sons  of  the  old 

o  1  o 

Norsemen,  and,  bunch  them  all  together,  they  are  the  best 
sea-faring  and  sea-fighting  stock  on  earth.  All  lend  them 
selves  easily  to  American  citizenship,  including  the  Germans, 
of  whom  we  have  a  fair  proportion.  Of  the  French  and  other 
Latin  races  we  have  mighty  few." 

The  late  Captain  Charles  V.  Gridley  of  the  Ohjtnpia  wrote 
from  Manila  Bay,  May  3,  1898  :  "  We  are  busy  now  burying 
their  [Spanish  |  dead  and  caring  for  their  wounded.  After 
surrendering  they  went  off,  leaving  them,  after  promising  to 
look  out  for  them.  We  are  superior  to  the  Latin  and  the 
Bourbon,  and  we  must  conquer." 

It  is  an  interesting  and  significant  fact  that,  during  the  war, 
America's  great  commanders,  in  civil  affairs  and  on  sea  and 
land,  were  almost  without  exception  men  who  descended  from 
progenitors  who  were  the  creators  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  Ameri 
can  Christian  civilization.  The  Providence  which  did  not 
permit  our  institutions  in  our  early  history  to  be  shaped  by  a 
Latin  civilization  still  dealt  kindly  with  us. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  159 

It  was  a  magnificent  spectacle  at  the  close  of  the  nineteenth 
century  to  behold  the  two  great  English-speaking  nationali 
ties  standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  and  heart  to  heart;  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  it  was  an  instructive  spectacle  to  behold  the 
nations  of  Latin  civilization  trying  to  stand  together,  while 
Italy,  in  her  new  liberty,  tried  to  neutralize  the  meddling 
tendencies  of  the  Prisoner  of  the  Vatican. 

On  December  8, 1898,  the  greatest  of  English  statesmen  said : 

"  Already  the  United  States,  if  regarded  from  the  stand 
point  of  potential  resources,  is  the  greatest  of  civilized  States, 
with  its  immense  population  of  intelligent  citizens,  chiefly 
Anglo-Saxons,  and  if  we  are  assured  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
race,  whether  it  abides  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes  or  the 
Union  Jack,  there  is  no  other  combination  that  can  make  us 
afraid." 

The  war  with  Spain  was  the  sixth  foreign  war  in  our  his 
tory,  the  first  in  half  a  century,  and  one  of  the  first  in  the 
importance  of  its  results.  It  has  greatly  increased  our  pos 
sessions,  enlarged  our  policy,  planted  our  flag  in  another  hem 
isphere,  vindicated  the  high  order  of  our  diplomacy,  proved 
the  marvelous  efficiency  of  our  navy  and  army,  and  placed 
the  United  States  in  the  front  rank  of  the  world-Powers.  It 
has  been  forcefully  said  that : 

"  Just  two  hundred  years  after  the  sovereigns  of  Great 
Britain  and  France  bargained  together  for  the  partition  of 
Spain  the  Spanish  Empire  is  partitioned,  without  French  or 
British  aid,  by  a  power  of  which  these  monarchs  had  no  knowl 
edge.  In  its  immediate  changes  of  the  maps  and  international 
relations  of  the  world  the  Spanish- American  war  was  one  of  the 
most  important  of  the  century.  In  its  ultimate  possibilities  it 
vies  with  any  that  has  been  fought  since  the  British  and  Span 
ish  races  first  grappled  in  a  deathlock.  The  work  that  Drake 
began  at  Cadiz  was  completed  by  Dewey  and  Sampson  at 
Manila  and  Santiago,  and  it  may  well  be  that  the  last  act 
will  prove  as  full  of  moment  as  was  the  first." 


Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  trend  of  sentiment  among  all  the  civilized  nations  other 
than  those  of  Latin  leaning  and  lineage  evidently  is  that 
France,  Italy,  and  Austria,  having  become  stationary,  and 
Spain,  as  the  result  of  the  war,  having  been  eliminated  as  an 
international  power,  the  ultimate  disappearance  of  the  Latin 
race  as  a  factor  in  human  affairs  will  not  long  be  post 
poned. 

No  wonder  France  made  a  desperate  effort  to  get  the  Powers 
to  unite  with  her  in  the  beginning  of  our  contest  with  Spain, 
to  befriend  cowardly  and  corrupt  Spain  against  our  demands 
in  the  interests  of  humanity,  as  at  that  very  hour  France,  call 
ing  herself  a  republic,  but  really  a  government  of  militarism 
and  beaurocracy,  was  in  courts,  army,  and  in  civil  administra 
tion  steeped  in  the  intolerance,  the  cowardice,  and  corruption 
of  the  Dreyfus  case.  The  poor  Jew  was  exiled  to  Devil's  Isle, 
but  the  Devil  had  free  range  in  Paris. 

One  of  the  most  significant  recognitions  of  the  fact  that  our 
war  with  Spain  was  a  war  in  the  interests  of  better  civiliza 
tion  came  from  Jerusalem.  In  that  city,  on  June  17,  1898, 
in  the  Beth  Jacob  Synagogue,  prayer  was  offered  in  behalf  of 
the  American  arms.  Is  it  to  be  wondered  at,  when  it  is 
remembered  that  Spain  and  other  Latin  nations  have  made 
history  black  by  their  persecution  of  the  Jews?  The  prayer 
in  part  is  as  follows : 

"  AVe  beseech  Thee,  O  God  of  mercy  and  compassion,  who 
nearest  prayer ;  we  Thy  servants  of  the  House  of  Jacob,  who 
dwell  in  Thy  holy  precincts;  we  come  to-day  to  pour  out  our 
prayer  for  our  brethren,  the  people  of  America  who  live  in 
the  LTnited  States  ;  the  people  in  whom  Thou  hast  implanted 
the  love  of  liberty  and  humanity  more  than  in  any  other. 
These  blessed  people  went  out  to  battle  against  a  mighty  foe, 
not  to  widen  territory  or  to  conquer  neighbors,  but  to  proclaim 
liberty  to  captives  and  to  deliver  a  poor  people  from  the 
wratli  of  their  despoilers. 

"  Thou,  O  (rod,  who  examinest  the  heart,  look  down  from 


I.inai'es. 

August  in.  I\indo. 

A  <JKoriJ   OF    SPANISH    (IKXKKALS    IN    TIIK   SI'AXISH-A.M  ICRICAN    WAR. 


Wheeler. 
Merritt. 


Shaffer. 
Brooke. 


Miles. 
A   GROUP  OF  AMERICAN   GENERALS   IN  THE   SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  161 

heaven  and  see  the  battling  armies,  and  let  Thy  countenance 
shine  on  the  array  that  is  actuated  by  the  feelings  of  righteous 
ness  and  the  love  of  humanity,  and  on  the  young  men  and 
their  leaders  who  risk  their  lives  for  a  just  cause  to  save  the 
oppressed  from  their  oppressors. 

"  Lift  up  the  hand  of  the  ruler  of  that  country  and  crown 
his  heroes  with  the  crown  of  victory. 

"  But  on  their  adversaries  show  Thy  might  and  annihilate 
their  power.  Avenge  the  blood  of  Thy  servants  that  has 
been  shed  by  a  cruel  nation  and  crush  Thy  enemies  for  aye." 

On  October  13,  1898,  in  a  public  speech,  the  President  as 
serted  the  patriotism  and  civilization  involved  in  the  war  when 
he  said : 

"  We  have  been  patriotic  in  every  crisis  of  our  history,  and 
never  more  patriotic  than  from  April,  1898,  to  the  present 
hour.  Our  patriotism  must  be  continued.  We  must  not 
permit  it  to  abate,  but  we  must  stand  unitedly  until  every 
settlement  of  the  recent  contest  shall  be  written  in  enduring 
form  and  shall  record  a  triumph  for  civilization  and  humanity." 

Dr.  Lyman  Abbott  put  the  issues  of  the  war  thus : 

UI  believe  that  the  war  just  ended  is  the  inevitable  out 
come  of  the  antagonisms  of  three  centuries  here  and  for 
eighteen  centuries  in  the  world ;  the  conflict  between  the 
notion  of  government  embodied  in  the  public  school  and  the 
government  embodied  in  the  Inquisition.  I  thank  God  that 
the  dominion  of  the  government  in  which  was  embodied  the 
principle  of  taxing  the  people  for  the  government  alone,  and 
which  stands  for  the  Inquisition,  is  dead  on  this  continent." 

On  September  13,  1898,  Premier  Sagasta,  in  the  Spanish 
Senate,  in  the  debate  on  the  Peace  Protocol,  in  response  to 
the  assaults  upon  himself  and  upon  his  predecessor  Canovas, 
said  :  "  that  neither  Senor  Canovas  nor  himself  had  ruled 
long  enough  to  change  the  character  of  the  race,"  which  was 
the  true  cause,  he  asserted,  of  the  disaster  to  Spain.  Later, 
the  Premier  remarked :  "  We  are  an  anaemic  country." 


162  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

While  General  Blanco  with  great  bluster  was  consummat 
ing  arrangements  for  the  removal  of  the  dust  of  Columbus 
from  Cuba  to  Spain,  a  dispatch  was  received  from  Madrid 
stating  that :  "  A  mob  of  women  at  Granada,  considering  that 
the  discovery  of  America  was,  in  their  opinion,  the  principal 
cause  of  Spain's  misfortunes,  stoned  the  statue  of  Columbus 
there." 

The  Cristobal  Colon  was  the  last  ship  of  Cervera's  Spanish 
fleet  destroyed.  It  seemed  the  irony  of  fate  that  Spain's  last 
representative  of  naval  power  in  this  Western  Hemisphere 
should  not  only  bear  the  name  of  the  discoverer  of  America, 
but  should  be  sunk  near  the  spot  where  four  centuries  ago  he 
planted  the  Spanish  flag,  having  discovered  the  outposts  of 
a  new  world,  and  near  the  city  where  his  ashes  were  believed 
to  repose. 

San  Salvador,  one  of  the  Bahamas,  where  Columbus  landed 
October  12,  1492,  is  now  owned  by  Great  Britain ;  and 
Cuba,  one  of  the  Antilles,  is  in  the  possession  of  the  United 
States. 

There  is  not  an  instance  recorded  in  history  where  Spain 
has  given  evidence  that  the  welfare  of  a  colony  had  prece 
dence  in  her  thought  and  purpose.  Her  standard  of  colonial 
government  has  remained  mediaeval,  while  the  world's 
standard  has  moved  up  and  away,  carrying  her  possessions 
with  it,  until  she  now  stands  a  pitiable  member  of  the  family 
of  nations,  stripped  of  her  once  extended  colonial  domain,  in 
the  isolation  of  pride,  ignorance,  and  unrepentant  intolerance. 
Four  elements  were  always  present  in  Spain's  theory  and 
practice  of  colonial  control :  heartless  tyranny,  conscienceless 
clericalism,  mercenary  misgovernment,  and  haughty  race  dis 
tinctions. 

In  our  war  with  Spain,  while  it  would  from  a  standpoint  of 
liberal  principles  be  natural  to  expect  that  the  South  Ameri 
can  republics  would  sympathize  with  the  United  States,  they 
were  not  only  outspoken  in  their  attitude  of  unfriendliness  to- 


DEWEY'S  FLAGSHIP  "OLYMPIA." 


SAMPSON'S  FLAGSHIP  "  NEW  YORK.' 


SCHLEY'S  FLAGSHIP  "BROOKLYN." 


\  B  R  A  ft 

TTTF 

... 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  163 

ward  us,  but  gave  many  indications  of  their  sympathy  with 
Spain.  Their  people  are  of  the  Latin  race  and  their  civiliza 
tion  is  yet  dominated  by  the  ecclesiasticism  of  a  Latin  civili 
zation.  Their  antagonism  to  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  was 
stronger  than  their  love  for  the  institutions  based  upon  that 
civilization,  although  it  made  even  the  partial  civil  and  re 
ligious  liberty  they  enjoy  possible. 

While  the  cruelties  and  crimes  of  Spain  in  history,  it  would 
be  natural  to  suppose,  would  touch  the  character  and  the  des 
tinies  of  our  nation  more  closely  if  they  were  committed  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere  than  if  they  were  committed  in  the 
Old  World,  the  fact  remains  that  the  Spanish  Inquisi 
tion  in  the  Netherlands,  and  the  political  and  ecclesiastical 
iniquities  of  the  same  origin  in  France  during  the  sixteenth 
century,  developed  forces  that,  entering  into  the  character  of 
American  pioneers,  gave  our  nation  much  of  the  moral  virility 
and  uncompromising  courage  which  enabled  it  in  its  youth, 
and  which  has  thus  far  enabled  it  successfully,  to  resist  the 
encroachments  of  a  Latin  civilization. 


OUR    NEW   POSSESSIONS. 

Consult  a  map  of  the  world,  and  as  you  view  the  Eastern 
and  Western  hemispheres,  with  the  Atlantic  and  Pacific 
oceans,  a  fact  of  geographic  interest  will  present  itself.  The 
new  possessions  of  the  United  States — all  of  them — lie  in  al 
most  a  direct  line  drawn  around  the  globe.  Cuba,  Port  Rico, 
the  Philippines,  and  Hawaii  lie  within  the  same  belt  of 
latitude.  As  islands  of  the  sea,  they  closely  resemble  each 
other  in  their  history,  government,  religion,  and  the  richness 
of  their  material  resources. 

A  concise  compilation  and  a  clear  comparison  of  the  lead 
ing  facts  in  the  historic  record  and  natural  resources  of  these 
islands  will  better  enable  us  to  understand  the  situation. 


164  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

CUBA. 

The  island  of  Cuba — the  largest  among  the  group  known 
as  the  Greater  Antilles — -lies  00  miles  south  of  the  coast  of 
Florida,  It  is  in  latitude  20°  N.  to  L>3;  N.  It  occupies 
11  degrees  of  longitude,  and  is  700  miles  in  length.  Its 
least  breadth  is  from  30  to  3(>  miles.  It  is  bounded  on 
the  north  and  east  by  the  Atlantic  Ocean  and  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  and  on  the  south  and  west  by  the  Caribbean 
Sea.  It  has  six  territorial  divisions — Pinar  Del  Rio, 
Havana,  Matanzas,  Santa  Clara,  Puerto  Principe,  and 
Santiago  de  Cuba.  Its  geographic  area  is  45,883  square 
miles.  England  has  but  5000  more.  The  State  of  Penn- 

o 

sylvania  has  but  600  less.  Cuba  was  discovered  by  Colum 
bus  in  1492  on  his  first  voyage,  while  sailing  westward  over 
the  Atlantic  with  a  crew  of  90  men.  To  him  it  wras  "  the 
goodliest  land  that  eye  ever  saw."  Geologically,  there  is 
evidence  that  Cuba  was,  in  ages  gone  by,  an  extremity  of 
North  America.  Its  climate,  while  tropical,  is  mild.  Two 
seasons  only  are  recognized — the  dry  and  the  rainy.  The 
dry  season  is  especially  delightful.  The  annual  rainfall  is 
estimated  to  be  40  inches.  The  atmosphere  is  singularly 
transparent.  The  skies,  with  their  glowing  sunsets,  are  of 
noticeable  beauty.  The  sea  is  described  as  "  a  deep  green 
with  shifting  coppery  lights,  like  liquid  opal." 

Cuba,  for  vegetation,  is  a  terrestrial  paradise.  It  is  exuber 
ant  with  tropical  luxuriance.  It  is  so  fertile  that  two  crops 
of  some  cereals  may  be  obtained,  at  times,  in  the  same  year. 
Sugar,  tobacco,  and  coffee  are  the  principal  agricultural  prod 
ucts.  Sea-island  cotton  of  a  fine  quality  is  readily  raised  on 
the  low  lands  of  the  coast.  Besides  Indian  corn,  yams,  and 
sweet  potatoes,  the  pineapple,  orange,  banana,  fig,  and  pome 
granate  grow  freely.  Cocoa,  honey,  and  wax  are  among  the 
exports.  It  is  estimated  that  there  are  more  than  10,000,000 
acres  of  dense,  uncleared  forests,  rich  in  hard  and  valuable 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  165 

woods  like  cedar,  ebony,  and  mahogany.  The  island  is  moun 
tainous.  The  copper  mines  of  Santiago  de  Cuba  are  rich  in 
useful  ores.  The  cataracts  and  caves  of  Cuba,  "The  Pearl 
of  the  Antilles,"  are  a  wonder  to  the  traveler. 

The  habitable  area  of  Cuba  is  but  little  more  than  32,000 
square  miles,  with  a  population  estimated  to  be  1,631,000. 
The  aborigines  were  long  since  practically  exterminated. 
Spaniards,  Cubans  of  Spanish  ancestry,  Africans,  inulattoes, 
and  a  few  Asiatics  constitute  in  part  the  racial  distinctions. 
They  are  divided  largely  into  so-called  "  Peninsulars "  and 
"  Insulars,"  into  whites  and  negroes.  The  negro  element 
to-day  is  represented  by  scarcely  more  than  a  quarter  of  the 
entire  population.  African  slavery  existed  for  many  years. 
It  was  abolished  as  recently  as  in  1886. 

Industry,  enterprise,  and  thrift  have  not  had  encourage 
ment  in  the  Island  of  Cuba,  during  all  these  centuries  of  Span 
ish  misgovermnent.  Under  Spanish  dominion,  with  its  lust 
of  wealth  and  power,  Cuba,  though  rich  in  its  latent  resources, 
beautiful  in  its  landscape,  and  fertile  in  its  loamy  soil,  has 
been  permitted  to  remain  practically  uncultivated  and  unde 
veloped.  Armed  occupation  on  the  part  of  its  Spanish  con- 
querers  and  owners  has  been  ceaseless — with  only  brief 
intermissions — for  four  hundred  years.  A  Spanish  governor 
general  has  from  time  to  time  been  appointed  by  the  authori 
ties  in  Madrid.  Even  Spaniards  themselves,  not  native  to  the 
soil  of  Spain,  have  been  excluded  from  holding  office  in  Cuba, 
whether  civil  or  military.  "  Creoles  " — that  is,  people  of 
Spanish  blood  born  on  Cuban  soil — have  had  no  place  in  the 
official  or  governing  class.  The  proud  Spanish  grandees  and 
hidalgos  have  held  in  contempt  a  people  whose  annual  reve 
nues,  amounting  to  many  millions,  while  collected  in  Cuba, 
have  been  spent  or  treasured  in  Spain. 

"The  Roman  Catholic  is  the  only  religion  tolerated  in 
Cuba."  This  statement,  made  by  a  traveler  in  1896,  will 
never  again  be  truthfully  uttered. 


166  Faeiny  the  Twentieth  Century. 


PORTO  RICO. 


This  is  among  the  smallest  of  our  recent  conquests,  yet, 
perhaps,  the  most  attractive  and  interesting.  It  is  one  of  the 
West  India  Islands,  southeast  of  Cuba.  It  lies  70  miles  east 
of  Hayti ;  it  is  108  miles  long,  and  a  little  less  than  40 
broad.  Its  area  is  estimated  to  be  3668  square  miles.  A 
backbone  of  hills,  running  east  and  west,  finds  its  loftiest 
elevation  at  the  northeast,  in  a  peak  3600  feet  high. 
These  hills  are  influential,  as  they  intercept  the  trade 
winds  and  affect  meteorologic  conditions.  Well- watered, 
the  hilltops  covered  with  fruits,  the  island  presents  a 
beautiful  appearance.  It  was  discovered  by  Columbus  in 
November,  1493.  In  1511  the  city  of  San  Juan  was  founded 
by  Ponce  de  Leon.  The  aboriginal  inhabitants  were 
promptly  subdued  and  speedily  disappeared.  The  pres 
ent  population  of  the  island  is  estimated  at  a  little  more 
than  800,000.  Spaniards,  Germans,  Swedes,  Danes,  Russians, 
and  other  people  of  European  origin,  occupy  Porto  Rico,  with 
natives  of  the  Canary  Islands  and  a  few  Chinese.  Sugar  and 
coffee  are  the  two  staples.  Tobacco,  cotton,  rice,  and  maize, 
with  the  fruits  belonging  to  the  tropics,  are  successfully  culti 
vated.  With  a  soil  extremely  fertile,  the  exports  of  Porto 
Rico  are  comparatively  large  and  remunerative.  Exports  and 
imports  more  than  doubled  in  value  between  the  years  1850 
and  1883.  Only  salt  mines  are  worked,  though  gold, 
iron,  copper,  and  coal  may  be  found.  San  Juan,  the 
capital,  lies  on  the  north  coast.  A  palace,  a  cathedral, 
town  hall,  and  theater  are  there.  Ponce,  Mayaguez,  and 
Naguabo  are  the  other  principal  towns.  The  people  are 
ordinarily  intelligent,  their  religion,  as  might  be  expected,  is 
the  state  religion  of  Spain.  The  degree  of  their  civilization 
is  what  Spanish  subjection  and  priestly  domination  have 
allowed.  In  1820  the  Porto  Ricans  attempted  to  throw  off 
the  Spanish  yoke,  but  in  vain.  Until  the  United  States  came 


Anglo- Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  167 

into  possession  of  this  island,  in  1898,  the  Spanish  government 
was  supreme.  This  island  is  the  only  one  of  the  entire  num 
ber  of  islands  wrested  from  Spain  as  the  result  of  the  late  war 
over  which  the  United  States  claims  ownership  and  permanent 
sovereignty. 

THE    PHILIPPINE    ISLANDS. 

The  Philippine  Islands  constitute  an  archipelago  in  them 
selves.  They  number,  islands  and  islets,  by  various  estimates 
from  600  to  1200,  The  principal  islands  are  Luzon,  Mindanao, 
Saniar,  Pauay,  Negros,  Palawan,  Cebu,  and  Mindoro.  The  area 
of  the  entire  group  is  estimated  to  be  114,000  square  miles. 
Luzon  and  Mindanao  exceed  in  area  all  the  others  put  to 
gether.  They  are  of  volcanic  origin.  Two  of  the  volcanoes 
are  active.  They  have  been  destructive.  The  Albay  volcano 
towers,  a  perfect  cone,  to  the  height  of  over  8000  feet.  Earth 
quake  shocks  are  not  infrequent.  In  view  of  this  fact,  the 
islanders  generally  build  their  homes  of  light  material,  with 
grass  or  palm-leaf  roofs.  The  climate  is  essentially  tropical, 
and  is  described  as  a  continual  summer,  the  temperature  vary 
ing  but  little  from  80°  F.  As  might  be  expected,  the  Philip 
pine  Islands  are  rich  in  agricultural  products,  though  the  land 
is  largely  undeveloped.  The  population,  a  mixture  of  races, 
is  estimated  at  between  7,000,000  and  8,000,000.  In  view  of 
their  tropical  environment,  the  people  are  naturally  of  an  indo 
lent  disposition.  They  are  said,  however,  to  be  ingenious. 
Their  devices  for  manufacture  are  as  yet  crude.  Still,  they 
manufacture  and  export  large  quantities  of  manila  hemp. 
Rice,  sugar,  and  coffee,  with  tobacco,  are  among  the  products 
of  their  fertile  soil.  The  islands  are  abundant  also  in  vegeta 
ble  and  fruit  products.  From  the  cocoanut's  meat  and  milk 
the  inhabitants  prepare  various  drinks,  foods,  spirits,  and 
medicines. 

The  Philippine  Islands  were  discovered  March  16,  1521,  by 
Hernando  Magellan,  a  Portuguese  noble,  who  had  renounced 


168  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

his  allegiance  to  Portugal  and  liad  become  a  subject  of  Spain. 
The  discoveries  of  Christopher  Columbus  in  1492,  with  the 
adventures  and  conquests  of  Cortez,  Balboa,  and  others,  had 
aroused  the  enterprising  spirit  of  this  restless  cavalier.  The 
existence  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  .was  known;  but  how  to  reach 
it  by  sailing  the  Atlantic  wras  yet  a  mystery.  With  the  dis 
covery  of  the  Straits  of  Magellan  that  mystery  was  solved. 
After  reaching  and  naming  this  passage  between  the  Island  of 
Tierra  del  Fuego  and  the  mainland  of  Patagonia,  October  28, 
1520,  Magellan  sailed  the  Pacific  Ocean  for  months  before  he 
reached  the  Lad  rone  Islands.  Subsequently,  coasting  along 
the  island  of  Mindanao,  he  landed,  upraised  the  Spanish  flag, 
and  took  formal  possession  in  the  name  of  Charles  I. 

The  population  is  decidedly  mongrel.  Spaniards,  Chinese, 
and  an  English-speaking  contingent  constitute  a  large  pro 
portion  of  the  foreign  element,  which  is  represented  mostly  in 
Manila  and  in  the  chief  seaports  of  the  archipelago.  The 
indigenous  population  is  made  up  of  various  tribes  and  races, 
chief  among  which  are  the  Negritos,  the  Gaddanes,  the  Iggo- 
rotes,  and  the  Tiuguianes.  Some  of  these  tribes,  like  the 
Gaddanes,  are  described  as  "  entirely  out  of  the  pale  of  civili 
zation." 

To  depict  the  true  character  of  the  domesticated  natives  of 
these  islands  is  confessedly  difficult.  In  many  respects  it  is 
enigmatical  and  unsatisfactory.  The  evidences  of  civilization 
found  in  Manila,  the  capital  of  the  Philippines,  among  the 
native  population,  is  not  a  fair  index,  of  course,  of  the  igno 
rance,  the  indolence,  and  the  irreligion  which  mark  the  millions 
who  live  remote  from  this  comparatively  cultivated  center. 
Although  Spain  discovered  and  conquered  these  islands,  she 
has  done  but  little  to  enlighten  them.  Manufactures  and 
commerce  have  lacked  management.  Material  resources  have 

O 

been  left  undeveloped.  The  forms  of  government  are  arbi 
trary  and  oppressive.  Added  to  the  effects  of  climate,  lead 
ing  men  naturally  to  do  as  little  work  as  possible, — no  more 


XJB  R  A 

OF  Tm- 

UNIVERSITY 
-°'c, 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  169 

indeed  than  is  absolutely  necessary  for  existence  and  to  secure 
the  commonest  conveniences  and  comforts  of  life, — there  has 
been  little  or  nothing  to  encourage  activity,  industry,  and 
enterprise.  There  has  been  much  to  foster  resentment  and 
rebellion.  Robbed  by  the  Spanish  authorities — Spain  claim 
ing  the  right  to  tax  everything  in  sight,  even  to  the  wheels  of 
a  cart — the  oppressed  Philippines  have  also  been  the  victims 
of  oppression  on  the  part  of  their  religious  teachers.  The 
enforced  support  of  the  Romish  Church  has  likewise  been  a 
form  of  imposition.  Between  the  exactions  and  extortions  of 
state  and  church,  the  energies  of  the  mixed  races  of  these 
many  islands  have  not  only  remained  undeveloped,  but  have 
been  discouraged  and  repressed. 

The  religion  of  the  Philippines  is  what  might  be  looked  for 
when  Roman  Catholics  and  Mussulmans  have  for  centuries  vied 
with  one  another  for  the  spiritual  domination  over  an  idola 
trous  and  barbarous  people.  The  power  of  the  Friars  is  to 
day  recognized  by  the  authorities  of  government,  and  the 
parish  priest  is  all-influential  as  he  appeals  to  the  superstitions 
and  fears  of  an  ignorant  native  community.  Mr.  Foreman 
says  :  "  A  royal  decree,  or  the  sound  of  the  cornet,  would  not 
be  half  so  effective  as  the  elevation  of  the  Holy  Cross  before 
the  fanatical  majority,  who  yet  become  an  easy  prey  to  fan 
tastic  promises  of  eternal  bliss  or  the  threats  of  everlasting 
perdition." 

Since  the  original  occupation  of  these  islands  by  the  Span 
ish  Government,  they  have  been  ruled,  for  the  most  part,  by 
military  men.  Captains  general  of  late  years  have  been  at 
the  head  of  affairs  with  a  three-year  term  of  office.  The  sub 
jugation  of  the  people  to  the  sway  of  Spain  has  been  gradual, 
and  this  colony,  like  the  others  within  her  domain,  has  been 
divided  and  subdivided  into  provinces  and  military  districts. 

Within  the  last  twenty-five  years  the  Philippine  Islands,  it 
is  conceded  by  observant  travelers  and  scholars  like  Foreman 
and  Worcester,  have  made  "  great  strides  on  the  path  of 


1 70  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

social  and  material  progress."     Their  importance,  politically 
and  commercially,  has  for  years  been  increasingly  obvious. 

These  islands  came  under  the  control  of  the  United  States 
when,  on  Sunday  morning,  May  1,  1898,  Commodore  Dewey 
entered  the  outer  harbor  of  Manila,  the  capital  of  these  Spanish 
possessions,  and  destroyed  the  Spanish  fleet  under  Admiral 
Montojo.  On  October  31  the  United  States  Peace  Commis 
sion  presented  the  demand  of  this  nation  for  the  Philippines; 
and  on  December  10  the  Treaty  of  Peace  was  signed  at  Paris. 
By  this  Spain  yielded  her  possessions  in  the  Pacific  archi 
pelago  to  the  government  of  this  nation. 

THE    LADRONE    ISLANDS. 

The  Lad  rone  Islands  constitute  fifteen  links  in  a  seeming 
chain  of  islands.  They  are  found  in  the  Pacific  Ocean,  north 
of  the  Carolines.  Their  latitude  is  13°  and  21°  North,  their 
longitude  1-44°  and  14G°  East.  They  were  discovered  by 
Magellan  March  6,  1521.  They  are  variously  named  "Los 
Ladrones  "  or  "  Las  Marianas."  The  largest  island  is  Guahaii 
or  Guam.  It  is  the  most  southern  of  the  entire  group.  Like 
the  Philippines,  these  islands  are  mountainous ;  the  northern 
group  is  especially  so.  Their  estimated  area  is  200  square 
miles.  Agriculture  has  been  greatly  neglected  :  yet  arecaand 
cocoanut  palms,  rice,  maize,  sugar,  tobacco,  indigo,  fruits,  and 
castor  oil  are  named  among  the  products.  The  climate  and 
soil  are  most  favorable  to  their  better  cultivation.  Swine 
and  oxen  are  permitted  to  run  Avild.  The  population  of  these 
islands  is  about  8000.  It  is  made  up  of  the  descendants  of 
the  aborigines,  of  settlers  from  the  Philippines,  and  of  others 
of  a  mixed  race.  Excepting  a  colony  from  the  Caroline  Islands, 
the  majority  of  the  population  are  lacking  in  energy.  The 
natives  themselves  are  indolent  and  even  lazy.  They  have 
been  oppressed  and  dispirited.  Their  numbers  have  been 
fearfully  wasted  by  Spanish  conquest.  Within  two  centuries 
tlio  original  islanders  suffered  losses  which  reduced  their 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  171 

population  from  an  estimated  50,000  to  less  than  2000. 
During  one  year  a  large  proportion  of  the  population  died 
from  an  epidemic.  With  such  a  history  and  such  discourage 
ments,  it  can  scarcely  be  matter  of  wonder  that,  apart  from  the 
influence  of  climate,  these  people  should  be  inactive,  poor, 
and  of  doubtful  moral  character.  With  but  few  schools  and 
little  encouragement  or  opportunity  for  the  development  of 
their  intellectual,  social,  and  spiritual  life,  these  people  all 
speak  Spanish  and  have  thus  far  been  under  the  Spanish  form 
of  government  and  the  Spanish  form  of  faith. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  1898,  the  first  Manila  expedition 
started  from  San  Francisco  ;  and  on  June  21  the  Ladrone 
Islands  were  captured,  and  Guam  is  now  the  possession  of  the 
United  States  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris. 

THE    HAWAIIAN    ISLANDS. 

The  Hawaiian  Islands — long  known  as  the  Sandwich 
Islands — are  found  in  the  North  Pacific  Ocean.  They  lie 
between  18°  54'  and  22°  2'  N.  lat.,  in  long.  155°  and  161°  W. 
These  islands  are  twelve  in  number,  four  being  as  yet  prac 
tically  uninhabited.  The  island  of  Hawaii  is  the  largest  of 
the  group.  Their  total  area  is  estimated  as  6740  square 
miles.  They  were  discovered  by  Captain  Cook  in  1778,  and 
were  named  by  him  in  honor  of  the  Earl  of  Sandwich,  first 
lord  of  the  Admiralty  at  that  time  in  England.  The  Span 
iards  claim  a  previous  discovery.  The  native  population 
represents  the  Malayo-Polynesian  race,  their  complexion 
being  of  a  reddish  brown.  Their  number,  originally  200,000, 
is  to-day  less  than  31,000.  Half-castes,  Japanese,  Chinese, 
Portuguese,  and  an  English-speaking  people,  with  German, 
French,  Norwegians,  and  others  complete  the  population  of 
109,000.  Sugar,  coffee,  tropical  fruits,  and  rice  are  the  main 
products.  The  large  exportation  of  sugar  in  1895  was 
nearly  doubled  in  1897.  In  the  matter  of  imports,  American 
products  have  had  marked  preference.  The  islands  are 


172  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

mountainous  aud  volcanic.  Tlie  mineral  products  are  said  to 
be  scanty.  The  native  Hawaiians  physically  are  tall  and  mus 
cular.  They  are  more  industrious  and  enduring  than  other 
islanders  of  the  Pacific  living  in  a  climate  less  salubrious.  In 
moral  character  and  intelligence,  they  are  what  might  be 
expected  a  people  would  be  so  recently  recovered  from  can 
nibalism  and  subsequently  the  victims  of  European  vices. 
Intemperance  and  licentiousness  have  done  much  to  threaten 
the  actual  extinction  of  the  race.  In  1820 — about  thirty 
years  after  the  discovery  of  these  islands — they  were  visited 
by  American  missionaries.  They  succeeded  in  reducing  the 
native  language  to  writing.  The  advancement  of  the  Hawai 
ians  in  civilization  was  very  marked.  Their  ancient  idola 
trous  religion  was  long  since  abandoned.  The  inhabitants 

o  O 

of  the  islands  have  formally  accepted  the  Christian  faith.  At 
one  time  in  their  early  history  an  attempt  was  made  by  force 
of  arms  to  establish  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  among  the 
Ilawaiians ;  but  an  appeal  from  the  native  sovereign  to  the 
British  government,  to  France,  and  the  United  States  secured 
the  independence  of  their  islands  in  1844,  under  King  Kame- 
hameha  III.,  and  precluded  the  possibility  of  the  repetition 
of  this  and  kindred  outrages.  The  form  of  government  be 
came  that  of  a  constitutional  monarchy,  with  a  legislature 
appointed  in  part  by  the  king,  and  in  part  elected  by  the 
people.  Each  of  the  larger  islands  had  a  governor  appointed 
by  the  king,  while  diplomatic  and  consular  agents  were 
received  from  and  sent  to  foreign  powers.  Honolulu,  the 
capital,  stands  on  the  S.  W.  coast  of  the  island  Oahu.  It  is 
2100  miles  from  San  Francisco.  AYith  a  good  harbor,  the 
capital  of  Hawaii  is  connected  by  mail  steamers  with  the 
great  entrepots  of  Great  Britain,  Australia,  the  United  States, 
and  the  European  continent. 

In  January,  1X93,  Queen  Liliuokalani  and  her  cabinet 
were  in  disagreement  about  a  new  constitution.  A  committee 
of  safety  took  possession  of  the  government.  Liliuokalaui 


Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  Civilizations.  173 

was  deposed  and  then  imprisoned.  The  people,  chiefly 
American  residents,  established  a  provisional  government. 
Mr.  Stevens,  the  United  States  Minister,  sustained  them  in 
their  action,  to  guard  American  interests.  A  republic  was 
proclaimed  on  the  4th  of  July,  1894.  After  a  constitution 
had  been  adopted,  the  question  of  annexation  to  the  United 
States  was  agitated.  Sanford  B.  Dole  was  chosen  president 
of  the  Hawaiian  Republic,  his  term  to  expire  in  the  year 
1900. 

On  June  16,  1897,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  the  plenipoten 
tiaries  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  Republic  of  Hawaii, 
providing  for  the  annexation  of  the  islands.  July  17  the 
offered  cession  was  adopted  by  the  United  States  Congress. 
The  transfer  of  sovereignty  was  accomplished  August  12, 
1898.  On  the  presentation  of  a  certified  copy  of  the  resolu 
tion  of  Congress  by  Rear  Admiral  Miller  to  President  Dole 
at  Honolulu,  the  sovereignty  and  public  property  of  the 
Hawaiian  Islands  were  yielded  to  our  representative.  The 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  was  taken  by  the 
Hawaiian  authorities,  and  the  administration  of  the  Hawaiian 
government  proceeded  subject  to  the  future  enactments  of 
the  United  States  Congress. 

The  Hawaiian  Commission  appointed  by  President  McKin- 
ley,  under  provision  of  Congress,  consisted  of  Sanford  B.  Dole, 
President  of  Hawaii ;  Judge  Frear  of  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Hawaii ;  United  States  Senators  Morgan  and  Cullom,  and  Mr. 
Hitt,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  in  the 
House  of  Representatives.  On  December  6,  1898,  the  report 
of  the  Commission  was  presented  to  Congress,  providing  for 
a  territorial  government  of  our  new  possessions.  In  his 
Annual  Message  subsequently,  President  McKinley  said  con 
cerning  the  work  of  this  Commission :  "  It  is  believed  that 
their  recommendations  will  have  the  earnest  consideration 
due  to  the  magnitude  of  the  responsibility  resting  upon  you 
to  give  such  shape  to  the  relationship  of  these  mid-Pacific 


174  Facing  the  twentieth  Century. 

lands  to  our  home  Union  as  will  benefit  both  in  the  highest 
degree ;  realizing  the  aspiration  of  the  community  that  has 
cast  its  lot  with  us  and  elected  to  share  our  political  heritage, 
while  at  the  same  time  justifying  the  foresight  of  those  who 
for  three-quarters  of  a  century  have  looked  to  the  assimila 
tion  of  Hawaii  as  a  natural  and  inevitable  consummation,  in 
harmony  with  our  needs  and  in  fulfillment  of  our  cherished 
traditions." 


PART  IV. 

THE  MENACE  TO   AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS 

FROM  POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL 

ROMANISM. 

PRELIMINARY. 

WE  have  given  some  account  of  the  sources  of  our  civiliza 
tion  and  of  the  institutions  which  are  the  product  of  that 
civilization,  and  also  some  account  of  the  type  of  civilization 
whose  grasp  under  the  providence  of  God  we  escaped  in  the 
early  history  of  our  country,  when  the  fiber  of  our  body  politic 
was  being  formed,  and  whose  last  colonial  tyrannical  rule  has 
been  banished  from  the  Western  Hemisphere,  as  the  result  of  a 
short  but  decisive  contest  on  sea  and  land  between  the  forces 
of  our  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  and  the  mediaeval  Latin 
civilization  of  Spain. 

We  now  propose  to  consider  the  claims,  relations,  and 
methods  in  our  Republic,  of  the  prime  factor  which  produces 
a  Latin  civilization  and  which  constitutes  its  one  abiding 
characteristic  and  cohesive  power  throughout  the  world, 
which  bears  the  name  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism. 

We  look  upon  this  power  as  an  active,  persistent,  and 
omnipresent  menace  to  American  institutions. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  presents  claims  concerning 
universal  dominion  in  both  spiritual  and  temporal  affairs ; 
concerning  the  essential  character  of  civil  liberty ;  con 
cerning  religious  liberty  and  the  union  of  church  and 
state ;  and  concerning  the  voter  as  a  citizen  and  responsible 
sovereign,  in  direct  antagonism  to  the  genius  and  guarantees 
of  American  institutions.  It  sustains  relations  to  party 

175 


176  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

politics  and  politicians;  to  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial 
administration;  to  education  and  the  schools;  to  the  press 
and  literature ;  to  charitable,  reformatory,  and  penal  institu 
tions  ;  to  labor  and  other  organizations  and  to  corporations ; 
to  the  boycott  and  the  boss ;  to  "  limn,  Romanism,  and 
Rebellion  ";  to  the  government  of  the  commercial  metropolis 
of  the  New  World  ;  and  to  the  Spanish- American  war,  which 
prove  it  a  constant  corruptor  of  political  life  and  a  persistent 
disturber  of  the  equal  and  peaceful  relations  of  citizens  in 
public  and  in  social  life. 

It  practices  methods  in  assuming  to  make  condescending 
concessions  to  American  institutions ;  in  preserving  voting 
solidarity  by  promoting  isolation  and  preventing  assimilation 
in  citizenship ;  in  insisting  upon  all  Romanists  entering  civic 
associations  as  Romanists  and  not  as  Americans;  which  are 
humiliating  to  national  self-respect,  detrimental  to  the  best 
interests  of  its  own  people,  and  which  put  a  premium  upon 
corrupt  political  bargains. 

We  propose  to  conclude  this  department  of  our  discussion 
with  proofs  showing  the  decline  in  both  numbers  and  politi 
cal  power  of  Romanism  throughout  the  world  ;  and  to 
furnish,  in  the  Appendix  to  this  volume,  a  carefully  sum 
marized  statement  of  ecclesiastical  and  canon  law  from 
Roman  Catholic  authorities,  in  so  far  as  it  contains  matters 
of  import  to  American  citizens. 

Satolli,  the  Papal  Apostolic  Delegate,  wrote  in  his  book 
on  "  Loyalty  to  Church  and  State"  in  1895  : 

"  A  disinterested  study  of  religion,  as  embodied  in  the 
Catholic  Church,  will  show  that  nowhere  is  there  a  power 
appealing  to  conscience  more  able  to  hold  up  our  constitution 
above  the  storms  of  human  passions,  more  congenial  to  the 
spirit  of  your  republic,  than  the  Church  of  which  you  and  I 
are  children." 

And  yet  every  official  act  of  this  papal  representative 
while  in  this  country  proved  that  he  cared  little  for  the 


Politico-  Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  177 

republic,  but  was  here  for  the  purpose  of  temporarily  lulling 
the  storm  of  indignation  which  was  raging  against  his  Church 
authorities  because  of  their  hostility  to  the  public  schools, 
and  to  compose  the  differences  existing  in  the  American 
hierarchy  on  the  question  of  methods  of  securing  public 
funds  for  parochial  schools.  He  found  not  a  single  advocate 
of  the  public  schools  as  such  among  the  members  of  the 
hierarchy,  but  he  did  find  diversity  of  opinion  as  to  which 
was  the  surest  way  to  get  the  people's  money  for  sectarian 
propagation :  the  Archbishop  Ireland  way  of  compromise  and 
indirection,  or  the  Archbishop  Corrigan  way  of  demand  and 
direct  approach. 

Let  us  hope  that  Mr.  Minturn,  a  Roman  Catholic  lawyer 
of  Hobokeu,  N.  J.,  represents  hosts  of  the  laymen  of  his 
Church  when,  speaking  on  "  The  American  Catholic,"  he  says : 

"The  recent  agitation  by  some  of  the  clergymen,  bishops, 
as  well  as  priests,  in  the  Catholic  Church,  concerning  the 
school  question  has  led  to  counter-agitations  by  zealous, 
short-sighted,  yet  patriotic  men,  outside  of  the  Church,  who 
profess  to  see  in  the  movement  of  the  clergy  an  attempt  on 
the  part  of  the  Catholics  to  change  and  displace  the  public- 
school  question  of  the  land.  The  agitation  of  the  Catholic 
clergy,  and  the  counter-agitation  of  the  American  Protective 
Association,  are  both  based  upon  the  unfounded  and  baseless 
assumption  that  the  .Catholic  bishops  and  clergymen  repre 
sent  the  Catholic  people  in  matters  purely  civil  and  political." 

The  greatest  triumphs  in  late  years  of  Rome  as  a  political 
power  have  been  witnessed  in  this  republic,  by  its  influence 
over  executives  in  municipalities,  States,  and  nation,  by  its 
control  of  legislatures,  by  its  drafts  upon  public  treasuries, 
by  its  control  of  the  balance  of  power  in  the  centers  of  popu 
lation  all  over  the  nation  as  the  result  of  the  solidarity  of  its 
votes.  And  yet  men  claiming  to  be  intelligent  continue  to 
assert  that  America  has  nothing  to  fear  from  Romanism. 
This  fact  emphasizes  the  peril. 


178  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  American  republic  lias  a  right  in  the  first  place  to 
expect  perfect  loyalty  to  its  institutions  from  all  who  enjoy 
its  privileges  and  protection. 

Of  course  we  must  conclude  that  all  of  the  active  mani 
festations  of  the  presence  of  Romanism  in  these  directions 
are  political,  for  they  certainly  are  not  religious,  although 
pursued  with  religious  zeal. 

It  is  perhaps  unnecessary  to  say  that  we  make  a  broad  dis 
tinction  between  the  system  controlled  by  a  Jesuitical  power 
for  political  ends  and  the  individual  members  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  multitudes  of  whom  are  honest  in  their 
religious  convictions,  but  have  no  adequate  realization  of  the 
tyrannical  claims  of  the  hierarchy  upon  their  obedience. 
The  people  want  to  know  the  authenticated  facts  about  the 
insidious  encroachments  by  political  Romanism  upon  our 
republican  institutions,  and  the  methods  resorted  to  by  its 
apologists  to  conceal  the  purposes  of  encroachment. 

In  the  course  of  this  discussion  it  will  be  found  necessary 
to  quote  largely  from  the  utterances  of  the  opponents  of  our 
institutions,  "our  enemies  themselves  being  judges."  Other 
wise  the  wily  and  astutely  unscrupulous  Roman  critic  will 
say  that  the  statements  are  false  and  have  no  foundation  in 
fact ;  the  common  method  of  argument  with  him  being  to 
call  his  antagonist  a  liar  and  persecutor,  and  then  to  act  as 
though  he  thought  that  simple  rude  denial  annihilated  facts. 
Not  a  quotation  is  made  in  these  pages  that  cannot  be 
authenticated.  Large  opportunity  is  afforded  here,  in  the 
discussion  of  the  various  relations  of  Romanism  to  our  insti 
tutions,  to  her  highest  authorities  and  representatives  to 
speak  their  minds  freely  and  prove  our  contention  against 
her. 

We  are  aware  that  books  and  pamphlets  by  the  thousand 
have  been  written  upon  the  relation  of  political  and  religious 
Romanism  to  our  institutions,  until  many  people  have  become 
wearied  because  of  the  irresponsible  character  of  much  of  this 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  179 

literature.  But  the  purpose  of  this  discussion  is,  dispassion 
ately  and  without  exaggeration,  to  place  the  menace  of  polit 
ico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  in  the  midst  of  a  discussion  of  the 
institutions  which  it  is  in  honor  bound  loyally  to  maintain 
and  not  seek  to  pervert  or  destroy. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  discussion  of  the  menacing  rela 
tions  of  Romanism  to  our  civil  institutions  will  be  that 
politicians  among  clergymen,  office-holders,  office-seekers,  and 
other  public  men,  will  rush  into  print  and  speech  to  declare 
that  they  know  many  men  among  their  Roman  Catholic 
constituents  and  acquaintances  who  are  just  as  loyal  and 
patriotic  as  any  other  citizens,  and  from  this  particular  premise 
will  vociferously  assert  that  Romanism  as  a  system  is  not 
hostile  to  our  institutions,  but  is  liberal  in  this  country  and 
is  adapting  itself  to  the  character  and  genius  of  American 
republicanism.  There  can  be  now,  and  there  have  been  for 
years,  but  two  reasons  for  this  kind  of  unintelligent  talk:  gar 
rulous  ignorance  and  political  selfishness.  Every  ecclesiastical, 
secular,  and  political  organization  must  be  held  responsible 
for  the  official  announcements  of  its  highest  authorities  ;  and 
the  responsibility  is  neither  modified  nor  annulled  because 
some  members  of  these  organizations,  in  spite  of  their  politi 
cal  or  other  creed,  are,  because  of  the  slack  hold  the  organi 
zation  of  which  they  are  a  part  has  upon  them,  just  so  much 
better  than  their  creed.  The  virtue  of  a  higher  loyalty  to 
civil  institutions,  at  the  expense  of  lower  loyalty  to  an  accepted 
eeclesiastical  system,  must  be  measured  by  each  man's  con 
ception  of  moral  obligation.  But  where  evident  antagonism 
of  principle  exists  there  can  be  no  debate  and  no  compromise, 
with  honest  men.  "  No  man  can  serve  two  masters." 

The  safe  American  programme  must  be  absolute  civil  and 
religious  equality  before  the  law,  for  all  of  whatever  faith, 
including  Roman  Catholics,  as  citizens  but  not  as  Romanists, 
and  with  no  special  privileges  for  any,  and  with  prompt  and 
stern  resistance  to  any  aggressions  upon  our  institutions  in  the 


180  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

interests  of  sectarian  propagation  at  public  expense.  A 
lamentable  lack  of  courage  in  these  vital  matters  now  exists 
among  our  countrymen.  Virile  and  fearless  leaders  are  in 
demand  who  will  refuse  to  consult  expediency  or  selfishness, 
and  who  believe  that  the  battle  of  justice  promptly  fought  is 
both  more  surely  won  and  more  beneficent  in  its  permanent 
results. 

Every  intelligent  citizen  knows  that  the  essential  principles 
of  Romanism  are  antagonistic  to  free  institutions  in  the 
abstract,  but  the  concrete  consideration  is  here  proposed. 

In  our  study  of  abstract  principles  in  securing  legislative 
and  constitutional  changes  in  the  nation  and  in  the  States 
for  the  protection  of  the  common  schools  and  for  the  prohibi 
tion  of  sectarian  appropriations,  we  have  found  that  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  not  only  the  chief  obstacle  in  the 
path  of  such  legislation,  but  that  it  tries  in  every  possible 
way  to  circumvent  where  it  cannot  defeat.  We  are  therefore 
forced  to  study  the  concrete. 

It  is  high  time  that  these  questions  were  thus  considered. 
In  response  to  abstract  assertions  and  negations  of  Roman 
functionaries  and  their  apologists  among  political,  commer 
cial,  cowardly,  and  self-interested  Protestants,  one  individual 
instance  of  the  practical  illustration  of  a  theory  is  more 
convincing  than  volumes  of  abstractions. 

This  power  has  the  most  minuto  ramifications  in  municipal, 
State,  national,  and  international  affairs.  It  is  an  impertinent 
and  dangerous  meddler  in  all  civic  concerns. 

How  is  it  that  the  secular  papers  will  discuss  and  criticise 
the  theology  and  internal  economy  of  Presbyterianism,  Meth 
odism,  Episcopalianism,  and  other  Protestant  Churches  and 
uniformly  deal  so  gently  with  Romanism?  The  reader  knows 
why. 

Why  is  it  that  when  vigorous  and  truthful  things  are  said 
about  the  aggressions  of  Rome,  by  assemblies  of  public  men 
like  a  Methodist  or  a  Baptist  Conference,  some  Protestant 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  181 

preachers  and  laymen  begin  to  protest  and  apologize,  indi 
cating  that  their  tender  feelings  have  been  hurt?  Nothing  of 
this  kind  ever  occurs  on  the  part  of  Roman  priests  when 
Protestants  are  assaulted  from  any  source.  This  state  of 
facts  disgusts  men  in  normal  condition. 

Romanists  claim  and  exercise  the  right  in  this  country, 
while  enjoying  the  liberties  so  dearly  bought  for  them,  to 
criticise  and  undermine  our  fundamental  institutions,  but 
chafe  and  protest  against  any  criticism  of  their  methods  and 
efforts.  We  make  no  apology  for  plain  speaking  concerning 
this  interference  with  our  civil  affairs  and  institutions,  but 
propose  to  get  out  of  the  prisoner's  box  and  put  the  aggress 
ive  enemy  on  the  defensive. 

"  When  Hercules  turned  the  purifying  river  into  King 
Augeus's  stables,  I  have  no  doubt  the  confusion  that  resulted 
was  considerable,  all  around ;  but  I  think  it  was  not  Her- 
cules's  blame ;  it  was  some  other's  blame  "  (Carlyle). 

Knowing  perfectly  well  the  value  of  cunning  accompanied 
by  fair  pretenses,  the  Church  of  Rome  carefully  conceals  her 
methods,  and  in  a  measure  disclaims  any  movement  against 
our  institutions.  But  this  only  serves  to  increase  the  danger. 
Under  any  circumstances  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  would 
be  the  natural  enemy  of  the  principles  which  underlie  our 
theory  of  government.  But  when  we  properly  understand 
her  methods  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  danger  is  largely 
increased,  because  the  appearances  are  so  strongly  calculated 
to  mislead. 

Assuming  honesty  on  the  part  of  conspicuous  Roman 
Catholics,  they  are  forced  into  the  most  humiliating  incon 
sistencies  in  attempting  to  be  loyal  to  the  politico-ecclesiasti 
cal  features  of  Romanism,  and  at  the  same  time  loyal  to 
fundamental  American  principles  and  institutions. 

The  knowledge  of  the  facts  wre  state  does  not  in  any  way 
detract  from  our  confidence  in  and  admiration  for  many 
Romanists,  whom  we  personally  know,  and  in  whose  charac- 


182  Fachty  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ter  and  patriotism  we  liave  faith.  It  is  the  system  we  con 
demn  in  its  political  workings. 

There  are  some  hopeful  indications  that  honest  and  intelli 
gent  Roman  Catholics  are  breaking  away  from  the  bondage 
of  politico-ecclesiastical  power.  They  are  asserting  independ 
ence  as  voters  in  increasingly  large  numbers.  They  are 
patronizing  the  public  schools,  thus  defying  ecclesiastical  dic 
tation  in  these  matters,  and  thus  acting  like  Americans  in  their 
intercourse  with  their  fellow-citizens. 

Some  of  the  most  conspicuous  members  of  the  Roman  Catho 
lic  faith  in  public  life,  who  are  genuine  Americans,  resent  the 
persistent  pushing  of  politico-ecclesiasticism  into  public  affairs. 
Many  priests  tell  us  so.  But  they  fear  to  state  their  senti 
ments  publicly,  as  it  would  involve  ecclesiastical  penalties  and 
would  probably  end  their  priestly  and  religious  work.  Such 
men  are  especially  helpless. 

We  know  many  priests  and  Roman  Catholic  laymen  who 
despise  the  political  machinations  of  the  hierarchy,  but  they 
dare  not  speak  out,  for  they  would  be  punished  and  degraded, 
as  many  have  been,  for  trying  to  think  and  act  for  themselves. 

Dr.  McGlynn  told  some  wholesome  truths  once,  but  was 
soon  crushed  by  punishment ;  called  down  from  his  old  throne 
of  power  in  New  York,  and,  having  returned  to  subserviency, 
was  banished  to  obscurity.  He  was  graciously  permitted,  in 
1S!)T,  to  come  to  town  and  pronounce  a  eulogy  over  the  dead 
body  of  his  friend  Henry  George,  and  then  he  obediently 
returned  to  exile. 

Many  of  these  Roman  Catholic  priests  and  layineu  agree 
with  us  in  the  attitude  taken  in  this  volume  concerning  the 
menace  to  our  institutions  from  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman 
ism.  Some  of  them  have  furnished  us  with  many  of  the  facts 
used  in  this  discussion.  These  men  ought  to  be  liberated  from 
the  bondage  which  is  a  constant  humiliation. 

One  purpose  of  this  plain  discussion  of  the  relation  of  polit 
ico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  American  institutions  is  not  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  183 

deprive  American  citizens  who  adhere  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  of  any  of  their  rights,  but  to  convince  them,  if  it  may 
be,  that  they  put  themselves  under  suspicion  when  they  act 
in  civic  matters,  first  as  Romanists,  then  as  American  citizens ; 
and  also  to  warn  American  citizens  that  they  must  watch 
Romanists  when  they  enter  politics  as  Romanists  and  try  to  set 
up  an  imperium  iti  imperio,  and  resist  them  because  they  then 
constitute  a  peril. 

Because  many  writers,  convinced  of  the  iniquity  of  Roman 
ism  as  a  religion,  make  assaults  upon  the  religious  character 
of  popes,  cardinals,  archbishops,  bishops,  priests,  and  laymen, 
many  people  look  upon  anything  said  about  politico-ecclesi 
astical  Romanism  as  a  part  of  the  same  crusade.  We  have 
here  only  to  do  with  the  corrupting  political  power  of  ecclesi 
astical  Romanism.  Let  citizens  take  note  of  this  and  not 
allow  themselves  to  be  blinded  by  the  attempt  to  sound  the 
false  alarm  of  religious  persecution. 

We  purpose  in  this  presentation  to  warn  politico-ecclesias 
tical  Romanism  and  professional  politicians,  and  inform  the 
American  people  concerning  the  illicit  partnership  existing 
between  these  self-constituted  masters,  and  seek  to  lead  reli 
gious  men  and  organizations  to  be  patriotic  in  their  own  right 
and  not  dupes  and  slaves  to  the  will  of  any  foreign  or  domestic 
tyrant. 

Everything  in  the  relation  of  sects  to  public  or  private  asso 
ciations,  organizations,  or  individuals,  that  is  not  evidently  and 
axiomatically  religious  and  altruistic  in  its  purpose,  must  be 
classed  as  political  or  ecclesiastical. 

Honest,  unselfish  citizens  not  only  want  to  know  facts  and 
act  in  the  light  of  them,  but  they  do  not  understand  why 
other  honest  citizens  should  seek  either  to  conceal  facts,  or 
refuse  to  face  them  in  a  manly  way,  when  they  are  brought  to 
light.  No  moral  principle  and  no  civil  or  religious  right  of 
man  were  ever  promoted  by  secrecy  or  concealment.  Indirec 
tion  in  methods  and  trickery  in  purpose  can  only  thus  pros- 


184  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

per.  Jesuit  ecclesiasticism  is  an  historical  synonym  for  un 
scrupulous  indirection  and  carnally  cunning  trickery.  All 
these  purposes  are  alien  to  republican  institutions.  They  are 
the  progenitors  of  all  tricksters  in  politics  and  the  debauchers 
of  the  political  conscience. 

Professor  8.  F.  B.  Morse  says  that  Lafayette,  who  was  a 
Romanist  by  birth  and  education,  said  to  him,  and  again  and 
again  repeated  the  warning:  "If  the  liberties  of  the  American 
people  are  ever  destroyed,  they  will  fall  by  the  hands  of  the 
Romish  clergy." 

The  ignorance  of  American  history  and  of  the  sources  of 
our  civilization,  indifference  to  the  underlying  principles  of 
our  government  and  of  our  liberties,  the  pusillanimity  of  many 
citizens  inspired  by  ignorance  and  sloth,  constitute  elements 
of  strength  to  Romanism  and  of  peril  to  our  institutions. 
And  this  class  of  people  call  themselves  liberal  and  wish  to 
be  counted  smart  and  conservative.  It  is  the  conservatism  of 
persistent  ignorance  and  the  smartness  of  unreasoning  egotism. 

Political  party  leaders  must  be  made  to  understand  that 
they  have  to  reckon  with  the  overwhelming  majority  of  our 
citizens  as  well  as  with  the  minority  solidarity  under  politico- 
ecclesiastical  control. 

The  question  of  ecclesiastical  interference  in  American 
politics  has  been  raised  as  a  vital  issue  before  the  people,  and 
has  been  persistently  and  openly  pushed  by  the  Roman 
Catholics,  and  the  American  people  must  pronounce  their 
verdict  upon  it.  The  issue  cannot  be  side-tracked,  the  ques 
tion  cannot  be  laughed  out  of  court. 

That  wise  and  experienced  and  venerable  statesman,  the 
lion.  R.  W.  Thompson,  in  his  work  on  "The  Papacy  and  the 
Civil  Power,"  makes  the  following  comments  on  the  relations 
of  the  Papacy  to  the  organic  law  of  the  land  (pp.  209-11)  : 

"  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  repudiates  the  idea 
of  an  established  religion,  yet  the  Pope  tells  us  that  this  is 
in  violation  of  (rod's  law,  and  that,  by  that  law,  the  Roman 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  185 

Catholic  religion  should  be  made  exclusive,  and  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church,  acting  alone  through  him,  should 
have  sovereign  authority,  'not  only  over  individuals,  but 
nations,  peoples,  and  sovereigns,'  so  that  the  whole  world 
may  be  brought  under  its  dominion,  and  be  made  to  obey  all 
the  laws  that  he  and  his  hierarchy  shall  choose  to  promulgate  ! 
And  that  this  same  church  shall  have  power  also  to  inflict 
whatever  penalties  he  shall  prescribe  upon  all  those  who  dare 
to  violate  any  of  these  laws !  The  Constitution  guarantees 
liberty  of  speech  and  of  the  press ;  yet  the  Pope  says  this  is 
'  the  liberty  of  perdition,'  and  should  not  be  tolerated.  The 
Constitution  requires  that  all  the  people,  and  all  the  churches, 
shall  obey  the  laws  of  the  United  States;  yet  the  Pope 
anathematizes  this  provision,  because  it  requires  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  to  pay  the  same  measure  of  obedience  to  law 
that  is  paid  by  the  Protestant  churches ;  and  claims  that  the 
government  shall  obey  him  in  all  religious  affairs,  and  in  all 
secular  affairs  which  pertain  to  religion  and  the  church,  so 
that  his  will,  in  all  these  matters,  shall  become  the  law  of  the 
Hand.  The  Constitution  subordinates  all  churches  to  the  civil 
power  except  in  matters  of  faith  and  discipline;  yet  the  Pope 
declares  this  to  be  heresy,  because  God  has  commanded  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  all  other  govern 
ments,  shall  be  subordinate  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
The  Constitution  repudiates  all '  royal  power,'  yet  the  Pope  con 
demns  this,  and  proclaims  that  the  world  must  be  governed 
by  '  royal  power,'  in  order  that  it  may  protect  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  churches  !  The 
Constitution  allows  the  free  circulation  of  the  Bible  and  the 
right  of  private  judgment  in  interpreting  it;  yet  the  Pope  de 
nounces  this,  and  says  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  is  the 
only  '  living  authority ?  which  has  the  right  to  interpret  it,  and 
that  its  interpretation  should  be  the  only  one  allowed,  and 
should  be  protected  by  law,  while  all  others  should  be  con 
demned  and  disallowed.  In  all  these  respects,  and  upon  each 


18G  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  these  important  and  fundamental  ideas  of  government,  there 
is  an  irreconcilable  difference  between  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  and  the  Papal  principles  announced  by  this 
encyclical  letter.  The  two  classes  of  principles  cannot  both 
exist,  anywhere,  at  the  same  time.  Where  one  is,  there  it  is 
impossible  for  the  other  to  be." 

Such  is  perverse  human  nature  that  the  man  who  warns 
people  of  perils  they  are  unwilling  to  recognize  is  often  either 
ridiculed  for  his  presumption  or  scorned  for  his  temerity, 
by  those  who  speedily  pay  the  penalty  of  their  ridicule  and 
scorn.  The  Jews  would  not  believe  the  noble  and  prophetic 
warnings  of  Samuel ;  the  Athenians  scouted  the  Philippics  of 
Demosthenes ;  the  Greeks  discredited  the  truths  uttered  by 
Themistocles ;  Rome  rejected  the  report  of  her  faithful 
envoys;  but  the  prophesied  misfortunes  overtook  the  Jews; 
the  Athenians  soon  beheld  their  ruin ;  the  Greeks  were 
humbled  by  the  Persians,  and  Rome  was  crushed  by  Sulla, 
These  historic  illustrations  mi^ht  be  run  through  the  cen- 

o  o 

turies,  to  prove  that  men  and  nations  are  unwilling  to  be 
warned  of  peril,  or  to  be  reminded  of  an  old  adage  worthy  of 
inspiration  which  runs:  "  There  is  always  danger  when  the 
persuasion  exists  that  there  is  none." 

Nation  after  nation,  for  centuries,  has  been  warned  of  the 
peril  of  permitting  political  Jesuitical  Romanism  to  make  an 
alliance  with  the  state.  The  warnings  have  uniformly  been 
unheeded,  and  to  undo  the  wickedness  which  the  warning 
heeded  would  have  averted  has  cost  untold  treasure  and 
baptized  the  continents  and  many  islands  of  the  sea  with 
blood. 

We  hope  to  be  able  to  show  that  despite  the  multiform  evi 
dences  of  the  active  presence  and  persistent  threats  of  this 
menace  to  civil  and  religious  liberty  which  has  become  hoary 
with  age,  by  extended  study  and  increased  watchfulness  the 
inheritors  of  our  priceless  American  patrimony  will  meet 
these  perils  and  paraly/e  their  power.  The  patriotic  move- 


Politico-  Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  187 

ment  to  the  front  is  now  the  one  prominent  fact  in  American 
political  experience.  It  cannot  be  frowned  down,  scared 
away,  or  bowed  out.  Politicians  and  political  parties  must 
reckon  with  it.  It  is  to  the  front  to  stay  until  the  relations 
of  ecclesiasticism  and  sectarianism  to  our  civil  institutions 
are  normally  adjusted  and  our  institutions  are  intrenched 
by  constitutional  safeguards.  Mistakes  will  be  made  as  to 
methods  of  work,  and  consequent  defeats  will  be  suffered, 
but  these  will  only  be  temporary,  as,  learning  wisdom  from 
mistakes  and  defeats,  the  patriotic  forces  will  be  mobilized 
and  consolidated  and  present  an  undivided  front,  which  means 
victory. 

CLAIMS. — CONCERNING    UNIVERSAL    DOMINION    IN    BOTH 
SPIRITUAL  AND    TEMPORAL    AFFAIRS. 

"The  polity  of  the  Church  of  Rome  is  the  very  masterpiece  of  human 
wisdom.  .  .  The  experience  of  twelve  hundred  eventful  years,  the  in 
genuity  and  patient  care  of  forty  generations  of  statesmen,  have  improved 
that  polity  to  such  perfection  that,  among  the  contrivances  which  have  been 
devised  for  deceiving  and  controlling  mankind,  it  occupies  the  highest  place." 
— Macaulay. 

"  There  is  no  patriotism  without  publicity,  and  though  publicity  cannot 
always  prevent  mischief,  it  is  at  all  events  an  alarm  bell,  which  calls  the 
public  to  the  spot  of  danger." — Lieber. 

On  the  following  syllogism  Romanism  as  a  religious  and 
political  organization  stands,  and  by  it  determines  all  its  re 
lations  to  individuals  and  to  society :  The  Church  of  Christ 
is  infallible  ;  the  Church  of  Rome  is  the  Church  of  Christ ; 
and  therefore  the  Church  of  Rome  alone  is  infallible,  and  the 
head  of  an  infallible  church  must  himself  be  infallible.  This 
logically  puts  the  stamp  of  permanency  and  universality  upon 
all  its  exercise  of  power  upon  the  conscience  of  its  follow 
ing,  destroying  individuality  and  prohibiting  the  spirit  of 
inquiry. 

Facts  concerning  the  relation  of  politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism  to  our  civil  institutions  have  been  repeatedly 


188  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

given  to  the  public  in  books  and  pamphlets,  but  seldom 
through  the  newspapers,  which  in  these  modern  times  con 
stitute  the  chief  sources  of  instruction  for  most  of  the  Ameri 
can  people.  While  no  citizen  ought  to  make  statements  for 
the  purpose  of  alarming  his  fellow-citizens,  every  patriotic 
citizen  ought  to  be  willing  to  state  and  hear  the  truth  bear 
ing  upon  the  safety  or  peril  of  the  institutions  he  holds  dear, 
and  hold  himself  in  readiness  for  their  defense  and  perpetua 
tion.  Blindness  to  truth  does  not  destroy  it,  and  declining  to 
recognize  peril  does  not  avert  it.  Clamor  against  exposition 
of  danger  only  intrenches  it,  and  denial  of  its  existence  is  the 
congenial  occupation  of  fools  and  fanatics,  and  ought  not  to 
intimidate  the  wise  and  courageous.  Light  has  but  one 
enemy,  and  though  it  may  present  various  phases,  darkness  is 
its  comprehensive  name. 

Romanism  in  history  has  been  one  continuous  politico- 
ecclesiastical  conspiracy  against  the  liberties  of  mankind.  It 
has  never  deviated  from  its  purpose  to  conquer  nations  and 
subject  rulers  to  its  sway. 

We  cheerfully  give  it  credit  for  plainness  of  speech  in  the 
statement  of  its  claims.  No  man  can  have  excuse  for  mis 
understanding  the  primary  statement  of  these  claims,  despite 
the  ingenuity  sometimes  exhibited  in  concealing  the  im 
mediate  purposes. 

Dr.  G.  F.  Von  Schulte,  Professor  of  Canonical  Law  at 
Prague,  gives  the  following  digest,  the  fairness  and  accuracy 
of  which  have  never  been  contested,  of  the  code  of  Romanism 
styled  the  Canon  Law : 

"All  human  power  is  from  evil,  and  must  therefore  be 
standing  under  the  Pope. 

4  The  temporal  powers  must  act  unconditionally,  in  accord 
ance  with  the  orders  of  the  spiritual. 

"  The  Church  is  empowered  to  grant,  or  to  take  away,  any 
temporal  possession. 

"The    Pope    has  the   right  to  give  countries  and  nations 


:1jjft*HdiftBf 


POPE  LEO  XIII. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  189 

which  are  non-Catholic  to  Catholic  regents,  who  can  reduce 
them  to  slavery. 

"  The  Pope  can  make  slaves  of  those  Christian  subjects 
whose  prince  or  ruling  power  is  interdicted  by  the  Pope. 

"The  Pope  has  the  right  to  annul  State  laws,  treaties,  con 
stitutions,  etc. ;  to  absolve  from  obedience  thereto,  as  soon  as 
they  seem  detrimental  to  the  rights  of  the  Church,  or  those 
of  the  clergy. 

"  The  Pope  possesses  the  right  of  admonishing,  and,  if 
needs  be,  of  punishing  the  temporal  rulers,  emperors,  and 
kings,  as  well  as  of  drawing  before  the  spiritual  forum  any 
case  in  which  a  mortal  sin  occurs. 

"  Without  the  consent  of  the  Pope  no  tax  or  rate  of  any 
kind  can  be  levied  upon  a  clergyman,  or  upon  any  church 
whatsoever. 

"  The  Pope  has  the  right  to  absolve  from  oaths,  and 
obedience  to  the  persons  and  laws  of  the  princes  whom  he 
excommunicates." 

Cardinal  Manning  says :  "  There  is  a  divine  obligation 
binding  the  Church  to  enter  into  the  most  intricate  relations 
with  the  natural  society  or  commonwealth  of  men,  or,  in 
other  words,  with  peoples,  states,  and  civil  powers. 

"  The  Church  has  in  every  age  striven  to  direct,  not  the 
life  of  individual  men  only,  but  the  collective  life  of  na 
tions  in  their  organized  forms  of  republics,  monarchies,  and 
empires. 

"  As  soon  as  the  society  of  the  empire  became  Christian, 
the  Church  penetrated  all  its  legislative  and  executive  action. 
The  temporal  power  of  the  Pontiffs  is  the  providential  con 
dition  under  which  the  Church  has  fulfilled  its  mission  to 
human  society. 

"  The  Church  never  withdraws  from  the  state  as  such, 
which  would  be  to  abandon  the  natural  society  of  man  to  its 
own  maladies  and  mortality. 

"  While  it  permits  the  sons  of  heretics  to  frequent  its  own 


190  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

schools,  it  forbids  Catholic  parents  to  send  their  sons  to  the 
schools  of  those  who  are  out  of  the  faith. 

"  We  now  come  to  define  what  is  meant  by  modern  society. 

"  Modern  society  is  the  old  society  of  the  Christian  world 
mutilated  by  the  character  forced  upon  it  by  the  last  three 
hundred  years: 

"  First,  by  the  so-called  Reformation,  which,  wheresoever 
it  prevailed,  destroyed  the  Catholic  unity  and  extinguished 
the  Catholic  mind  of  the  Christian  society. 

"Secondly,  by  the  principles  of  1789,  whicli  were  not 
a  mere  local  formula  of  French  opinion,  but  a  dogmatic 
theory  of  revolution,  promulgated  by  its  pretentious  authors 
for  all  nations.  It  has  now,  in  fact,  directly  and  indirectly 
pervaded  the  whole  political  society  of  modern  Europe. 

"  Thirdly,  by  the  recent  international  settlement,  or  law, 
which  has  admitted  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  with  Rome  as 
capital,  and,  therefore,  with  the  usurpation  of  the  rights  and 
sovereignty  of  the  pontiffs,  into  the  commonwealth  of  Euro 
pean  states ;  and,  so  far  as  any  jus  gentium  now  survives, 
into  the  diplomacy  of  Europe. 

"Modern  society,  therefore,  is  not  the  natural  society  of 
the  world  before  Christianity,  nor  is  it  the  society  of  Christen 
dom,  when  the  two  societies  were  in  amity  and  coincidence 
of  law  and  of  intention.  It  is  the  political  society  of  the 
natural  order,  fallen  from  the  unity  of  faith,  communion,  and 
obedience  to  the  divine  voice  of  the  Church,  revolutionary  in 
its  political  creed  and  practice,  and  either  in  usurpation,  or 
in  culpable  connivance  at  the  usurpation,  of  the  sacred  rights 
and  sovereignty  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ." 

The  purpose  of  the  Founder  of  Christianity  was  universal 
empire,  by  the  extension  of  his  reign  of  love  over  the  hearts 
of  men.  The  purpose  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  is 
universal  empire,  but  by  different  methods  than  those  used 
by  the  Founder.  If  Roman  Catholicism  had  adhered  to  the 
methods  of  the  Founder  of  Christianity,  and  politico-ecclesias- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  191 

ticism  had  not  come  to  be  supreme,  Catholicism  would  to-day 
have  universal  empire,  with  no  rival  in  the  affections  and 
loyalty  of  men. 

The  evolution  which  has  turned  the  religion  of  primitive 
Christianity  into  Romanism  has  had  its  germ  and  propelling 
power  in  politico-ecclesiasticism. 

The  universal  rule  of  the  known  world  by  Augustus  has 
been  the  type  of  the  ambition  of  all  the  Popes. 

The  avowed  purpose  of  universal  spiritual  and  temporal 
empire,  on  the  part  of  Roman  Catholicism,  differentiates  it 
both  in  the  scope  and  character  of  its  claims  from  all  other 
Christian  organizations. 

Milton  said :  "  Popery  is  a  double  thing  to  deal  with,  and 
claims  a  two-fold  power,  ecclesiastical  and  political,  both 
usurped,  and  the  one  supporting  the  other." 

The  claims  of  Romanism,  when  properly  understood,  admit 
of  no  limitation  whatever.  They  are  simply  absolute,  and 
amenable  to  no  human  law.  According  to  Cardinal  Man 
ning,  "  The  Church  itself  is  the  divine  witness,  teacher,  judge 
of  the  revelation  intrusted  to  it.  There  exists  no  other. 
There  is  no  tribunal  to  which  appeal  from  the  Church  can  lie. 
There  is  no  co-ordinate  witness,  teacher,  or  judge  who  can 
revise  or  criticise  or  test  the  teaching  of  the  Church.  It  is 
sole  and  alone  in  the  world.  .  .  It  belongs  to  the  Church 
alone  to  determine  the  limits  of  its  own  infallibility." 

The  attempt  on  the  part  of  the  Popes  to  establish  some 
official  relation  with  the  United  States  as  the  initial  step 
toward  more  extended  dominion,  furnishes  an  interesting 
chapter  in  our  national  history. 

"  The  illustrious  Pope  Pius  IX.  showed  his  interest  in 
America  also  by  sending  a  Nuncio  to  the  United  States. 
Our  Government  some  years  previously  had  sent  an  Ambassa 
dor  to  Rome,  apparently  without  any  knowledge  of  the  long 
established  system  of  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the 
Popes  and  foreign  powers.  No  intimation  was  given  to  the 


192  Facing  Ike  Twentieth  Century. 

Holy  See  of  any  wish  on  the  part  of  the  American  Govern 
ment  to  derogate  from  the  custom  of  centuries.  The  Sov 
ereign  Pontiff  did  not  at  once  send  a  Nuncio  to  this  country, 
hut  in  1852  he  dispatched  Mgr.  Cajetan  Bedini,  Archbishop 
of  Thebes,  a  prelate  of  great  ability,  learning,  and  mildness, 
as  Nuncio  to  Brazil,  and  intrusted  him  with  a  letter  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  so  as  gradually  to  open 
official  intercourse. 

"  At  this  moment  an  anti-Catholic  excitement  had  again 
arisen  in  the  United  States.  An  organization  known  as  the 
Order  of  United  Americans  had  spread  over  the  country,  the 
object  of  which  was  to  exclude  Catholics  from  office,  busi 
ness,  and  as  far  as  possible  from  all  civil  rights.  The  party 
of  which  this  society  was  the  nucleus  was  popularly  called 
Know-Nothings. 

"The  arrival  of  Mgr.  Bedini  gave  fresh  impulse  to  the  in 
tolerant  spirit,  and  the  great  German  infidel  element  in  the 
country,  with  similar  refugees  from  other  parts  of  Europe, 
whose  great  object  was  the  overthrow  of  the  Papal  power  of 
Rome,  gave  all  their  aid.  Mgr.  Bedini  had  been  Governor  of 
Bologna  when  that  city  was  occupied  by  the  Austrians,  who 
arrested  and  shot  several  revolutionists,  including  a  priest 
named  Bassi.  All  these  executions  were  now  ascribed  to 
Mgr.  Bedini  as  his  work,  although  he  was  utterly  powerless 
and  had  taken  no  part  in  the  affair.  A  plot  was  formed  to 
assassinate  the  Nuncio,  and  though  he  escaped  by  a  timely 
warning,  his  informant  was  poniarded  in  the  streets  of  New 
York,  and  the  authorities  dared  not  investigate  the  affair.  As 
the  Nuncio  visited  other  cities  he  was  mobbed,  especially  at 
Pittsburgh  and  Cincinnati.  At  Washington  the  question  of 
his  reception  led  to  most  pitiable  equivocation,  and  they 
finally  took  the  ground  that  under  our  Constitution  a  Nuncio 
could  not  be  received,  but  that  a  simple  ambassador  would  be, 
although  from  the  outset  they  knew  that  the  Popes  never  sent 
any. 


O  <J 
<  Lo 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  193 

"  All  this  fed  the  anti-Catholic  excitement,  which  soon  cul 
minated  in  acts  of  violence.  As  usual  the  cry  was  raised  that 
Catholics  wished  to  drive  the  Bible  out  of  the  common  schools, 
and  meanwhile  they  forced  Catholic  pupils  in  the  schools  to 
take  part  in  the  reading  of  the  Protestant  Bible  and  the  offer 
ing  of  Protestant  prayers." — Businger  and  Sheds  "  History 
of  the  Oath.  Church?  pp.  395-96. 

O'Reilly,  in  his  "  Life  of  Leo  XIIL,"  p.  34,  in  speaking  of 
the  condition  of  the  Papacy  in  its  relations  to  the  governments 
of  the  world  at  the  close  of  the  reign  of  Pius  IX.,  says  of  the 
United  States:  "The  Republican  Congress  of  the  United 
States  had,  after  our  war,  and  forgetful  of  the  thousands  of 
Catholics  who  had  died  for  the  Union,  suppressed  the  Ameri 
can  Legation  at  the  Vatican.  It  was  an  ungenerous  and  im 
politic  act,  which  another  Congress  and  President  will  not  fail 
to  undo  in  the  near  future." 

The  primary  object  of  Mgr.  Satolli,  the  Papal  "  Apostolic 
Delegate  "  to  this  country,  in  taking  up  his  residence  in  Wash 
ington,  was  that  the  American  people  might  become  familiar 
with  the  Pope's  representative,  and  when  the  temporal  power 
was  restored  he  would  be  near  at  hand  for  recognition  as  Minis 
ter  Plenopitentiary,  accredited  from  His  Holiness'  sectarian  and 
secular  government.  The  secondary  object  of  his  mission  was 
contained  in  his  commission  from  Leo  XIIL,  to  conciliate  the 
opponents  of  the  papal  school  programme,  which  had  caused 
rebellion  in  the  ranks  of  the  American  Roman  Catholics  who 
were  patronizing  the  public  schools.  The  time  of  his  coming 
was  in  the  midst  of  a  heated  Presidential  political  campaign. 
The  Chairmen  of  the  National  Committee  of  both  the  Repub 
lican  and  Democratic  parties  were  Roman  Catholics.  A 
threat  was  sent  by  one  of  these  chairmen  to  the  Propa 
ganda  at  Rome,  that  unless  the  Roman  Catholic  assault 
upon  the  public  schools  should  be  more  moderate  and  less 
severe  and  audacious,  a  strong  plank  would  be  put  in  the 
party  platform  defending  the  schools.  Satolli  came,  and  both 


194  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

parties  put  in  their  platforms  planks  on  the  school  question 
couched  in  such  language  that  they  could  by  no  possibility 
wound  the  delicate  sensibilities  of  the  most  vindictive  enemy 
of  the  schools.  This  historic  incident  is  one  of  the  most 
humiliating  in  American  political  annals.  The  Republican 
party  was  deservedly  defeated  for  its  compromising  cowardice, 
and  the  Democratic  party,  which  equally  deserved  defeat, 
benefited  by  this  political  abasement  of  both  parties.  The 
Pope's  commission  to  Satolli  reads :  "  We  grant  you  all  and 
singular  powers  necessary  and  expedient  for  the  carrying  on 
of  such  delegation.  .  .  We  command  all  whom  it  concerns  to 
recognize  in  you  as  apostolic  delegate  the  supreme  power  of 
the  delegating  pontiff.  We  command  that  they  give  you  aid, 
concurrence,  and  obedience  in  all  things  ;  that  they  receive 
with  reverence  your  salutary  admonitions  and  orders.  What 
ever  sentence  or  penalty  yon  shall  declare  or  inflict  duly 
against  those  who  oppose  your  authority,  we  will  ratify,  and 
with  the  authority  given  us  by  the  Lord,  will  cause  to  be 
observed  inviolably  until  condign  satisfaction  is  made,  not 
withstanding  constitutions  and  apostolic  ordinances  or  any 
other  to  the  contrary." 

SatollTs  efforts  for  the  settlement  of  the  school  contro 
versy  and  the  work  of  his  successor  will  be  considered  else 
where. 

One  of  the  methods  used  by  political  Romanism  for 
promoting  universal  domination  has  been  securing  from  igno 
rant  and  superstitious  people,  by  fraudulent  and  intimidating 
methods,  accumulations  of  almost  unlimited  wealth.  One  of 
the  principal  sources  of  its  revenue  has  been  the  treasuries  of 
governments  which  hold  the  moneys  of  the  people,  which  it 
has  forced  open  by  preying  on  the  fears  and  by  inspiring  the 
cowardice  of  politicians.  To  this  end  it  has  threatened  and 
cajoled  legislatures  and  debauched  courts  and  executives. 
Self-preservation  has  often  compelled  civilized  governments 
to  paralyze  this  power  by  confiscation.  The  apparently  normal 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  195 

relation  of  things  in  pronouncedly  Roman  Catholic  countries 
has  come  to  be  that  the  richer  the  church  the  poorer  the  peo 
ple;  the  more  absolute  the  domination  of  political  Romanism 
the  lower  the  people  in  the  scale  of  a  civilization  based  upon 
civil  and  religious  liberty. 

The  experience  of  Pius  IX.  in  trying  to  be  a  liberal  republican 
Pope  is  one  of  the  monumental  jokes  of  papal  history,  while 
under  him  the  claims  of  the  papal  system  culminated  in  the 
dogma  of  infallibility  with  its  blasphemous  pretense.  Leo 
XIII.  succeeds  to  the  throne  with  so-called  liberal  notions  and 
with  an  ambition  to  be  known  in  history  as  the  statesman 
Pope  of  the  century.  He  makes  haste  to  accept  and  ratify 
the  bold,  brazen,  and  exclusive  prerogatives  of  his  predecessor, 
and  in  the  details  of  administration  exceeds  him  in  offensive- 
ness,  paying  little  attention  to  the  rhetorical  explanations  by 
his  prelates  in  this  and  in  other  countries  of  the  repulsive 
rigors  of  Canon  Law,  until  their  utterances  begin  to  be  taken 
too  seriously  by  the  people,  when  his  iron  hand  does  its  work. 
One  of  the  most  demoralizing  features  of  the  world-wide 
ambition  of  ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  that  it  not  only  permits 
but  compels  its  representatives  to  make  excuses  for,  and  ex 
planations  of,  its  unreasonable  and  audacious  claims,  which 
they  know  are  false  and  deceptive. 

Leo  XIII.,  at  the  age  of  eight,  was  put  for  molding  into 
the  hands  of  the  Jesuits.  They  did  their  work  well  and 
never  have  permitted  their  subject  to  escape  from  their 
grasp.  His  administration  has  been  a  Jesuit  administration, 
and  his  views  concerning  the  relation  of  the  temporal  to  the 
spiritual  power  have  been  in  harmony  with  Jesuit  views. 
The  conclave  which  elected  him  in  1878  was  Jesuitical  in  the 
character  and  dictation  of  all  its  transactions. 

To  establish  the  fact  clearly  that  the  Jesuits  were  the  edu 
cators  of  Leo  XIII.,  and  that  he  in  turn  made  them  rich  requi 
tal  for  their  services,  we  quote  from  the  biography  of  the  Pope, 
which  has  been  approved  by  him : 


196  Pacing  tie  Twentieth  Century. 

"  The  Jesuits  had  opened  a  college  at  Viterbo,  which  was 
soon  filled  with  the  sons  of  the  best  families  of  Rome  and  all 
Italy.  Thither,  in  the  autumn  of  1818,  Joseph  and  Joachim 
Vincent Pecci  were  sent  to  begin  their  long  and  careful  educa 
tion  for  public  liW—CTRcitttfs  "  Life  of  Leo  XIII.?  p.  52-53. 

u  Just  as  he  had  completed  his  twelfth  year  a  college  festi 
val  was  got  up  to  welcome  the  Provincial  of  the  Jesuits, 
Father  Vincent  Pavani.  This  gave  to  Vincent  Pecci  the  first 
recorded  opportunity  of  showing  his  proficiency  in  Latin  verse, 
as  well  as  his  admiration  for  the  character  of  the  venerable 
man  who  honored  the  name  of  Vincent." — Ib.,p.  65. 

"  His  masters — the  very  best  classic  scholars  whom  the 
Society  of  Jesus  had  in  the  Peninsula — knowing  what  pre 
cious  material  they  had  in  Vincent  Pecci,  took  especial  pains 
to  form  and  perfect  his  taste." — 77>.,  p.  59. 

"Leo  XII.,  in  the  year  1824,  restored  the  famous  Collegio 
Romano  to  the  Jesuits.  Few,  indeed,  as  were  the  men  who 
had  survived  the  long  period  of  dispersion,  exile,  poverty,  and 
proscription  consequent  upon  the  suppression  of  the  Society  of 
the  Bourbons,  their  spirit  had  passed  into  the  noble  band 
nursed  among  the  snows  of  Russia ;  and  the  young  men  who 
flocked  to  the  Jesuit  novitiates  after  the  restoration  of  the 
Society  allowed  themselves  to  be  molded  to  the  same  heroic 
generosity  and  lofty  intellectual  ideas  which  had  character 
ized,  in  their  long  and  cruel  trial,  the  dispersed  sons  of  St. 
Ignatius. 

"  When,  in  the  autumn  of  1825,  the  Roman  College  solemnly 
inaugurated  its  courses  of  ecclesiastical  and  secular  teaching, 
its  halls  were  at  once  filled  by  fourteen  hundred  students. 
Among  these  was  Vincent  Pecci." — 77>.,  p.  65. 

"  The  apostolic  virtues,  the  eminent  learning,  and  the  still 
more  eminent  holiness  of  life  of  the  first  generation  of  restored 
Jesuits,  were  Pecci's  admiration  at  Viterbo  and  in  Rome."- 
II.,  p.  75. 

Now  let  us  concisely  consider  what  this  Jesuit  power  is,  that 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  197 

we  may  as  Americans  understand  our  relations  to  the  claims 
of  tliis  foreign  ruler  to  universal  dominion. 

The  Order  of  Jesuits  was  first  recognized  by  the  papal 
power  in  1540.  It  is  the  most  ghastly  institution  in  human  his 
tory.  It  is  unique.  It  has  been  courted  and  feared,  and  hated 
and  banished  by  almost  every  nation  in  the  world  where  it  has 
gained  a  footing.  It  has  done  great  pioneer,  educational,  and 
charitable  work.  It  has  made  and  controlled  Popes  and  been 
suppressed  by  them.  It  has  been  expelled  from  the  territory 
of  European  governments  over  seventy  times.  It  has  exem 
plified  the  most  abject  poverty  and  reveled  in  fabulous  wealth. 
It  has  espoused  the  cause  of  nations  and  ruined  them.  It  has 
planned  conspiracies,  plotted  against  sovereigns,  overthrown 
cabinets,  kindled  insurrections,  incited  wars,  promoted  perse 
cutions,  and  procured  assassinations.  The  darkest  deeds  of 
rascality  which  have  cursed  the  history  of  civilization  for 
four  centuries  have  revealed  the  figure  of  a  Jesuit  in  the  back 
ground.  The  absolute  surrender  of  the  will  of  the  Jesuit 
novice  to  his  superior  has  deprived  the  order  of  great  leaders 
of  independent  mind,  and  left  it  in  control  of  men  of  tyranni 
cal  will  and  conscienceless  character.  Wherever  its  power  has 
been  dominant  there  has  been  intellectual  sterility.  *  Where 
its  representatives  have  succeeded  in  benefiting  a  race  of  peo 
ple  by  missionary  effort,  it  has  been  the  result  of  a  departure 
from  the  conspicuous  practical  principles  of  the  order,  and  an 
accommodation  to  environment  by  some  leader  in  distant  iso 
lation  and  separated  from  the  authority  of  his  superior.  Com 
pared  with  the  entirety  of  their  work,  these  exceptions  are  so 
rare  as  to  be  notable,  although,  despite  the  system  which  de 
stroys  individuality,  some  of  them  have  become  heroes,  saints, 
and  martyrs.  The  principal  efforts  of  the  order  in  late  years 
have  been  concentrated  upon  preparing  and  securing  the  Vat 
ican  decree  of  papal  infallibility  and  in  maintaining  the 
claim  and  seeking  the  restoration  of  the  temporal  power  of 
the  Popes.  The  promulgation  of  this  decree  and  the  assertion 


198  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  this  claim  determine  the  place  of  Pius  IX.  and  Leo  XIII. 
in  history. 

Pope  Clement  XIV.,  at  cost  of  his  life,  abolished  the  Order 
of  Jesuits.  In  188()  Leo  XIII.  abrogated  the  work  of  Clem 
ent,  his  infallible  predecessor,  and  restored  the  Jesuits  to  a 
position  of  power  superior  to  any  other  order  in  the  Roman 
Church. 

Carlyle  says:  "For  some  two  centuries  the  genius  of  man 
kind  has  been  dominated  by  the  gospel  of  Ignatius  Loyola, 
the  poison-fountain  from  which  these  rivers  of  bitterness  that 
now  submerge  the  world  have  flowed.  Long  now  have  the 
English  people  understood  that  Jesuits  proper  are  servants  to 
the  Prince  of  Darkness." 

Talk  of  the  liberality  exercised  in  this  country  by  the  papal 
power  as  we  may,  the  fact  remains  that,  Avhenever  since  1870 
it  has  expressed  itself  officially,  its  claims  have  been  as  bold, 
brazen,  and  blasphemous  as  those  of  Boniface  VIII.,  when  he 
said  :  "  Moreover,  we  declare,  say,  define,  and  pronounce,  that 
every  human  being  should  be  subject  to  the  Roman  Pontiff, 
to  be  an  article  of  necessary  faith."  Liberal,  indeed !  If  his 
tory  establishes  beyond  controversy  any  single  fact,  it  is  that 
Rome  never  changes  in  her  purpose  of  universal,  spiritual,  and 
temporal  dominion.  Lack  of  opportunity  may  change  her 
methods,  but  nothing  can  change  her  purpose. 

Jesuitism  in  history  has  been  the  leader  and  political 
aggressor — and  still  is — but  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism 
lias  often  found  it  convenient  to  use  it  as  a  scapegoat  for  its 
sins  in  order  to  divert  the  attention  of  men  and  nations  from 
its  own  purposes  and  machinations,  while  at  the  same  time  it 
has  had  a  perfect  understanding  with  Jesuitism,  and  when 
storms  of  indignation  pass  by,  the  copartnership  is  again 
openly  confessed. 

Rome  never  changes.  Let  it  be  remembered  that  the  infal 
libility  dogma  was  promulgated  in  1870 — the  very  year  when 
the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope  was  overthrown — and  what 


Politico-  Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  199 

a  persistent  appeal  is  made  for  the  restoration  of  that  power- 
while  the  Pope  enacts  the  farce  of  pretending  to  be  a  prisoner 
in  the  Vatican  ! 

In  his  sermon  at  the  Centenary  of  the  Establishment  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Hierarchy  in  the  United  States  in  1889, 
Archbishop  Ireland  said  that  the  work  which  Roman  Catho 
lics  in  the  coming  century  were  called  to  do  in  the  United 
States  was  :  "  To  make  America  Catholic,  and  to  solve  for  the 
Church  Universal  the  all-absorbing  problem  with  which  the 
age  confronts  her.  Our  work  is  to  make  America  Catholic.  .  . 
Our  cry  shall  be,  'God  wills  it,'  and  our  hearts  shall  leap  with 
Crusader  enthusiasm.  We  know  the  Church  is  the  sole  owner 
of  the  truths  and  graces  of  salvation.  .  .  The  Catholic  Church 
will  confirm  and  preserve  as  no  human  power  or  human 
church  can,  the  liberties  of  the  republic.  .  .  The  Church  trium 
phant  in  America,  Catholic  truth  will  travel  on  the  wings  of 
American  influence,  and  with  it  enrich  the  universe.  .  .  The 
burden  of  the  strife  falls  to  the  lot  of  Catholics  in  America. 
The  movements  of  the  modern  world  have  their  highest  ten 
sion,  in  the  United  States." 

Continuing,  he  says :  "  As  a  religious  system  Protestantism 
is  in  hopeless  dissolution  [in  the  United  States],  utterly  value 
less  as  a  doctrinal  or  moral  power,  and  no  longer  to  be  con 
sidered  a  foe  with  which  we  must  count.  .  .  The  American  peo 
ple  made  Catholics,  nowhere  shall  we  find  a  higher  order  of 
Christian  civilization.  It  can  be  shown  to  the  American  peo 
ple  that  they  need  the  Church  for  the  preservation  and  com 
plete  development  of  their  national  character  and  their  social 
order.  The  Catholic  Church  is  the  sole  living  and  enduring 
Christian  authority.  She  has  the  power  to  speak ;  she  has  an 
organization  by  which  her  laws  may  be  enforced." 

America  is  to  be  made  Catholic  in  order  to  possess  a 
"  higher  order  of  Christian  civilization."  Let  the  reader  sup 
press  laughter  and  remember  that  this  sentiment  was  uttered 
in  a  sermon  and  not  in  an  after-dinner  speech.  This  "  higher 


200  facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

order  of  Christian  civilization"  experiment  tried  by  Roman 
ists  on  scores  of  peoples  all  over  the  world  lias  not  been  sucli 
a  notable  and  triumphant  success  as  to  cause  a  nation,  founded 
by  refugees  from  governments  controlled  by  papal  intoler 
ance,  cruelty,  and  persecution,  to  impatiently  clamor  for  its 
repetition  in  America. 

Yes,  Archbishop:  "She  [the  Roman  Catholic  Church]  has 
an  organization  by  which  her  laws  may  be  enforced  " ;  and  it 
is  this  "  organization  "  which  has  strangled  individuality  and 
enslaved  conscience  and  imperiled  free  institutions  wherever 
it  has  been  permitted  to  get  foothold  ;  and  you,  as  a  citizen 
supposed  to  be  patriotic  beyond  your  fellows,  propose  to  pass 
this  "last  experiment"  in  "government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people,  and  for  the  people,"  into  the  control  of  this 
"  organization  by  which  her  laws  may  be  enforced."  Your 
"  organization  "  needs  to  expend  its  energies  in  Mexico,  South 
and  Central  America,  and  Cuba,  more  successfully  by  way  of 
civilizing  before  it  makes  audacious  overtures  to  our  part  of 
the  Western  Hemisphere. 

The  Archbishop  further  says :  "  The  Church  of  America 
must  be  of  course  as  Catholic  as  ever  in  Jerusalem  or  Rome; 
but  so  far  as  her  garments  assume  color  from  the  local  atmos 
phere  she  must  be  American."  Of  the  chameleon  the  lexi 
cographer  says  :  "  Its  color  changes  more  or  less  with  the 
color  of  the  objects  about  it,  or  with  its  temper  when  dis 
turbed,"  but  the  nature  of  the  chameleon  does  not  change 
when  it  assumes  "  color  from  the  local  atmosphere." 

Archbishop  Ireland's  rigid  adherence  to  papal  doctrine  and 
authority  on  official  occasions  proves  his  accommodating  and 
genial  utterances  on  social  and  patriotic  occasions  to  be  of 
the  chameleon  order,  assuming  "  color  from  the  local  atmos 
phere." 

The  prelate  from  St.  Paul  may  extract  some  comfort  from 
one  of  the  following  expressions  of  judgment : 

The  Catholic   Worll,  September  1,  1871,  says:    "  Protestan- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  201 

tism,  like  the  heathen  barbarism  which  Catholicity  subdued, 
lacks  the  elements  of  order,  because  it  rejects  authority,  and 
is  necessarily  incompetent  to  maintain  real  liberty  or  civilized 
society.  Hence  it  is  we  so  often  say  that  if  the  American 
republic  is  to  be  sustained  and  preserved  at  all,  it  must  be 
by  the  rejection  of  the  principle  of  the  Reformation  and 
the  acceptance  of  the  Catholic  principle  by  the  American 
people." 

Mr.  Froude  says :  "  So  much  only  can  be  foretold  with  cer 
tainty,  that  if  the  Catholic  Church  anywhere  recovers  her 
ascendancy,  she  will  again  exhibit  the  detestable  features 
which  have  invariably  attended  her  supremacy.  Her  rule 
will  be  once  more  found  incompatible  either  with  justice  or 
with  intellectual  growth,  and  our  children  will  be  forced  to 
recover  by  some  fresh  struggle  the  ground  which  our  fore 
fathers  conquered  for  us,  and  which  we  by  our  pusillanimity 
surrendered." 

In  this  claim  to  universal  rule  America  is  the  special  field 
for  conquest. 

Dr.  Brownson,  speaking  for  Romanism,  says:  "Undoubt 
edly  it  is  the  intention  of  the  Pope  to  possess  this  country. 
In  this  intention  he  is  aided  by  the  Jesuits  and  all  the  Catho 
lic  prelates  and  priests." 

As  we  shall  have  occasion  hereafter  to  cite  Dr.  Brownsotfs 
authority  on  questions  under  discussion,  we  give  a  brief  state 
ment  concerning  him,  from  a  Roman  Catholic  source : 

"  Orestes  A.  Brownson  was  born  in  1803  in  Vermont,  a  State 
noted  for  the  vigor  of  her  sons.  His  mind  was  too  clear  to 
rest  long  cramped  by  New  England  theology,  and  in  the 
narrow  circle  of  local  dissent  he  sought  a  religious  system 
that  he  could  respect.  But  Universalism  and  Unitarianism, 
though  he  embraced  them  and  advocated  their  doctrines  as 
a  minister,  proved  hollow  and  unsubstantial.  They  were 
not  the  Church,  and  during  the  year  1844  grace  enlightened 
his  mind  so  that  he  saw  in  Catholicity  what  his  heart  had 


202  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

yearned  for.  He  at  once  sought  instruction  with  all  the 
docility  of  a  child,  and  was  received  into  the  Church.  To 
the  day  of  his  death,  April  17,  1876,  he  was  constant  in  all 
his  Christian  duties,  having  found  true  peace  in  the  unity  of 
Catholicity."— Bminger  and  Shea's  "Hist,  of  Cath.  Church" 
pp.  37X-70. 

The  conquest  of  America  is  but  a  part  of  the  compre 
hensive  plan,  proved  by  history  and  current  events,  to  bring 
the  nations  into  subjection  to  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism. 

This  power,  which  has  surrendered  none  of  its  claims  or 
pretensions,  has  during  a  majority  of  the  centuries  of  the 
Christian  era  disposed  of  crowns  and  thrones,  sanctioned 
disloyalty  toward  legitimate  sovereigns  by  absolving  citizens 
from  allegiance,  forced  people  to  endure  the  bondage  of 
tyrants,  and  granted  indulgence  for  all  forms  of  treason.  It 
has  disturbed  the  peace  of  nations,  in  the  Old  World  and 
in  the  New  World,  and  its  trail  has  usually  been  marked 
witli  blood.  It  has  undertaken  the  task  of  grappling  for 
supremacy  with  the  "  Giant  Republic  of  the  West."  Its 
imperialism  dreams  of  nothing  short  of  universality,  and 
Jesuitism  plans  and  executes  its  purposes. 

If  it  has  modified  or  changed  its  claims,  so  far  as  our 
Republic  is  concerned,  it  has  never  notified  the  world  of  the 
fact,  and  it  must  therefore  stand  upon  and  be  judged  by  its 
record. 

Popes  may  die,  but  the  Papacy  never  dies.  It  is  not  what 
the  individual  Pope  may  do  or  say  ;  it  is  the  system  that 
speaks,  and  the  system  that  abides.  Popes  once  made  the 
system,  but  now  the  system  established  makes  the  Popes. 
No  single  Pope  can  break  the  machine  or  run  it  on  a  new 
track,  and  if  he  attempts  it  he  will  find  himself  either  broken 
or  side-tracked.  Popes  and  minor  ecclesiastics  have  seemed 
occasionally  to  be  trying  to  recognize  that  they  lived  in 
times  when  the  world  insists  upon  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
but  they  have  soon  been  muzzled  by  mediae valism. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  203 

Enforced  efforts  at  adaptation  to  existing  institutions,  in 
the  face  of  compelling  conditions,  are  not  proofs  of  changed 
purposes  or  claims,  but  of  expediency  or  cowardice.  Com 
pliance  with  law  under  compulsion  is  no  proof  of  penitence 
or  reformation  in  the  offender. 

While  faithful  to  the  justice  and  liberty  which  are  the 
supporting  pillars  of  our  Constitution,  let  us  not  forget  that 
in  dealing  with  Romanism  we  must  meet  a  disciplined  and 
subtle  enemy,  who  understands  the  forces  at  his  command 
and  knows  how  to  use  them  ;  and  while  we  are  bound  to 
extend  to  him  justice,  liberty,  and  equality,  we  are  bound  also 
to  challenge  and  resist  his  insidious  methods  of  attack. 

An  astute  observer  has  truthfully  said :  "  Grossly  deceiv 
ing  ourselves  as  to  the  influence  which  Roman  Catholicism  is 
capable  of  exerting  on  our  national  life,  we  have  shut  our 
eyes  to  the  facts,  and  for  a  healthy  liberality  have  substituted 
supineuess  and  a  false  sense  of  superiority." 

Dr.  McGlynn  said :  "  One  of  the  most  unpardonable,  and, 
in  some  views,  amusing  aspects  of  the  subject,  is  that  the 
greatest  sticklers  for  this  temporal  power,  this  kingship  of 
the  Pope,  for  what  they  call  the  spiritual  and  temporal  sov 
ereignty  of  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  are  men  converted  from 
English  or  American  Protestantism." 

As  between  lazy  liberality  and  truckling  servility  there  is 
little  room  for  choice  among  honest  men. 

Since  the  declaration  of  papal  infallibility  no  Roman 
Catholic  divines  or  scholars,  liberal  or  conservative,  have 
a  right  to  claim  to  represent  Rome  in  politics  or  religion. 
The  question  is,  what  does  the  head  of  the  Church  say,  and 
not  what  does  some  Roman  doctor  think. 

Such  men  as  Cardinal  Gibbons,  Bishop  Keane,  and  Arch 
bishop  Ireland  are  permitted  to  give  vent  to  liberal,  patriotic, 
and  tolerant  utterances  for  consumption  by  the  easily  deceived 
among  Americans  ;  but  they  are  not  speaking  by  authority, 
but  schooling  the  public  mind  for  new  encroachments,  and 


204  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

they  are  easily  baited  when  they  give  too  loose  rein  to  their 
tongues  or  pens.  But  there  is  one  beneficial  result  from  these 
occasional  outbursts  of  liberality  and  tolerance,  that  many 
honest  Romanists  of  the  rank  and  file  are  stirred  by  what 
they  believe  to  be  emancipation  proclamations  from  bond 
age,  and  they  never  can  be  forced  into  imprisonment  again, 
although  their  leaders,  like  McGlynn  and  Burtsell,  are  lashed 
into  silence  and  exile. 

The  Pope  lost  his  temporal  power  when  the  bayonets  of 
Napoleon  III.  no  longer  supported  his  throne.  He  wants 
temporal  power  restored  that  he  may  have  the  right  to 
representation  at  the  political  capitals  of  the  nations  for 
political  purposes  and  power. 

In  this  purpose  of  universal  empire  time  is  no  element, 
centuries  are  not  a  factor.  Temporal  power,  however  small 
in  its  beginning  of  restoration,  must  be  secured  as  the  initial, 
as  the  open  door  to  the  conquest  of  nations. 

If  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  not  the  persistent 
meddler  in  the  affairs  of  nations,  why  is  it  that  in  all  national 
and  international  complications  it  everlastingly  projects  its 
presence  and  its  power  ;  always  in  an  attitude  to  recognize 
the  victorious  side,  and  then,  if  the  victor  is  not  subservient, 
beginning  promptly  to  plot  for  his  overthrow  ?  The  religious 
feature  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  always  retires  in 
the  presence  of  the  political. 

Persecution  and  torture,  the  favorite  instruments  of  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  for  suppressing  knowledge  and  stran 
gling  liberty,  are  now  from  stress  of  circumstances  in  this 
land  exchanged  for  stratagem,  indirection,  assiduity,  and 
subtlety;  but  while  the  instruments  are  changed,  the  same 
hand  wields  them  with  an  unchanged  and  unchanging 
purpose. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  seems  to  be  either  unwill 
ing  or  unable  to  yield  anything  of  its  traditions,  apparently 
fearing  that  it  may  be  destroyed.  Its  flexibility  is  only  seem- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  205 

ing,  and  even  this  is  a  temporary  expedient  to  dispose  of  a 
present  obstacle. 

Its  attitude  says :  u  We  are  ready  to  adopt  the  most  con 
ciliatory  courses  if  it  be  only  a  question  of  turning  certain 
difficulties  and  weighing  expressions  in  order  to  facilitate 
argument." 

Leo  XIII.  is  considered  by  many  as  an  ideal  Pope,  worthy 
of  the  ambitious  title  he  craves  of  statesman  pontiff.  lie  cer 
tainly  has  been  the  consistent  defender  of  the  sacredness  of 
dogma,  and  the  politician  who  has  shown  his  astuteness  by 
temporary  concessions  and  conciliations.  He  has  reconstructed 
and  indorsed  the  philosophy  of  St.  Thomas  Aquinas,  thus 
linking  the  Middle  Ages  to  the  outgoing  nineteenth  century. 
He  has  been  an  opportunist  in  international  and  world-wide 
politics.  He  restores  harmony  between  Germany  and  the 
Papacy,  he  appeases  Switzerland,  courts  Great  Britain,  Rus 
sia,  and  China,  and  sets  the  seal  of  legitimacy  upon  the 
republican  government  of  France,  and  tolerates  with  becom 
ing  grace  the  American  republic. 

Grant  him  honesty  of  purpose  if  you  choose.  It  is  an  hon 
esty  based  upon  conceptions  of  duty  born  in  an  age  of  the 
long  history  of  cruelty  and  from  a  cherished  hope  of  restora 
tion  of  temporal  power. 

Is  it  not  true  that  apparent  personal  sincerity  and  honesty 
on  the  one  hand,  and  pronounced  adherence  to  a  system 
which,  wearing  a  triple  crown  of  tyranny,  enforces  disgusting 
arrogance,  blasphemous  claims,  refined  perfidy,  compelled 
ignorance,  and  assassinated  individuality,  are  all  the  more 
dangerous  because  of  the  honest  semblance  ? 

We  have  seen  what  manner  of  man  this  Pope  is  who  per 
sistently  injects  his  personality  into  American  affairs,  both  in 
time  of  peace  and  in  time  of  war.  His  interference  as  an 
attempted  mediator  in  our  war  writh  Spain  was  in  entire  har 
mony  with  the  papal  assumption  of  temporal  power  and  right 
to  rule  over  the  rulers  of  nations. 


206  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Every  move  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman  power  to  get 
control  of  education,  army,  navy,  politics,  legislation  is  for  the 
purpose  of  shaping  our  civilization  after  the  Latin  type.  We 
owe  a  duty  to  the  subjects  of  such  a  power  coining  to  us  from 
their  foreign  bondage  to  furnish  them  opportunities  for  lib 
eration  and  assimilation,  and  to  protect  our  civil  institutions 
from  corruption  and  bondage. 

The  dogma  of  infallibility  is  thus  defined  by  the  Vatican 
Council  of  1870,  p.  48  of  "  The  Decrees  " : 

"  We  teach  and  define  that  it  is  a  dogma  divinely  revealed, 
that  the  Roman  Pontiff,  when  he  speaks  e-x  cathedra,  when  in 
discharge  of  the  office  of  pastor  and  doctor  of  all  Christians, 
by  virtue  of  life  supreme  apostolic  authority,  he  defines  a  doc 
trine  regarding  faith  and  morals  to  be  held  by  the  universal 
church,  by  the  definite  assistance  promised  to  him  in  blessed 
Peter,  is  possessed  of  that  infallibility  with  which  the  divine 
Redeemer  willed  that  his  church  should  be  endowed,  for 
defining  doctrine  regarding  faith  or  morals,  and  therefore  such 
definitions  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  are  irreformable  of  them 
selves,  and  not  from  the  consent  of  the  church.  But  if  any 
one,  which  may  God  avert,  presume  to  contradict  this  our 
definition,  let  him  be  anathema." 

Froude  says  :  "  More  than  ever  the  assumptions  of  the  Holy 
See  are  perceived  to  rest  on  error  or  on  fraud.  The  doctrines 
of  the  Catholic  Church  have  gained  only  increased  improba 
bility  from  the  advance  of  knowledge.  Her  history  in  the 
light  of  critical  science  is  a  tissue  of  legend  woven  by  the 
devout  imagination.  Yet  the  Romish  Church  has  once  more 
shot  uj)  into  visible  and  practical  consequence.  Her  hier 
archy,  in  England  and  America,  have  already  compelled  the 
State  to  consult  their  opinions  and  respect  their  pleasure ; 
while  each  step  that  is  gained  is  used  as  a  vantage-ground 
from  which  to  present  fresh  demands.  Hildebrand,  in  the 
plenitude  of  his  power,  was  not  more  arrogant  in  his  claim  of 
universal  sovereignty  than  the  present  wearer  of  the  tiara." 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  207 

To  understand  the  menace  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman 
ism  to  the  American  republic,  we  must  know  the  history  of  its 
relations  to  other  governments,  and  what  relation  it  bears  to 
existing  civil  and  religious  conditions  in  the  nations  where  it 
continues  to  be  a  dominant  power,  as  in  Italy,  Spain,  Austria, 
Mexico,  and  the  South  and  Central  American  states,  and  in 
the  Province  of  Quebec.  Politically,  it  is  the  Church  of  the 
Vatican.  Its  most  sacred  traditions  and  ideals  are  those  of 
the  Middle  Ages.  It  has  never  gotten  farther  from  the  tyran 
nies  and  depravities  of  the  past  than  to  apologize  for  them, 
and  many  of  them,  more  or  less  fully  abandoned,  it  would  be 
willing  to  renew  if  the  times  permitted,  or  if  they  were  nec 
essary  to  the  accomplishment  of  its  purpose.  It  must  never 
for  a  moment  be  forgotten  that  Rome,  neither  in  its  character 
nor  purpose,  changes  its  programme  for  universal  temporal  and 
spiritual  dominion.  It  may  desist  from  aggressiveness  in  cer 
tain  directions  when  the  temper  of  the  people  seems  to  be 
aroused,  but  it  is  only  temporarily  quiescent  and  not  convinced 
or  reformed.  Its  might,  though  in  a  minority  in  voting  and 
legislative  strength,  is  the  marvel  of  history,  due,  however,  to 
the  unscrupulousness  of  its  methods  in  controlling  men  with 
out  convincing  them.  No  honest  man  as  a  citizen  need  wait 
long  or  make  extended  research  to  find  some  rational  cause  of 
offense  against  the  universal  assumptions  of  this  power. 

Gladstone  says :  "  The  Pope  demands  for  himself  the  right 
to  determine  the  province  of  his  own  rights,  and  has  so  denned 
it  in  formal  documents  as  to  warrant  any  and  every  invasion 
of  the  civil  sphere.  .  .  Against  such  definition  of  his  own 
power  there  is  no  appeal  to  reason,  that  is  rationalism  ;  nor 
to  Scripture,  that  is  heresy;  nor  to  history,  that  is  private 
judgment." 


208  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 


CONCERNING    THE    ESSENTIAL    CHARACTER    OF    CIVIL    LIBERTY. 

"  The  liberty  which  our  fathers  planted,  and  for  which  they  sturdily  con 
tended,  and  under  which  they  grandly  conquered,  is  a  rational  and  temper 
ate,  but  brave  and  unyielding  freedom, — the  august  mother  of  institutions, 
the  hardy  nurse  of  enterprise,  the  sworn  ally  of  justice  and  order;  a  liberty 
that  lifts  her  awful  and  rebuking  face  equally  upon  the  cowards  who  would 
sell,  and  the  braggarts  who  would  pervert,  her  precious  gifts  of  rights  and 
obligations/1  —Edwin  P.  Whipple. 

The  character  of  the  claims  of  Romanism  for  universal 
dominion  compels  the  negation  of  all  the  essential  principles 
of  civil  liberty  upon  which  our  republican  form  of  government 
rests.  "  Governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  con 
sent  of  the  governed,"  says  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
The  principle  of  individual  sovereignty  is  here  announced. 
But  Romanism  claims  this  sovereignty  for  the  Pope.  The 
Canon  Law  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  says :  "  The  Pope 
has  the  right  to  annul  state  laws,  treaties,  constitutions,  etc.; 
to  absolve  from  obedience  thereto,  as  soon  as  they  seem  detri 
mental  to  the  rights  of  the  church  or  those  of  the  clergy." 
"  The  Pope  can  release  from  every  obligation,  oath,  vow, 
either  before  or  after  being  made."  The  Revised  Statutes  of 
the  United  States  require  that  an  alien  making  his  declaration 
of  intention,  and  when  admitted  to  United  States  citizenship, 
shall  take  oath,  "  That  he  will  support  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  he  absolutely  and  entirely  renounces 
and  abjures  all  allegiance  to  every  foreign  prince,  potentate, 
state  or  sovereignty,  and  particularly,  by  name,  to  the  prince, 
potentate,  state  or  sovereignty  of  which  lie  was,  before,  a  citi 
zen  or  subject."  The  organic  law  of  the  United  States  says  : 
"  This  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof  .  .  .  shall  be  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land." 

In  a  sermon  preached  in  the  Pro-Cathedral  at  Kensington, 
October  9,  18<>4,  Cardinal  Manning,  speaking  as  for  the  Pope, 
put  into  his  mouth  the  following:  "I  acknowledge  no  civil 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  209 

power ;  I  am  the  subject  of  uo  prince  ;  and  I  claim  more  than 
this — I  claim  to  be  the  supreme  judge  and  director  of  the 
consciences  of  men — of  the  peasant  that  tills  the  field,  and  of 
the  prince  that  sits  upon  the  throne ;  of  the  household  that 
lives  in  the  shade  of  privacy,  and  the  legislator  that  makes 
laws  for  kingdoms ;  I  am  the  sole,  last  supreme  judge  of  what 
is  right  and  wrong." 

In  his  encyclical  issued  in  the  second  year  of  his  pontifi 
cate,  Leo  XIII.  says :  "  As  prince  and  master,  Thomas  Aqui 
nas  far  outshines  every  one  of  the  scholastic  doctors.  There 
is  no  part  of  philosophy  that  he  has  not  handled  fully  and 
thoroughly.  .  .  His  treatises  on  the  modern  system  of  lib 
erty,  which,  in  our  time,  is  tending  to  license,  on  the  divine 
origin  of  authority,  on  the  laws  and  their  binding  force,  on  the 
fatherly,  just  government  of  sovereign  princes,  on  obedience  to 
the  higher  powers,  etc.,  and  other  subjects  of  a  like  nature 
treated  of  by  him,  have  a  great  and  invincible  influence  in 
rooting  out  the  new  principles  of  right,  which  are  recognized 
as  dangerous  to  order,  peace,  and  public  safety." 

Thomas  Aquinas  says  :  "  Human  government  is  derived 
from  divine  and  should  imitate  it.  .  .  For  the  temporal  power 
is  subject  to  the  spiritual  as  the  body  to  the  soul,  therefore  it 
is  not  a  usurpation  of  jurisdiction  if  a  spiritual  prelate  intrudes 
himself  into  temporal  affairs.  .  .  And  such  laws  (which  are 
opposed  to  divine  law)  should  in  no  way  be  observed." 

The  civil  liberty  of  the  individual  sovereign  in  a  republic 
made  up  of  sovereigns  and  controlled  by  popular  sovereignty 
is  nullified  when  some  alien  and  ecclesiastical  power  claims 
and  secures  his  first  allegiance.  In  the  Syllabus  of  Errors, 
the  infallible  Pope  Pius  IX.  said:  "It  is  an  error  to  hold 
that,  in  the  case  of  conflicting  laws  between  the  two  powers, 
the  civil  law  ought  to  prevail." 

The  revolt  among  people  seeking  civil  liberty  in  Italy  and 
in  France  has  made  agnostics  of  them  so  far  as  religion  is 
concerned,  because  they  have  seen  the  utter  inconsistency 


210  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

between   the  claims  of  Romanism  and  the  rational  enjoyment 
of  civil  liberty. 

Leo  XIII.  in  his  encyclical  of  1890  says:  "  It  is  wrong.  .  . 
under  pretense  of  civil  rights  to  transgress  the  laws  of  the 
Church.  .  .  But  if  the  laws  of  the  State  are  openly  at  vari 
ance  with  the  laws  of  God — if  they  inflict  injury  upon  the 
Church  .  .  .  or  set  at  naught  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ 
which  is  vested  in  the  Supreme  Pontiff,  then  indeed  it  be 
comes  a  duty  to  resist  them,  a  sin  to  render  obedience." 

This  clearly  requires  the  Roman  Catholic  American  citizen 
to  obey  first  the  papal  power,  although  it  may  require  him  to 
disobey  and  resist  the  civil  power  which  he  has  sworn  to 
obey  as  the  condition  of  admission  to  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  citizenship.  Mr.  Gladstone  in  his  work  on  the  Vatican 
Decrees  mentions  among  the  many  subjects  which  might  come 
under  "  the  domain  and  competency  of  the  state,  but  also  un 
deniably  affecting  the  government  of  the  church,"  the  fol 
lowing  :  "  marriage,  burial,  education,  prison  discipline, 
blasphemy,  poor  relief,  incorporation,  mortmain,  religious 
endowments,  vows  of  celibacy,  and  obedience." 

On  some  phase  of  most  of  these  subjects  the  Church  of 
Rome  has  been  in  conflict  with  the  civil  liberty  of  the  citizen 
as  defined  by  the  civil  law  in  this  country.  In  many  States 
it  has  used  its  political  power  to  secure  special  legislation 
to  intrench  itself  in  its  defiance  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
citizen.  This  has  been  notably  true  in  the  securing  of 
charters  for  institutions  which  in  their  management  violated 
both  civil  rights  and  religious  liberty. 

Vicar  General  Preston  on  January  1,  1888,  preached  a  re 
markable  sermon,  throwing  an  ecclesiastical  light  upon  civil 
liberty  and  personal  sovereignty.  He  said:  "  Every  word 
that  Leo  speaks  from  his  high  chair  is  the  voice  of  the  Holy 
Ghost  and  must  be  obeyed.  .  .  You  must  not  think  as  you 
choose,  you  must  think  as  Catholics."  The  Pilot,  a  devoted 
Roman  Catholic  paper,  puts  it  that  the  Roman  Catholic, 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  211 

according  to  Leo  XIIL,  must  render  as  "perfect  submission 
and  obedience  of  will  to  the  Church  and  the  sovereign 
Pontiff,  as  to  God  Himself." 

Edmund  Burke  cannot  be  referring  to  responsibility  to  the 
Pope  in  the  following  passage: 

"  All  persons  possessing  any  portion  of  power  ought  to  be 
strongly  and  awfully  impressed  with  an  idea  that  they  act  in 
trust,  and  that  they  are  to  account  for  their  conduct  in  that 
trust  to  the  one  great  Master,  Author,  and  Founder  of 
Society." 

Is  it  any  wonder  that  multitudes  of  candid  and  intelligent 
citizens  believe  that  no  orthodox  Roman  Catholic  can  be  a 
loyal  American  citizen  ?  If  he  is  intelligently  honest  in  his 
church  belief,  he  owes  his  first  loyalty  and  obedience  in  all 
things  to  the  infallible  head  of  his  Church,  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff.  If  he  is  intelligently  honest  in  his  relation  to  the 
oath  he  has  taken  as  a  citizen,  he  owes  his  first  loyalty  in 
civil  affairs  to  the  government  which  protects  him  in  both  his 
religious  and  secular  rights  and  privileges.  But  his  loyalty 
to  the  head  of  his  Church  covers  in  its  requirements  his 
reason  and  his  conscience.  His  volitions  are  subject  to  the 
will  of  another.  He  has  no  liberty  of  choice,  but  is  to  submit 
obediently  without  debate  to  the  will  of  a  foreign  ruler,  who 
claims  to  possess  the  power  to  nullify  the  laws  of  civil 
governments  and  to  absolve  citizens  from  obligations  of 
loyalty  and  obedience  to  those  laws.  We  submit  that  this  is 
a  mild  putting  of  the  case,  in  the  face  of  the  admitted  claims 
of  Romanism.  We  know  that  when  the  facts  are  presented, 
and  the  legitimate  inferences  are  drawn  from  them,  it  is  the 
habit  of  certain  Roman  Catholic  priests  and  editors,  and  their 
zealous  Protestant  apologists,  to  rush  into  print  with  heated 
assertions  of  loyalty  on  the  part  of  Romanists,  giving  notable 
illustrations,  and  crying  bigotry  and  persecution.  The  ugly 
fact  remains  that  an  intelligent,  conscientious,  and  loyal 
Romanist  who  means  to  be  an  intelligent,  conscientious,  and 


212  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

loyal  citizen  of  the  republic  lias  a  problem  in  ethics  to  solve 
that  will  require  plenary  indulgence  and  expertness  in  moral 
gymnastics. 

Ignorance,  or  indifference  to  the  unreasonable  claims  of  his 
church,  frequently  results  in  his  increased  loyalty  to  his 
country,  but  this  is  a  lamentable  alternative. 

In  1884  there  appeared  in  the  Fortniijlitly  Review  an 
article  by  M.  Paul  Bert,  ex-Minister  of  Public  Instruction 
and  Worship  in  France,  on  the  relations  of  Koine  to  religious 
and  political  affairs  in  France,  from  which  we  quote  the 
following: 

u  She  has  opposed  the  progress,  not  only  of  liberty  of 
thought — that  is  within  her  role — but  also  of  popular  edu 
cation,  of  which  she  seems  to  fear  the  consequences  above 
everything.  She  has  become  aristocratic  and  royalist,  iden 
tifying  her  cause  with  that  of  the  ancient  regime. 

"She  has  again  and  again  threatened  the  existence  of  the 
Republic ;  and  has  taken  part  in  the  elections  against  all 
candidates  who  represent  liberal  and  democratic  ideas.  The 
charges  of  her  bishops  and  the  sermons  of  her  cures  have  too 
often  been  filled  with  protestations  against  the  state  of  society 
that  has  sprung  from  the  French  Revolution,  with  attacks 
upon  the  Government  which  France  has  freely  chosen,  and 
with  insults  against  the  representatives  of  the  country.  And, 
moreover,  in  aid  of  its  bellicose  propensities,  the  church  em 
ploys  not  only  the  powerful  influence  which  it  wields  over 
the  souls  of  its  believers,  but  also  that  which  the  civil  power 
has  given,  either  by  the  Concordat  or  subsequent  laws,  or  by 
its  weakness  and  concessions  in  practice. 

"Such  a  state  of  things  cannot  last.  If,  as  many  en 
lightened  minds  think,  there  is  an  absolute  antagonism 
between  the  tendencies  of  the  church — irJticb  lias  not  aban 
doned,  at  lea^t  in  France,  /As  dreams  of  universal  domination 
--and  the  Republic,  which  means  to  be  master  in  its  own 
house,  and  whose  fundamental  principle,  liberty  of  conscience, 


Politico-  Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  213 

has  been  formally  condemned  by  the  two  last  Popes,  how 
can  we  admit  that  civil  society  should  continue  to  augment 
the  power  of  its  would-be  ruler  ? " 

The  essential  character  of  civil  liberty  demands,  for  its 
highest  rational  enjoyment  in  the  individual  and  for  its 
highest  development  in  the  state,  freedom  of  conscience  and 
freedom  of  will,  unfettered  intelligence  and  undaunted 
courage,  individual  sovereignty  and  personal  responsibility. 
Romanism  either  fetters  or  destroys  every  one  of  these 
qualities. 

Liberal  prelates,  as  they  are  styled,  because  they  at  one 
time  protested  against  the  dogma  of  papal  infallibility,  have 
all  submitted,  and  formally  published  it  to  their  following 
and  sworn  obedience  to  the  infallible  Pope,  despite  the  fact 
that  they  had  denounced  it  as  giving  the  lie  to  history  and  as 
stultifying  reason.  The  Vatican  Council  defined  this  blas 
phemous  and  insolent  dogma,  Pius  IX.  and  Leo  XIII.  inter 
preted  its  scope,  and  no  honest  Romanist,  from  Pope  to 
peasant,  dare  disobey  it  in  any  particular,  and  is  bound  to 
submit  his  conceptions  of  civil  liberty  as  absolutely  to  the 
known  will  and  judgment  of  the  Pope  as  the  most  devout 
Christian  would  to  the  known  will  of  God.  We  have  seen 
what  the  papal  claims  are  on  the  subject  of  civil  liberty. 
How  can  a  man  who  honestly  accepts  these  claims  be  a 
loyal  subject  of  a  government  which  is  founded  upon  popular 
sovereignty,  and  claims  to  "  derive  its  just  powers  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed"  ? 

Rev.  Michael  Muller,  evidently  the  same  priest  who  wrote 
the  disreputable  volume  on  Public  School  Education  which 
was  indorsed  by  Archbishop  Ireland,  says,  in  his  "  Familiar 
Explanation  of  Catholic  Doctrine  "  :  "  To  be  separated  from 
the  divine  authority  of  the  Pope  is  to  be  separated  from  God, 
and  to  have  no  place  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ.  .  .  Mark 
well,  Pius  IX.  uttered  these  solemn  words  against  'certain 
men  '  whom  he  calls  the  enemies  of  the  Catholic  faith — he 


214  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

means  liberal-minded  Catholics,  as  is  evident  from  his  words, 
which,  on  July  28,  1873,  lie  addressed  to  the  members  of  the 
Catholic  Society,  Quimper,  'tell  the  members  of  the  Catholic 
Society  that,  on  the  numerous  occasions  on  which  we  have 
censured  those  who  held  liberal  opinions,  we  did  not  mean 
those  who  hate  the  Church,  whom  it  would  have  been  useless 
to  reprove,  bnt  those  Catholics  who  have  adopted  so-called  lib 
eral  opinions,  who  preserve  and  foster  the  hidden  poison  of 
liberal  principles}  ' 

The  idea  that  Archbishop  Ireland,  in  his  so-called  liberal 
utterances,  dangerous  because  oratorically  plausible  and  at 
tractive,  and  which  seem  to  exert  a  soporific  and  hypnotic 
influence  over  Republican  financiers  and  politicians,  repre 
sents  the  purpose  of  Home  in  America,  is  simply  ludicrously 
absurd,  in  the  light  of  his  absolute  submission  to  Rome's 
extreme  demands  contained  in  these  very  utterances  and  not 
concealed  by  rhetoric  from  observant  eyes,  and  in  the  light  of 
his  inconsistent  and  double  utterances  on  vital  features  of 
civil  liberty,  some  of  which  are  designed  for  American 
political  consumption  and  others  to  assure  Rome  of  uncon 
ditional  loyalty. 

The  Plenary  Council  and  the  Apostolic  Delegate  and  the 
uncompromising  Archbishop  Corrigan  type  of  prelate  speak 
for  Rome  in  America,  and  when  they  speak  debate  must  end, 
and  none  know  this  fact  better  than  the  small  class  of  prelates 
who  attempt  temporary  and  plausible  explanations  of  claims 
which,  in  their  nakedness,  would  shock  the  American  con 
ceptions  of  civil  liberty. 

Thoughtful  Roman  Catholics  themselves  look  upon  the 
so-called  liberal  Cardinal  Gibbons  as  an  unsuspecting,  good- 
natured,  forceless,  and  harmless  gentleman,  who  makes  a  good 
appearance  on  dress  parade  in  a  procession,  and  who  has 
photographed  himself  in  his  tame  and  colorless  book  entitled, 
"  Our  Christian  Heritage  ";  and  who  has  repeatedly  littered, 
but  never  in  action  HluxtnttwL  liberal  American  sentiments. 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  215 

For  Protestants  to  praise  and  pet  the  liberality  of  Roman 
Catholics  who  assert  their  loyalty  as  citizens  and  who  still 
submit  to  the  claims  of  Canon  Law,  and  Syllabus,  and  Encyc 
licals,  is  to  put  a  premium  on  broken  vows  and  disloyalty  to 
convictions.  The  only  honest  and  praiseworthy  course  which 
any  Romanist  in  this  Republic  can  pursue  is  open  repudi 
ation  of  the  extreme  ecclesiastical  claims  upon  him  as  a  mem 
ber  of  the  body  politic,  while  at  the  same  time  he  accepts 
the  religious  claims  of  his  church  in  so  far  as  those  claims 
pertain  to  his  personal  character  and  his  personal  relations  to 
Christ. 

Leo  XIII,  in  his  encyclical  of  November  7,  1885,  said  : 

"  Every  Catholic  should  rigidly  adhere  to  the  teachings  of 
the  Roman  Pontiff,  especially  in  the  matter  of  modern  liberty, 
which,  already,  under  the  semblance  of  honesty  of  purpose, 
leads  to  destruction.  We  exhort  all  Catholics  to  devote  care 
ful  attention  to  public  matters,  and  take  part  in  all  municipal 
affairs  and  elections,  and  all  public  services,  meetings,  and 
gatherings.  All  Catholics  must  make  themselves  felt  as 
active  elements  in  daily  political  life  in  countries  where  they 
live.  All  Catholics  should  exert  their  power  to  cause  the  Consti 
tutions  of  States  to  be  modeled  on  the  principles  of  the  true 
Church" 

No  genuine  republican  form  of  government  has  ever  been 
established  in  any  country  on  anything  like  a  permanent 
foundation  until  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  has  been 
either  crushed  or  put  under  bonds. 

The  enthronement  of  Romanism  always  means  the  de 
thronement  of  liberty.  The  supremacy  of  ecclesiasticisni 
always  means  the  starvation  of  reason  and  the  suppression  of 
man's  noblest  faculties. 

We  do  well  to  keep  in  mind  the  words  of  Gambetta, 
"  Always  remember  that  our  enemy  is  clericalism,"  and  let 
us  also  remember  that  with  us,  as  with  the  French  Republic, 
there  exists  a  radical  and  necessary  antagonism  between  the 


216  Facing  tJu  Twentieth  Century. 

imperious  pretensions  of  political  Romanism  and  the  freedom 
and  self-reliance  essential  to  a  republican  form  of  government. 
With  Papal  Rome  as  with  Pagan  Rome,  its  all-embracing 
claim  of  universal  sovereignty  forbids  the  recognition  of  any 
thing  like  half  measures.  As  Pagan  Rome  followed  a  dream 
;>f  glory, 

"  Scorning  the  base  degrees 
By  which  it  did  ascend," 

so  Papal  Rome  exhibits  that  spirit  of  pride  and  ambition 
which  places  the  temporal  above  the  spiritual,  admits  no 
equals,  and  looks  on  all  forms  of  liberty  as  enemies  to  be 
resisted  and  crushed.  "  When  Rome  has  spoken,  that  is 
the  end  of  the  matter,"  said  Augustine  ;  and  so  says  every 
believer  in  and  supporter  of  papal  authority  to-day. 

In  March,  1897,  Mgr.  Schroeder,  Professor  of  Dogmatic 
Theology  in  the  Roman  Catholic  University  in  Washington, 
published  over  his  own  signature  the  following  estimate  of 
liberal  Catholicism : 

"  It  is  a  duty  to  keep  up  this  fight  against  this  powerful 
enemy,  this  so-called  liberal  Catholicism  or  Catholic  liberal 
ism,  luxuriating  in  the  garden  of  the  Church  as  tares  sown  by 
Satan." 

In  another  place  he  compares  liberalism  in  the  Church  to 
the  Russian  thistle.  There  is  no  such  thing  as  a  good  or  a  bad 
thistle,  all  being  bad  alike;  so  he  says  there  is  only  one  liberal 
thistle,  and  that  is  good  for  nothing. 

"  Jt  is  the  great  heresy  of  the  nineteenth  century — the  nega 
tion  of  the  supremacy  of  Christ  and  his  Church  over  State 
and  society  in  general.  A  Catholic  liberalism  is  just  as 
impossible  as  a  Catholic  Arianism  or  Protestantism." 

lie  asserts  that  for  the  last  fifty  years  the  Popes  have 
branded  liberalism  as  a  heresy,  as  a  dangerous  enemy,  as  hid 
den  poison  and  fallacious  error.  He  sums  up  by  declaring 
that : 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  217 

"We  are  justified  in  drawing  the  conclusion  that  a  liberal 
Catholic  cannot  be  a  good  Catholic." 

And  yet  there  are  men  who  tell  us  that  the  teachings  of 
Romanism  in  this  country  are  in  the  direction  of  adaptation 
to  the  liberal  institutions  of  the  republic,  and  to  a  broader 
conception  of  the  essential  character  of  civil  liberty  and  to 
the  rights  of  private  judgment. 

On  the  great  conflict  between  Americanism  and  foreignism, 
Lyman  Beech er  says  : 

"Must  Catholics  have  all  the  liberties — their  own  and  ours 
too  ?  I  protest  against  that  unlimited  abuse  with  which  it  is 
thought  quite  proper  to  round  off  declamatory  periods  against 
the  religion  of  those  who  fought  the  battles  of  the  Reforma 
tion  and  the  battles  of  the  Revolution ;  and  that  sensitiveness 
and  liberality  which  would  shield  from  animadversion  and 
spread  the  mantle  of  charity  over  a  religion  which  never 
prospered  but  in  alliance  with  despotic  governments,  has 
always  been,  and  still  is,  the  inflexible  enemy  of  liberty,  of 
conscience  and  free  inquiry,  and  at  this  moment  is  the  main 
stay  of  the  battle  against  republican  institutions.  A  despotic 
government  and  despotic  religion  may  not  be  able  to  endure 
free  inquiry,  but  a  republic  and  religious  liberty  cannot  exist 
without  it." 

Dr.  Philip  SchafFs  translation  of  the  Syllabus  Errorum  (Pius 
IX.,  1864)  and  other  acts  of  the  Popes,  gives  the  following 
affirmative  claims  in  the  interests  of  civil  liberty  which  have 
received  Papal  condemnation;  declaring  them  to  be  erroneous  : 

"  To  maintain  the  liberty  of  the  press." 

"  To  claim  liberty  of  speech." 

"  To  contend  that  Papal  judgment  and  decrees  may  with 
out  sin  be  disobeyed  or  differed  from,  unless  they  treat  of 
faith  and  morals." 

"  To  hold  that  the  Roman  Pontiff's  ecumenical  councils 
have  transgressed  the  limits  of  their  power  and  usurped  the 
rights  of  princes." 


218  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"  To  hold  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  ought  to  come  to  terms 
with  progress,  liberalism,  and  modern  civilization." 

Mr.  Gladstone  says  :  "  My  propositions  are  these  : 

"  1st.  That  Rome  has  substituted  for  the  proud  boast  of 
4  Semper  Eadem  '  a  policy  of  violence  and  change  in  faith. 

"  2d.  That  she  has  refurbished  and  paraded  anew  every 
rusty  tool  she  was  fondly  thought  to  have  disused. 

"  3d.  That  no  one  can  now  become  her  convert  without  re 
nouncing  his  moral  and  mental  freedom  and  placing  his  civil 
loyalty  and  duty  at  the  mercy  of  another. 

"  -4th.  That  she,  Rome,  has  equally  repudiated  modern 
thought  and  ancient  history." 

This  government  has  been  to  an  enormous  outlay  of  life  and 
treasure  to  rid  the  Western  Hemisphere  of  the  curse  and 
cruelty  and  barbarism  of  a  Latin  civilization  enforced  by 
Roman  Catholic  Spain  upon  Cuba.  This  power  has  been  ex 
erted  by  the  use  of  religious  sanctions  in  the  union  of  church 
and  state  for  its  political  and  military  tyranny.  Now,  in 
peace,  the  republic  must  not  allow  its  institutions  to  be  under 
mined  by  ecclesiastical  domination  over  the  loyalty  of  our 
citizens,  by  teaching  allegiance  to  any  foreign  potentate  in 
anything  pertaining  to  civil  duties.  We  have  had  enough  of 
that  type  of  civilization. 

THE  CLAIMS    OF  POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL   ROMANISM    CONCERNING 
RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY    AND    THE    UNION   OF    CHURCH    AND 

STATE. 

"All  history  tells  us  that  wherever  the  Romish  priesthood  has  gained  a 
predominance,  there  the  utmost  amount  of  intolerance  is  invariably  the  prac 
tice.  In  countries  where  they  are  in  the  minority  they  instantly  demand, 
not  only  toleration,  but  equality,  but  in  countries  where  they  predominate 
they  allow  neither  toleration  nor  equality.11 — Lord  Palmerston. 

The  union  of  the  church  witli  the  state  is  the  theory  and 
practice  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  wherever  it  is  per 
mitted  to  have  its  way,  its  assertion  always  being  that  in  this 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  219 

relation  it  has  the  right  to  exclude  all  other  religions  and  that 
the  ecclesiastical  authority  is  superior  to  the  civil.  Its  pres 
ent  status  shows  that  it  holds  a  privileged  and  official  relation, 
to  the  exclusion  of  equal  rights  to  all  other  churches,  in  but  a 
limited  number  of  governments. 

In  Spain  the  Constitution  of  1876,  which  is  still  operative, 
has  this  article  :  "  The  Roman  Catholic  apostolical  religion  is 
that  of  the  state.  The  nation  obliges  itself  to  maintain  the 
worship  and  its  ministers.  No  person  shall  be  molested  in 
the  territory  of  Spain  for  his  religious  opinions,  nor  for  the 
exercise  of  his  particular  worship,  save  in  the  respect  due 
Christian  morality.  Nevertheless,  no  other  ceremonies  nor 
manifestations  in  public  will  be  permitted  than  those  of  the 
religion  of  the  state." 

In  Austria  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  the  permanence 
of  a  public  institution  privileged  by  the  state  ;  the  others  are 
private  institutions  entitled  to  equal  protection. 

The  Republic  of  Colombia,  in  South  America,  is  essentially 
Roman  Catholic,  which  is  also  true  to  an  extent  of  most  of  the 
other  nations  on  that  continent. 

The  present  kingdom  of  Italy,  since  the  destruction  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope  and  the  incorporation  of  the 
Papal  States  with  the  other  previously  independent  states  of 
Italy  into  one  kingdom,  still  retains  the  first  article  of  the  Con 
stitution  given  in  Turin,  March  4,  1 848,  as  follows  :  "  The 
Apostolical  and  Roman  Catholic  religion  is  the  sole  religion 
of  the  state.  The  other  cults  now  existing  are  tolerated  in 
conformity  with  the  law." 

In  Mexico  the  church  and  state  are  absolutely  separated. 
In  Brazil  all  Christians  are  put  upon  the  same  footing. 

Each  state  of  the  confederation  comprising  the  German 
Empire  has  its  own  laws  relating  to  religion.  While  the 
Lutheran  faith  is  the  state  religion  of  Prussia,  the  state  con 
tributes  to  the  support  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 

In  Bavaria  the  state  religion  is   Roman    Catholic,  while 


220  Facing  the  Tioentieth  Century. 

Protestantism  is  aided  ;  in  fact,  throughout  the  German  Em 
pire  the  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant  churches  are  both 
aided  in  their  support  by  the  state. 

Jn  France  all  churches  are  equal  under  the  law,  while  the 
priests  and  ministers  of  the  Roman  Catholics,  Protestants,  and 
Jews  are  paid  by  appropriations  from  the  state. 

Under  the  union  of  church  and  state  in  Great  Britain, 
Roman  Catholics  and  Dissenters  share  about  the  same  privi 
leges,  and  it  continues  to  be  an  anomaly  in  history  that  a 
nation  and  race  whose  flag  carries  with  it  to  so  many  lands 
guarantees  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  should  not,  in  its  own 
home  domain,  have  put  in  practice  religious  liberty  instead  of 
mere  toleration. 

In  the  United  States  the  theory  is  absolute  separation  of 
church  and  state,  which  is  the  principle  of  the  government  and 
not  the  policy  ;  yet  while  the  practice  of  the  government  has 
been  with  great  uniformity  wise  and  safe,  the  principle  is  not 
yet  adequately  intrenched  in  the  organic  law  of  the  nation 
and  of  all  the  States.  The  Roman  Catholic  authorities  in  this 
government,  as  in  all  governments  with  which  they  have 
sustained  relations,  make  their  most  persistent  assaults  upon 
the  American  theory  of  separation  of  church  and  state  at  the 
treasury  point,  in  seeking  to  bring  about  a  kind  of  union  which 
will  enable  them  for  their  security  to  prey  upon  the  fears  of 
politicians  who  seek  preferment  as  the  result  of  the  electorate. 

Maryland  was  the  only  one  of  the  original  thirteen  States 
settled  by  Roman  Catholics,  and  they  constantly  reiterate  the 
fact,  seeking  to  blind  the  eyes  of  (he  present  generation  to  the 
facts  of  their  constant  assaults  upon  religious  liberty,  that 
the  Maryland  colony  declared  for  religious  toleration,  while 
the  truth  is  that  they  conceded  religious  toleration  because  in 
their  relation  to  all  the  colonies  they  constituted  but  a  small 
minority,  and  had  they  held  a  majority  in  twelve  of  the 
thirteen  colonies  instead  of  one,  is  there  any  historic  reason 
for  supposing  that  toleration  would  have  been  conceded  ? 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  221 

The  Roman  Church  lias  recently  proved  that  there  is  no 
change  in  its  spirit  or  purpose,  despite  the  liberal  utterances 
of  irresponsible  ecclesiastics,  who  speak  by  permission  Jesuit- 
cally  to  deceive  Americans,  by  serving  notice  upon  the  world 
that  civil  and  religious  liberty  are  not  the  rightful  and 
God-given  inheritances  of  man  as  man  ;  but  that  the  See 
of  Rome  has  the  infallible  power  to  dictate  in  these  things. 
When  will  America  stop  consenting  to  be  trifled  with  by  this 
power  ? 

While  the  American  principle  of  the  separation  of  church 
and  state  is  from  necessity  recognized  by  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  authorities,  it  is  repudiated  by  the  supreme  teaching 
of  the  Church  and  deplored  by  the  present  Pope  in  his  en^ 
cyclical  addressed,  on  January  6,  1895,  to  the  Hierarchy  in 
America.  After  commenting  on  the  equity  of  the  laws  and 
the  impartiality  of  the  tribunals  so  that  the  church  "  is  free 
to  live  and  act  without  hindrance,"  he  says : 

"  Yet,  though  all  this  is  true,  it  would  be  very  erroneous  to 
draw  the  conclusion  that  in  America  is  to  be  sought  the  type 
of  the  most  desirable  status  of  the  Church,  or  that  it  would  be 
universally  lawful  or  expedient  for  state  and  church  to  be, 
as  in  America,  dissevered  and  divorced.  The  fact  that  Catho 
licity  with  you  is  in  good  condition,  nay,  is  even  enjoying  a 
prosperous  growth,  is  by  all  means  to  be  attributed  to  the 
fecundity  with  which  God  has  endowed  his  church,  in  vir 
tue  of  which,  unless  men  or  circumstances  interfere,  she  spon 
taneously  expands  and  propagates  herself.  But  she  would 
bring  forth  more  abundant  fruits  if,  in  addition  to  liberty,  she 
enjoyed  tlie  favor  of  the  laws  and  the  patronage  of  tlie  public 
authority" 

The  Syllabus  of  Pius  IX.,  issued  December  8,  1864,  and 
subsequently  by  the  Decree  of  Infallibility  confirmed  as  truth 
eternal  and  equal  in  authority  with  the  Decalogue,  says : 

"  The  state  has  not  the  right  to  leave  every  man  free  to  pro 
fess  and  embrace  whatever  religion  he  shall  deem  true. 


o  o  o 


Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 


"  It  has  not  the  right  to  enact  that  the  ecclesiastical  power 
shall  require  the  permission  of  the  civil  power  in  order  to  the 
exercise  of  its  authority." 

Then  in  the  same  Syllabus  the  rights  and  powers  of  the 
Church  are  affirmed  thus,  viz.  : 

"  She  has  the  right  to  require  the  state  not  to  leave  every 
man  free  to  profess  his  own  religion. 

"  She  has  the  right  to  exercise  her  power  without  the  per 
mission  or  consent  of  the  state. 

"  She  has  the  right  of  perpetuating  the  union  of  church  and 
state. 

a  She  has  the  right  to  require  that  the  Catholic  religion 
shall  be  the  only  religion  of  the  state,  to  the  exclusion  of  all 
others. 

"  She  has  the  right  to  prevent  the  state  from  granting  the 
public  exercise  of  their  own  worship  to  persons  immigrating 
into  it. 

"  She  has  the  power  of  requiring  the  state  not  to  permit 
free  expression  of  opinion." 

The  present  Pontiff,  Leo  XIII.,  in  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
Perigueux,  July  27,  1884,  explicitly  confirms  the  foregoing 
thus:  "The  teaching  given  by  the  Apostolic  See,  whether 
contained  hi  the  Syllabus  and  other  acts  of  our  illustrious 
predecessor,  or  in  our  own  Encyclical  Letters,  has  given  clear 
guidance  to  the  faithful  as  to  what  should  be  their  thoughts 
and  their  conduct  in  the  midst  of  the  difficulties  of  times  and 
events.  There  they  will  find  a  rule  for  the  direction  of  their 
minds  and  their  works." 

The  formal  union  of  church  and  state  always  restricts  reli 
gious  liberty,  placing  all  who  are  not  members  of  the  estab 
lished  church  under  a  ban  where  the  most  they  can  expect  is 
toleration  and  not  liberty. 

The  question  of  taxation  for  the  support  and  propagation 
of  a  form  of  religious  faith  and  worship  which  the  taxpayer 
does  not  voluntarily  accept  is  a  dangerous  infringement  on  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  223 

religions  liberty  of  the  individual,  and  a  severe  blow  at  the 
principle  of  the  separation  of  church  and  state.  This  occurs 
where  the  money  of  the  people  is  used  under  the  guise  of 
educational  and  charitable  institutions  for  sectarian  propaga 
tion,  or  when  grants  of  real  estate  are  made  by  municipal, 
State,  or  national  governments  for  the  erection  of  such  institu 
tions.  Roman  Catholicism  is  especially  expert  at  these  points. 

The  union  of  church  and  state  began  in  the  financial  and 
political  necessities  of  Romanism  forcing  it  to  an  alliance  with 
wealth  and  power ;  an  alliance  which  has  morally  dwarfed  the 
rich  and  socially  cursed  the  poor,  while  the  spirit  of  Chris 
tianity  has  been  perpetually  crucified,  and  the  normal  state 
of  civil  government  has  been  deprived  of  its  virility.  The 
political  papacy  was  thus  enabled  to  grow,  while  religious 
Catholicism  was  dwarfed.  The  former  sought  universal  dom 
ination  over  civil  powers  and  held  in  subjection  the  fears  of 
men  by  the  assumption  of  power  over  the  eternal  destiny 
of  their  souls.  The  religion  of  fear  was  used  as  a  political 
power  by  a  mighty  ecclesiastical  system,  unchanging  in  its 
purpose. 

The  origin  and  peril  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope  and 
of  the  union  of  church  and  state  have  been  most  graphically 
set  forth  in  words  of  warning  to  the  American  people  by  Dr. 
McGlynn : 

"  The  bishops  of  the  Church  everywhere  for  a  thousand  years 
were  elected  by  the  clergy  and  the  people,  and  they  conquered 
the  world — with  the  spirit  of  Christ,  and  not  with  the  sword 
of  Peter. 

"  After  three  centuries  it  unfortunately  became  good  policy, 
as  much  as  it  was  a  matter  of  Christian  conversion  for  the 
saving  of  his  soul,  or,  as  it  was  said,  the  result  of  a  miraculous 
cross  in  the  heavens,  for  Constantine  the  Emperor  to  become 
a  Christian.  And  we,  better  than  the  Christians  of  the  cen 
turies  that  followed  the  time  of  Constantine,  can  see  what  a 
pitiable  and  unfortunate  thing  it  was  that  the  Church  of 


224  Facing  lite  Twentieth  Century. 

Christ  was  befriended,  protected,  enriched,  not  merely  with 
wealth,  but  with  temporal  power,  by  Constantine  and  his  suc 
cessors.  Thence  dates  the  beginning  of  the  degeneration  of  the 
Christian  Church.  The  purple  that  symbolized, not  the  blood 
with  which  Christ  empurpled  his  cross,  but  the  power  that 
Constantine  gave  to  the  Church,  is  the  imperial  purple.  The 
privilege  of  wearing  it  comes  from  Constantine  and  his 
successors. 

"Let  us,  taught  by  the  bitter  example  of  a  thousand  years 
of  shameful  history,  do  what  we  can,  by  voice  and  pen  and 
labor,  to  prevent  the  repetition  of  the  blunder,  that  will  not 
be  merely  a  blunder,  but  a  crime,  if  it  be  repeated  at  all  in 
this  new  virgin  continent,  of  that  union  of  church  and  state 
which  means  the  injury  and  the  corruption  of  both. 

"  It  seemed  good,  it  seemed  wise,  an  admirable  thing,  that 
there  should  be  such  an  excellent  understanding  between  the 
spiritual  and  the  temporal  power.  But  the  clear,  cold  light 
of  history  makes  plain  that  it  was  a  horrible  blunder.  And 
for  us  to  repeat  the  blunder  would  be  the  most  unpardonable 
of  crimes." 

Romanists  constantly  seek  to  confuse  the  minds  of  the 
people  on  the  questions  of  religious  liberty  and  equality  by 
magnifying  sectarianism. 

They  count  everything  sectarian  that  is  either  Protestant  or 
not  Catholic.  We  count  as  sectarian  everything  denomina 
tional. 

The  lexicographer  defines  sect  to  be:  "A  body  of  persons 
who  have  separated  from  others  in  virtue  of  some  special  doc 
trine;  a  school  01-  denomination  ;  especially  a  religious  denom 
ination  ;  a  denomination  which  dissents  from  an  established 
church." 

Sectarianism  is  defined  to  be :  "The  quality  or  character  of 
a  sectarian  ;  adherence  to  a  separate  religious  denomination.'1 

AVe  decline  to  accept,  and  we  believe  that  the  majority  of 
citizens  decline  to  accept,  the  definition  of  sectarian  presented 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism,.  225 

by  Romanists.  We  have  no  established  state  church,  in  the 
European  sense,  in  this  country,  although  many  of  the 
churches  have  engaged  in  the  dangerous  practice  of  seeking 
to  establish  a  connection  with  the  treasuries  of  the  nation  and 
state. 

Protestant  is  not  the  name  of  a  sect.  The  Protestant  Epis 
copal,  the  Methodist  Episcopal,  the  Roman  Catholic,  the 
Presbyterian,  the  Baptist,  the  Hebrew,  the  Lutheran,  the  Uni 
tarian  churches  are  all  sects  and  denominations  in  the  Ameri 
can  sense.  Our  opponents  have  no  more  right  to  count  every 
thing  sectarian  that  is  Protestant  than  they  have  to  make 
Roman  Catholic  exclude  the  broader  and  universal  Catholicism. 
An  institution  or  government  may  be  Protestant  and  therefore 
not  Roman  Catholic,  but  it  is  not  necessarily  sectarian  because 
its  managers  are  Protestants,  and  it  need  not  be  sectarian  be 
cause  the  majority  of  its  managers  are  Roman  Catholic. 

The  logic  of  this  sectarian  controversy  ought  to  force  a 
searching  scrutiny  into  its  animus,  history,  and  application. 

The  assumption  by  Rome  of  spiritual  power  is  almost  always 
accompanied  with  arrogation  of  temporal  power.  Mixing  of 
the  two  disturbs  and  confuses  the  minds  of  the  adherents 
such  a  policy  and  injects  discord  into  the  affairs  of  nations. 
It  is  inconsistent  with  the  genius  and  spirit  of  republican 
institutions. 

Republicanism  is  essentially  Christian  and  Christianity  is 
essentially  republican,  and  a  republic  possesses  no  element  of 
permanency  unless  it  is  founded  on  faith  in  Christian  prin 
ciples.  Skepticism  is  the  legitimate  issue  of  the  repressive 
system  of  Romanism.  The  skepticism  of  the  last  century, 
which  made  republican  forms  of  government  impossible  where 
Romanism  held  sway,  is  due  to  this  "imbecile,  corrupt,  and 
imperious  church,  obtruding  itself  between  the  world  and 
God  and  darkening  the  faith  of  the  nations." 

Whenever  a  nation  breaks  away  from  politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism,  with  its  denial  of  the  right  to  religious  liberty  and 


226  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

its  enforced  union  of  church  and  state,  with  the  subjection  of 
the  state  to  ecclesiastical  power,  it  always  becomes  infidel ; 
proving  that  the  political  power  of  Romanism  drives  out  both 
religion  and  morality  and  breeds  infidelity.  When  France, 
more  than  a  century  since,  threw  off  the  yoke  of  Romanism, 
she  proclaimed  herself  infidel,  and  despite  the  presence  and 
power  of  Romanism  within  the  domain  of  France,  she  yet 
remains  substantially  infidel.  Her  literature,  where  it  is  not 
entirely  antagonistic  to  religion,  is  divorced  from  it,  while 
skepticism  and  materialism  prevail.  This  condition  of  things 
is  the  legitimate  reaction  from  Rome's  debasing  superstitions 
and  cruel  tyrannies.  Where  religious  liberty  is  denied  super 
stition  prevails,  and  superstition  breeds  skepticism,  while  skep 
ticism  annihilates  superstition. 

Protestantism  in  the  republic  has  often  sustained  a  guilty 
relation  to  the  union  of  church  and  state  in  the  matter  of  sec 
tarian  appropriations  for  education  and  for  charities.  Its 
representatives  have  invariably  acknowledged  the  peril  of  the 
practice  of  receiving  money  for  sectarian  propagation  from 
the  public  treasury,  while  at  the  same  time  they  have  given 
the  puerile  excuse  for  their  practice  that  Romanism  would 
get  the  money  anyway,  and  instead  of  allowing  Romanism  to 
secure  all  the  public  funds,  Protestantism  ought  to  take  its 
part  so  long  as  the  practice  was  allowed  ;  thus  absolutely 
ignoring  the  great  principle  involved  and  illustrating  the  fact 
that  wherever  this  practice  prevails  it  debauches  the  con 
sciences  of  all  who  indulge  in  it. 

An  effort  was  made  in  the  State  of  Maine  a  few  years  since 
to  engraft  upon  the  Constitution  of  that  State  an  amendment, 
which  had  been  formulated  by  The  National  League  for  the 
Protection  of  American  Institutions,  to  protect  the  school 
funds  and  prohibit  sectarian  appropriations.  One  of  the  first 
citizens  to  subscribe  to  the  principles  embodied  in  this  amend 
ment  was  the  president  of  a  college  in  the  State  of  Maine, 
a  man  of  national  reputation.  Yet  when  the  serious  effort 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  227 

was  made  to  carry  this  amendment  into  practical  effect  in  the 
State  of  Maine,  this  conspicuous  citizen  appeared  before  a 
committee  of  the  legislature  in  opposition.  The  amendment 
would  cut  off  the  denominational  college  of  which  he  was 
president  from  access  to  the  State  treasury.  He  believed  in 
the  principle  involved  in  the  prohibition  of  sectarian  appro 
priations,  but  was  opposed  to  its  enforcement. 

Religious  liberty  in  a  Christian  nation  requires  an  open 
Bible  accessible  to  all  the  people.  To  this  Romanism  is  abso 
lutely  antagonistic.  At  the  dedication  of  a  public-school 
building  in  the  City  of  New  York  some  years  since,  an  open 
Bible,  from  which  a  chapter  had  been  read  at  the  opening  of 
the  school,  lay  upon  the  desk,  when  an  eminent  Jewish  rabbi 
was  called  upon  to  speak.  He  said  he  had  been  asked  if, 
being  a  Jew,  he  was  in  favor  of  having  a  chapter  from  a  Bible 
containing  both  the  Old  and  New  Testament  read  at  the  open 
ing  of  the  school,  and  his  response  was  "  Yes  ;  for  wherever  in 
any  country  there  have  been  a  free  church  and  an  open  Bible 
the  Jews  have  never  been  persecuted." 

The  brazen  manner  in  which  Romanists  assault  our  institu 
tions  and  assault  Protestantism  and  inveigh  against  what  they 
style  the  Protestant  Bible  is  known  to  all,  but  when  we 
return  the  assault  we  are  counted  as  persecutors  and  enemies 
of  religious  liberty.  Despite  this  let  the  truth  be  told,  both 
for  the  benefit  of  their  own  people  who  are  kept  in  enforced 
darkness  and  to  inspire  the  self-respect  of  the  people  at  large. 

For  the  most  part  the  masses  of  the  population  of  Roman 
Catholic  countries  are  so  degraded  that  they  are  considered 
the  most  needy  and  legitimate  subjects  for  Christian  mission 
ary  effort,  they  being  ignorant  of  fundamental  Christian  moral 
ity,  while  tenaciously  adhering  to  the  Church  and  resting  their 
hope  of  salvation  on  its  offices. 

American  Christian  missionaries  declare  that  the  Christian 
Armenians  and  Christian  missionaries  were  more  in  peril,  in 
life  and  property,  from  a  United  States  State  Department 


228  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

under  Roman  Catholic  control  than  from  the  Sultan's  barbar 
ism.  This  political  Roman  Catholic  business  is  all-pervasive 
and  omnipresent  in  its  activity.  Republican  institutions  fur 
nish  as  fruitful  afield  as  monarchical,  provided  only  that  Presi 
dents  and  lawmakers  are  unsuspiciously  gullible/ 

The  Ciinlita  Cattolica  of  Rome,  a  paper  conceded  to  repre 
sent  the  Vatican,  said  recently  : 

"The  Pope  greatly  desires  to  be  at  peace  with  the  govern 
ment  of  Italy,  but  this  peace  cannot  be  established  unless  he 
is  restored  to  his  sovereign  rights  as  temporal  ruler.  Tem 
poral  rule  is  not  only  necessary  for  the  liberty,  but  also  for 
the  unhampered  international  government  of  the  Christian 
Church.  .  .  It  is  impossible  for  the  Italian  government  and 
the  Vatican  to  remain  at  Rome  together.  One  of  them 
must  go." 

In  purely  Roman  Catholic  countries  Romanism  claims  and 
exercises  the  right  to  persecute  Protestants,  and  in  Protestant 
countries  it  demands  religious  liberty.  It  causes  friction  in 
every  government  in  the  world  where  it  can  claim  any  con 
siderable  number  of  adherents. 

George  Parsons  Lathrop  a  few  years  since  delivered,  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Catholic  Club  of  New  York  City,  before  a 
large  assemblage  including  Arch  bishop  Corrigan  and  other 
dignitaries,  a  lecture  on  "  Religious  Toleration."  The  lecturer 
being  a  convert  from  Puritan  stock  to  Romanism,  we,  being 
among  the  invited  guests,  were  somewhat  curious  to  know  the 
direction  such  a  man's  thought  would  take.  The  lecture  is 
before  us.  Religious  toleration  and  religious  liberty  are 
strangely  confounded,  and  Romanism  is  made  out  to  be 
the  source  of  both  of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  civilization 
we  enjoy,  and  the  last  four  hundred  years  are  not  to  be 
counted  as  a  factor  in  the  work.  He  devoted  much  time 
to  discussing  the  persecutions  to  which  the  Roman  Catholics 
are  subject  in  this  country,  which  was  diverting  if  not  true. 
lie  made  light  of  the  massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew  and  styled 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  229 

it  "  entirely  political,"  and  declared  it  to  be  the  result  of 
"  massacres  committed  by  the  Huguenots  themselves  ten 
years  before."  Mr.  Lathrop  devoted  very  little  effort  to  citing 
any  creditable  modern  history  of  Roman  Catholicism.  The 
whole  lecture  shows,  as  a  prominent  Roman  Catholic  ecclesi 
astic  put  it  apologetically  at  the  close,  "  the  crudity  and  zeal 
of  a  young  convert."  It  shows  more.  It  shows  the  narrow 
ing  effect  of  Roman  Catholic  conceptions  of  religious  liberty 
on  even  the  cultured  mind  which  entertains  them. 

In  no  country  where  Roman  Catholicism  is  the  state 
religion  is  religious  liberty  enjoyed,  but  if  any  religious 
privileges  are  granted  they  are  in  the  nature  of  grudging 
toleration. 

Religious  liberty  in  this  country  does  not  mean  that  any 
church  or  other  organization  is  free  to  teach  doctrines  that 
unfit  the  citizen  for  the  loyal  performance  of  his  duties  to  the 
republic,  and  which  strike  at  the  foundation  principles  of 
our  institutions,  whether  such  church  or  organization  be  Mor- 
monism,  Romanism,  or  Atheism. 

Such  are  the  claims  of  the  papal  power  in  every  direction 
that,  whenever  it  pronounces  itself  on  any  subject,  it  seems  to 
include  in  its  sweep  the  entire  domain  of  man's  responsibility, 
thus  allowing  no  avenue  of  escape  for  its  subjects  by  the 
exercise  of  private  judgment  on  any  social,  moral,  or  political 
question.  Therefore  the  same  article  from  the  Canon  Law, 
or  Syllabus,  or  Encyclical  will  establish  the  menacing  atti 
tude  of  Romanism  toward  many  American  institutions. 

The  very  foundation  principles  of  the  Roman  Church  make 
the  recognization  of  personal  religious  liberty  logically,  intel 
lectually,  and  morally  impossible.  Personal  liberty  is  a 
meaningless  combination  of  words  to  the  enslaved  mind. 

When  we  remember  that  the  Pope,  claiming  to  represent 
Christ,  whose  kingdom  is  not  of  this  world,  has  no  right  to 
use  spiritual  and  ecclesiastical  weapons  to  secure  earthly 
sovereignty,  what  shall  we  say  of  his  claims  over  the  faith 


230  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

and  morals  of  men,  with  authority  to  inflict  temporal 
puuishmeiits  ? 

Romanism  seeks  to  keep  its  followers  away  from  assem 
blies  where  they  will  hear  about  religious  liberty. 

It  is  high  time  that  the  American  republic  and  the  Ameri 
can  people  stopped  apologizing  for  their  principles  and  their 
institutions  and  stopped  trying  to  accommodate  their  institu 
tions  to  the  inventors  of  the  Inquisition,  and  to  the  stranglers 
of  that  civil  and  religious  liberty  which  has  been  wrested 
from  Rome  by  centuries  of  contest  and  revolution,  and  which 
has  been  secured  by  races  of  men  who  were  liberated  by  the 
Scriptures  which  were  buried  or  chained  in  the  Old  World 
by  Rome.  Our  institutions  were  founded  by  free  con 
sciences  and  sealed  in  blood.  No  explanation,  no  apology  is 
needed  on  either  side,  only  common  honesty. 

THE     CLAIMS     OF     POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL     ROMANISM     CONCERN 
ING    THE    VOTER    AS    A    RESPONSIBLE    SOVEREIGN. 

The  exercise  of  the  elective  franchise  ought  to  be  an  act  of 
responsible  sovereignty  based  upon  judgment  and  reflection 
concerning  principles,  measures,  and  men.  If  it  means  any 
thing  in  the  United  States  it  ought  to  express  individual 
opinion  and  patriotic  loyalty  concerning  republican  institu 
tions.  The  citizen  who  surrenders  his  sovereignty  at  the 
dictation  of  another,  or  who  ignorantly,  or  from  compulsion, 
casts  a  vote  that  expresses  hostility  to  the  institutions  under 
which  he  lives  and  which  secure  to  him  his  liberties,  is 
not  only  unfit  to  be  counted  a  freeman,  but  is  a  dangerous 
member  of  society. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  an  organization  which 
denies  the  right  of  the  citizen  to  individual  sovereignty,  and 
further  claims  exclusive  jurisdiction  over  his  morals,  thus  con 
ceding  absolutely  no  rights  to  the  individual  or  to  the  state. 
This  organization  is  a  religious  sect  claiming  protection  under 
the  constitutions  of  the  nation  and  States  to  the  enjoyment 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  231 

and  propagation  of  its  views  upon  these  vital  principles  per 
taining  to  citizenship.  Citizens  not  accepting  the  theories  of 
this  sect  claim  that  their  rights  are  prejudiced  and  the  power 
of  their  sovereignty  neutralized,  by  being  compelled  to  meet 
at  the  polls  a  solid  phalanx  acting  under  this  false  conception 
of  citizenship,  thus  excluding  from  the  electoral  contest 
the  possibility  of  an  honest  verdict  on  the  civic  principles 
involved,  unless  a  sufficient  number  of  thoughtful  voters 
remain  to  constitute  a  majority  after  the  solid  and  submissive 
phalanx  has  been  offset  by  neutralizing  the  votes  of  an  equal 
number  of  independent  sovereigns. 

A  religious  sect  wherein  the  conscience  of  the  individual  is 
subjected  to  ecclesiastical  authority  is  a  dangerous  factor 
in  politics;  the  non -control  of  conscience  leaves  nothing  in  the 
individual  to  which  argument  can  be  addressed. 

An  ambitious  person  assuming  the  role  of  political  leader 
will  influence  the  custodian  of  these  individual  consciences 
by  promises  of  money  grants  and  political  preferments. 
Until  these  surrendered  consciences  are  restored  to  their 
owners,  they  endanger  civic  institutions,  because  elective  and 
appointive  officials  fear  and  dread  an  irresponsible,  vacillating, 
and  conscienceless  master. 

Secret,  oath-bound  organizations,  whether  religious,  benev 
olent,  patriotic,  or  secular,  injecting  themselves  into  politics 
constitute  a  peril,  because  they  represent  the  surrender  of 
individual  sovereignty,  and  place  citizenship  beyond  the 
scope  of  appeals  to  reason  and  argument. 

Roman  Catholicism,  whenever  acting  as  a  politico-ecclesias 
tical  organization,  purposes  to  vote  as  a  unit.  This  is  a  stand 
ing  menace  to  republican  government.  It  is  substantially 
a  fixed  factor  in  national,  State,  and  municipal  elections.  In 
most  contests  for  municipal  reform,  this  vote  must  be  reck 
oned  upon,  and  counted  out  by  being  offset,  before  any  esti 
mate  as  to  results  can  be  made.  Occasionally,  ecclesiastical 
non-interference  with  this  vote  permits  a  division  of  it  at  the 


232  Faciny  the  Twentieth  Century. 

polls  ;  then  men  assert  themselves  as  men.  The  single-tax 
campaign  in  New  York  illustrates  this,  but  the  eloquent 
priestly  leader  in  that  campaign  was  punished  for  his 
temerity.  In  the  highest  interests  of  individual  citizenship 
and  for  the  free  perpetuity  of  our  free  institutions,  let  us  help 
to  speed  the  day  when  these  would-be  freemen  shall  become 
freemen  indeed.  In  1894,  in  New  York  City,  liberty  of 
action  was  allowed  and  the  vote  was  divided,  and  reform  won. 

Modern  constitutional  government,  liberty  of  conscience, 
religious  liberty,  free  speech,  free  press,  free  popular  educa 
tion,  equality  of  all  before  the  law,  the  impartial  liberties 
which  give  character  to  free  governments  and  institutions  are 
tolerated  from  necessity,  and  never  conceded  as  rights,  by 
Roman  Catholic  ecclesiastical  power. 

If  the  members  of  the  hierarchy  will  take  their  hands  off 
their  people  as  citizens,  they  will  become  amenable  to  argu 
ment  and  become  genuinely  American. 

Whoever  dictates  or  destroys  the  vote  of  an  individual 
sovereign  assassinates  sovereignty,  and  an  assassination  of 
sovereignty  in  a  republic  is  the  assassination  of  a  sovereign 
and  ought  to  be  punished  accordingly. 

That  any  alien  person  or  power  has  the  right  or  authority 
to  instruct  an  American  citizen  as  to  whether  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  is  "  in  conformity  with  the  laws  of  God," 
and  consequently  determine  the  loyalty  or  disloyalty  of  his 
relation  to  the  form  of  government  under  which  he  lives  and 
whose  protection  he  shares,  is  treasonably  to  usurp  the  powers 
of  government  and  imperil  the  existence  of  republican  insti 
tutions. 

By  what  human  or  divine  right  has  the  Pope  any  business 
to  interfere  in  the  sovereignty  of  American  citizenship  and 
issue  his  instructions  on  the  various  phases  of  our  institutions 
for  the  control  of  our  citizens  ? 

Almost  every  peril  to  our  institutions  comes  from  the  im 
portations  from  countries  under  papal  control  and  molding. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Roma msm.  233 

Assaults  on  the  American  Sabbath  emanate  chiefly  from  this 
source.  Anarchists  and  Socialists  have  been  created  by  re 
volts  against  politico-ecclesiastical  tyranny  in  the  Old  World. 

Why  is  it  that  Roman  Catholic  priests  and  prelates  have 
power  often  to  quell  riots  ?  Is  it  not  because  the  rioters  are 
mostly  of  their  faith  ?  It  is  said  that  the  Pope  and  the  hier 
archy  often  command  Romanists  to  take  the  side  of  order  and 
government  in  political  contests.  But  what  business  has  the 
Church,  as  such,  to  interfere  in  civil  and  political  matters  ? 
This  is  a  peril,  because  it  assumes  and  demands  solidarity 
of  action. 

No  man's  religious  creed  or  religious  liberty  should  be  as 
sailed  in  the  discussion  of  civic  duties  ;  whoever  attempts 
that  imperils  his  own  and  is  un-American  in  spirit,  but  he 
ought  always  to  recognize  the  broad  distinction  between  the 
personal  religious  faith  of  men  and  the  politico-ecclesiastical 
organization  falsely  styled  the  Church,  which  usually  seeks  to 
control  the  political  action  of  its  adherents. 

The  fact  that  multitudes  of  Roman  Catholic  laymen  have 
no  adequate  conception  of  the  extent  of  ecclesiastical  claims 
upon  their  obedience  in  both  temporal  and  spiritual  affairs 
does  not  in  the  least  alter  the  fact  that,  in  the  final  issue,  free 
dom  of  choice  and  judgment  are  neither  permitted  nor  exer 
cised. 

The  policy  of  control  over  the  voter  is  here  candidly  stated 
by  a  friendly  pen  in  the  American  Journal  of  Politics: 

"  The  power  that  operates  and  makes  effective  this  astute 
policy  is  the  Pope  and  the  College  of  Cardinals.  The  Church 
of  Rome  under  their  direction  has  always  proved  itself  to  be 
a  dangerous  foe  when  its  resentment  has  been  aroused,  or  a 
powerful  friend  and  ally  to  any  cause  which  it  may  have 
espoused.  .  .  Within  the  Catholic  communion  in  the  United 
States  there  are  between  two  and  three  million  voters.  All 
that  is  needed  to  make  the  Catholic  hierarchy  a  most  potent 
factor  in  American  politics  is  to  cause  these  millions  of  Catho- 


234  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

lie  voters  to  interest  themselves  in  political  matters,  and  to 
cast  their  ballots  so  as  to  promote  the  welfare  and  further  the 
interests  of  their  church.  This  they  are  now  being  trained, 
urged,  and  commanded  to  do.  This  is  being  done  largely 
through  the  agency  of  the  Catholic  press." 

At  the  dedication  on  November  20,  1898,  of  a  new  church 
for  colored  people  in  New  York  City,  Rev.  Alexander  P. 
Doyle  of  the  Paulist  Fathers  spoke  as  follows: 

"The  strong  organization  of  the  Catholic  Church,  its  power 
to  compel  obedience,  its  ability  to  bring  the  life  of  Christ  in 
close  touch  with  the  lives  of  the  people,  is  just  the  agency  a 
robust  race  demands  to  keep  it  within  bounds  ;  while,  at  the 
same  time,  its  splendid  ceremonial  as  well  as  its  warm  devo 
tional  life  are  calculated  to  completely  satisfy  the  religious 
instincts  of  the  colored  people." 

Komanism  took  no  special  interest  in  the  colored  man  when 
he  was  a  slave,  but  when  as  a  freedman  he  had  a  vote,  it 
began  to  yearn  and  exert  itself  for  his  well-being  with  touch 
ing  and  intense  solicitude. 

It  would  be  unjust  to  say  that  the  entire  Roman  Catholic 
vote  can  be  carried  by  an  order,  but  the  Pope  tells  us  that 
sixty  per  cent,  of  the  voters  in  Italy  stay  away  from  the  polls 
by  his  order.  He  has  the  same  authority  over  Romanists  in 
America  that  he  has  over  Romanists  in  Italy.  He  is  not  a 
temporal  sovereign  in  Italy  any  more  than  in  America.  Who 
doubts  that  as  large  a  fraction  of  Roman  Catholic  voters  can 

o 

be  controlled  by  papal  order  in  America  as  in  Italy  ? 

When  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  Rome  and  made  it  the  capi 
tal  of  United  Italy,  a  vote  was  taken  by  the  Roman  people  on 
the  question  whether  they  desired  to  be  citizens  of  the  Italian 
kingdom  or  remain  subjects  of  the  Pope's  temporal  power. 
The  result  was  substantial  unanimity  in  favor  of  the  Italian 
Government  and  against  the  Pope. 

No  wonder  His  Holiness  is  not  willing  his  subjects  should 
express  their  untrammeled  opinion  through  the  ballot. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  235 

In  his  lecture  upon  "American  Citizenship,"  Archbishop 
Ireland  declares  that,  "The  ballot  is  the  pride  of  the  true 
American  !  Its  proper  use  is  his  sacred  duty.  The  American 
neglecting  to  vote  on  election  days  merits  disfranchisement, 
if  not  exile.  The  American  boasting  of  his  political  indiffer 
ence  or  his  political  indolence  proclaims  his  shame.  The 
most  deadly  danger  to  democracy,  thoughtful  writers  tell  us, 
is  that  of  respectable,  well-meaning,  and  educated  citizens  who 
show  but  little  active  interest  in  the  political  welfare  of  the 
country.  Others,  the  selfish  and  reckless  who  have  private 
ends  to  serve,  who  care  not  what  comes  of  the  country  if  they 
satisfy  their  own  ambition  and  greed,  will  never  be  absent  from 
the  caucus  or  the  voting  booth,  and  in  their  hands  the  country 
dies.  This  peril  has  come  to  America ;  let  us  be  quick  to 
avert  it,  while  there  is  yet  time.  If  there  are  through  the 
land  corrupt,  incapable  municipal  administrations,  ignorant 
and  venal  legislatures,  is  not  the  fact  largely,  if  not  entirely 
due  to  this,  that  the  capable  and  honest  find  no  time,  have 
no  inclination  for  the  political  convention  or  the  public 
service  ? " 

These  utterances  have  a  patriotic  ring,  but  in  view  of  their 
source  and  of  the  facts  in  the  case,  the  ring  is  that  of  the 
"  sounding  brass  and  the  tinkling  cymbal."  The  reason  why 
"  the  capable  and  honest  find  no  time,  have  no  inclination,  for 
the  political  convention  or  the  public  service,"  is  that  the 
ignorant  and  superstitious  voters  who  are  the  subjects  of  the 
politico-ecclesiastical  organization  represented  by  the  Arch 
bishop  are  so  massed  in  the  centers  of  population  that  they 
have,  if  not  a  majority  at  least  the  balance  of  power  at 
the  polls,  under  the  leadership  of  a  politico-ecclesiastical  boss 
who  delivers  their  vote  in  the  mass. 

This  state  of  things  discourages  "  capable  and  honest " 
citizens,  because  it  degrades  the  character  of  citizenship  and 
subjects  to  humiliation  the  man  who  consents  to  enter 
"  public  service  "  under  the  demeaning  conditions  required. 


236  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Justice  Dykman  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  of 
New  York  on  April  29,  1898,  rendered  a  decision  against  the 
constitutionality  of  the  Myers  voting  machine.  The  press 
reports  declared  that  the  decision  was  based  upon  the  facts 
that  "the  machine  did  not  provide  for  or  enable  the  voters  to 
give  free  expression  to  their  choice  of  officers,  and  moreover,  it 
is  liable  to  get  out  of  mechanical  adjustment  and  to  register 
votes  for  candidates  which  were  not  cast  or  intended  for 
them,  and  is  liable  and  exposed  to  fraudulent  devices  of  law 
less  voters."  On  the  ground  here  stated  is  it  not  clear  that 

o 

the  patent  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman  voting  machine  is  un 
constitutional  ?  It  certainly  does  "  not  provide  for  or  enable 
the  voters  to  give  free  expression  to  their  choice." 

Our  neighbor  Canada  furnishes  us  with  some  interesting 
illustrations  of  the  claims  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism 
over  the  voter  as  a  responsible  sovereign. 

When  the  lion.  Mr.  Langevin  was  elected  a  member  of  the 
Canadian  Parliament  by  the  County  Charlevoix,  Province  of 
Quebec,  the  electors  of  the  county  protested  against  his  elec 
tion  on  seventeen  different  counts,  eight  of  which  were 
classified  under  clerical  intimidation.  The  case  was  tried  be 
fore  the  Superior  Court  of  Quebec  before  Justice  Routheir. 
Here  are  some  of  the  specimens  of  clerical  interference  in  be 
half  of  Langevin  the  Conservative  candidate,  and  against 
Tremblay,  his  opponent,  the  Liberal  candidate.  These  remarks 
were  sworn  to  before  the  Court  and  admitted  as  evidence. 
Rev.  Father  Servis  said  :  "  Liberalism  was  an  error  condemned 
by  the  church,  and  had  sneaked  in  among  us  like  the  serpent 
into  the  terrestrial  paradise.  That  it  was  necessary  to  com 
bat  this  liberalism  which  is  leading  our  land  into  ruin  ;  that 
it  was  necessary  to  listen  to  the  priests  and  bishops  and  not 
to  the  '  false  Christs  '  and  false  prophets,  who  came  to  the 
parish  to  divide  the  congregation  and  the  pastor,  to  preach 
that  the  priest  has  nothing  to  do  with  politics ;  that  if  the 
parishioners  would  listen  to  these  ravening  wolves,  and 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  237 

separate  themselves  from  their  clergy,  terrible  chastisements 
were  in  reserve  for  their  country ;  that  '  liberalism '  had 
caused  the  French  Revolution  and  had  been  the  cause  of  the 
sacrilegious  murder  of  priests ;  that  it  had  also  caused  de 
structive  ravages  in  Germany,  and  would  cause  the  same 
things  to  happen  here ;  that  the  liberal  party  was  dangerous, 
opposed  to  the  interests  of  religion,  and  was  condemned  by 
the  bishops  ;  that  it  was  not  permitted  in  conscience  to  be  a 
liberal  Catholic  as  the  bishops  had  condemned  this  liberalism  ; 
that  to  vote  was  a  duty  of  the  greatest  importance,  and  that 
at  their  death  they  would  reproach  themselves  if  they  had 
contributed  to  the  election  of  men  who  wanted  to  separate 
the  church  from  the  state,  and  who  were  endeavoring  to  de 
stroy  the  confidence  of  the  people  in  their  priests;  lastly 
that  they  were  obliged  to  vote  following  their  conscience 
enlightened  by  the  pastorals  of  their  bishops." 

Rev.  Father  Langlois  said :  "  That  there  were  some  hot 
heads  in  the  parish  who  were  raising  discord ;  that  the 
faithful  should  obey  their  ecclesiastical  superiors  who  had 
the  right  to  enlighten  their  'conscience ;  that  liberalism  had 
been  condemned  by  the  Pontiff ;  that  the  liberals  were  cheats, 
and  that  nobody  must  vote  for  a  liberal." 

Rev.  Father  Mars  said :  "  That  in  reading  from  the  altar 
the  pastoral  letters  of  the  bishops  he  had  added  some  com 
mentaries  to  define  Catholic  liberalism,  to  show  that  it  was 
condemned  by  the  bishops." 

Another  parish  priest  said :  "  That  among  other  things  he 
had  said  from  the  altar  that  Catholic  liberalism  was  an  error, 
condemned  by  the  Church,  and  were  he  to  vote  for  a  liberal 
Catholic  he  would  commit  a  sin." 

In  the  recent  contest  in  Canada  in  the  interests  of  prohibi 
tion  of  the  liquor  traffic  the  priests  in  the  Province  of  Quebec 
not  only  counseled,  but  openly  and  threateningly  commanded 
their  people  to  vote  against  prohibition ;  and  the  Canadian 
bishops  gave  instructions  that  the  sacraments  should  be  re- 


238  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

fused  to  all  Catholics  who  either  voted  for  or  accepted  the 
settlement  of  the  school  question  adopted  by  the  Canadian 
Government,  and,  in  addition,  made  threats  of  excommunica 
tion  against  those  of  their  following  who  should  not  heed  and 
obey  the  ecclesiastical  restrictions  upon  their  rights  as  voters 
and  citizens. 

In  July,  1897,  a  four-page  circular  was  issued  anonymously 
in  New  York  City,  under  the  title  of  "  Civic  Interrogations." 
The  circular  contained  a  series  of  questions  in  which  all  loyal 
citizens  ought  to  be  interested,  pertaining  to  the  relations  of 
politico-ecclesiasticism  to  civil  institutions,  and  closed  with 
this  statement : 

"  Politico-ecclesiasticism,  with  its  sweeping  claims  over  the 
morals  of  men,  reaching  every  rational  or  intentional  act, 
including  the  act  of  voting,  and  which  in  foreign  countries 
constitutes  the  basis  for  a  distinct  political  party,  must  not  be 
allowed  to  undermine  the  Great  Republic,  whose  perpetuity 
depends  upon  individual  sovereignty." 

These  interrogations  were  the  outcome  of  a  conference  of 
citizens,  whose  experience  in  official,  business,  and  political  life 
had  painfully  convinced  them  of  the  scandals  and  perils  of 
the  ramifications  of  Roman  ecclesiasticism  in  all  departments 
of  official  and  political  affairs,  and  in  many  departments  of 
business. 

One  of  these  circulars  reached  Archbishop  Corrigan,  the 
result  of  which  is  recorded  in  the  following  historic  state 
ments  and  documents  contained  in  the  second  issue  of  "Civic 
Interrogations."  The  perusal  will  prove  both  instructive  and 
diverting: 

(From  the,  "  Catholic  Review,"  October  17,  1807.) 

ARCHBISHOP    CORRIGAN     RESPONDS     TO    LINK    NO.    OXE    OF    "  CIVIC    INTER 
ROGATIONS,"       AFTER       CONFERENCE      WITH      THE      BISHOPS      OF      THE 

PROVINCE     OF     NEW    YORK. BISHOPS     OF      THE     PROVINCE     OF      NEW 

YORK     CONVENE. 

The  annual  meeting  of  the  Catholic  bishops  of  the  Province  of  New 
York  was  held  Wednesday  in   the  archiepiscopal  residence  in  Madison 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  239 

Avenue  and  Fiftieth  Street.  All  of  the  bishops  of  the  province  were 
present,  as  follows:  Bishop  McDonnell  of  Brooklyn,  Bishop  Burke  of 
Albany,  Bishop  Wigger  of  Newark,  Bishop  Quigley  of  Buffalo,  Bishop 
Gabriels  of  Ogdensburg,  Bishop  Ludden  of  Syracuse,  Bishop  McQuaid 
of  Rochester,  Bishop  McFaul  of  Trenton,  and  Bishop  Farley  of  this  city. 

Archbishop  Corrigan  called  the  meeting  to  order  at  eleven  o'clock. 
Reports  on  the  condition  of  the  various  dioceses  were  read  by  the  bishops, 
and  the  business  of  the  Church  was  discussed  in  a  general  way.  Arch 
bishop  Flood  of  Trinidad,  West  Indies,  was  at  the  meeting,  and  was  the 
guest  of  honor  at  a  luncheon  which  was  served  in  the  refectory  late  in  the 
afternoon. 

There  was  another  meeting  at  the  archiepiscopal  residence  Thursday. 

(From  the  "  Sunday  Democrat,"  October  17,  1897.) 

MEETING    OF    THE     BISHOPS. 

The  meeting  was  a  business  one,  purely  and  simply,  and  there  were  no 
religious  ceremonies  connected  icith  it.  It  was  strictly  private,  too,  and 
nothing  concerning  the  deliberations  was  given  out. 

(From  the  "  Sun,"  October  17,  1897.) 

THE  POPE  AND   AMERICA.— ARCHBISHOP  CORRIGAN  RE 
PLIES  TO  CERTAIN  CIRCULARS. 

A   LETTER    FROM    HIM    TO    PASTORS,  WHICH   WILL   BE    READ    FROM  ALL   THE 

ROMAN    CATHOLIC    PULPITS     OF     THE     ARCHDIOCESE     TO-DAY. DENIES 

ANY  INCLINATION  OF  THE  PONTIFF  OR  THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  CHURCH 
TO  DICTATE  OR  INTERFERE  IN  MATTERS  POLITICAL. — POPE'S  FUNCTIONS 
DEFINED. 

* 

Archbishop  Corrigan  has  sent  the  appended  letter  to  every  Catholic 
pastor  in  the  city,  and  this  morning  it  will  be  read  from  the  pulpits  of  all 
the  Catholic  churches  in  the  archdiocese.  The  letter  is  regarded  as  the 
most  significant  document  that  has  emanated  from  the  archiepiscopal 
residence  in  some  time.  It  is  written  in  connection  with  the  regular 
annual  notification  of  the  "  Peter's  Pence  "  collection,  which  is  taken  up 
on  the  last  Sunday  of  the  present  month.  The  Archbishop's  utterances, 
as  he  explains  in  the  letter,  were  inspired  by  circulars  which  have  been 
distributed  during  the  present  campaign,  and  which  intimate  that  the 
Catholic  Church  has  interfered  in  politics  to  an  extent  that  has  made  it  a 
danger  to  the  republic.  It  was  impossible  to  learn  yesterday  what  party 
or  individual  caused  the  circulars  referred  to  to  be  printed  and  distrib- 


240  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

» 

uteil.     Father  Connolly,  the  Archbishop's  secretary,  would  not  discuss 
the  matter.     Following  is  the  Archbishop's  letter: 

"  ARCHBISHOP'S  HOUSE, 

"  NEW  YORK,  October  15,  1897. 

"Rev.  DEAR  SIR:  According  to  the  Second  and  Third  Plenary  Coun 
cils  of  Baltimore,  a  collection  is  to  be  taken  up  annually  in  all  the  dio 
ceses  of  the  United  States  for  the  support  of  the  Holy  Father,  and  the 
statutes  of  this  diocese  in  particular  specify  that  this  collection  is  to  be 
made  during  the  month  of  October.  In  compliance  with  this  rule,  I 
hereby  designate  the  last  Sunday  of  October  as  the  date  for  collecting 
the  Peter-pence  this  year  in  all  the  churches. 

"  The  reasons  for  this  appeal  have  been  so  often  explained  that  it  is 
unnecessary  to  state  them  anew,  but  I  avail  myself  of  this  occasion 
to  allude  to  some  misapprehensions  or  misrepresentations  regarding  the 
office  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  which  are  continually  repeated  to  our 
discredit  in  periods  of  passing  excitement  or  on  the  eve  of  popular  elec 
tions.  In  this  way  circulars  have  been  insidiously  distributed  containing 
wild  statements,  such  as  the  following:  '  Politico-ecclesiasticism,  with 
its  sweeping  claims  over  the  morals  of  men,  reaching  every  rational  or 
intentional  act,  including  the  act  of  voting  *  *  *  must  not  be  allowed  to 
under  mine  the  great  republic  /  whose  perpetuity  depends  upon  individual 
sovereignty? 

"  This  modest  sentence  contains  the  three  following  propositions: 

"First. — The  Catholic  Church,  as  focused  in  its  infallible  head,  ex 
tends  its  sweeping  claims  over  every  human  act,  including  the  act  of 
voting. 

"  Second. — The  Catholic  Church  is  a  danger  to  the  republic. 

"  Third. — The  perpetuity  of  our  free  institutions  depends  on  individual 
sovereignty. 

"  In  view  of  the  first  proposition  it  will  not  be  without  interest  to 
recall  what  the  Church  really  teaches  regarding  papal  infallibility.  Noth 
ing  can  be  clearer  than  the  definition  of  the  Vatican  Council.  The 
Roman  Pontiff,  when  he  speaks  ex  cathedra,  that  is  to  say,  when  in  the 
exercise  of  his  office  as  pastor  and  teacher  of  all  Christians,  he,  in  virtue 
of  his  supreme  authority,  defines  that  a  doctrine  on  faith  and  morals  is  to 
be  held  by  the  whole  Church,  by  the  assistance  of  God,  promised  to  him 
in  the  person  of  blessed  Peter,  has  that  infallibility  with  which  it  was  the 
will  of  our  divine  Redeemer  that  His  Church  should  be  furnished  in 
defining  a  doctrine  on  faith  and  morals,  and  that,  therefore,  these  defini 
tions  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  of  themselves,  and  not  through  the  consent 
of  the  Church,  are  irreformable. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  241 

"  According  to  this  decree  the  Pope  is  infallible  when  he  speaks  ex 
cathedra,  that  is,  when  he  exercises  his  office  of  universal  teacher  defin 
ing  some  point  of  faith  or  morals  to  be  held  by  the  whole  Church.  The 
privilege  of  infallibility  is  restricted,  therefore,  to  an  act  of  teaching; 
it  does  not  extend  to  an  act  of  government,  nor  even  to  an  act  of  teach 
ing  if  performed  by  the  Pontiff  as  a  private  teacher.  Should  he  order 
Catholics  to  vote  a  particular  ballot,  his  action,  by  its  very  nature,  as 
a  mere  act  of  authority,  would  not  be  shielded  by  the  mantle  of  infalli 
bility.  Again,  should  he,  by  any  possibility,  direct  Catholics  to  support, 
for  instance,  one  or  the  other  of  the  several  candidates  now  in  the  field 
for  the  Mayoralty  of  the  Greater  New  York,  his  action  evidently  would 
not  be  an  act  of  teaching  regarding  *  faith  and  morals,'  much  less  an  act 
tending  to  bind  the  universal  Church.  Faith  and  morals  are  the  object 
of  the  Church's  teaching  office,  not  science,  nor  history,  nor  politics. 
The  Church,  it  is  true,  and  the  Roman  Pontiff,  as  successor  to  St.  Peter, 
have  received  from  our  Lord  power  to  decide  questions  of  faith  and  to 
offer  sure  and  unerring  guidance  in  the  field  of  morals.  For  in  giving 
Peter  the  command  to  feed  His  entire  flock,  Christ  necessarily  imposed 
on  the  flock  the  burden  of  obedience.  Both  duties  are  correlative  and 
mutually  imply  each  other.  If  the  flock  be  bound  to  hear  and  obey  the 
Shepherd's  voice,  he  in  turn  must  necessarily  be  safeguarded  from  error; 
must  be  able  consequently  to  distinguish  good  from  unwholesome  pas 
tures;  otherwise  the  Lord  Himself,  the  supreme  Shepherd,  would  be 
responsible  for  the  loss  of  his  sheep  by  making  them  subject  to  a  hire 
ling  who  might  expose  them  to  the  fury  of  the  wolves  or  lure  them  on  to 
destruction.  If  the  Church  cannot  fail,  because  the  Lord  has  made  it 
'  the  pillar  and  the  ground-work  of  truth,'  neither  can  Peter  fail,  for  he  is 
the  corner-stone  on  which  the  immovable  super-structure  rests.  '  Thou 
art  Peter,  and  on  this  rock  I  will  build  my  Church.'  If  other  teachers 
might  perhaps  falter  in  the  faith,  yet  Peter  may  not,  for  the  Eternal  Truth 
and  Omnipotence  itself  has  said,  '  I  have  prayed  for  thee  that  thy  faith 
fail  not,  and  thou,  being  converted,  confirm  thy  brethren.'  But  while 
the  Church  and  the  Pope  are  supreme  judges  of  faith  and  morals,  the 
light  of  conscience  is  our  guide  in  individual  acts.  The  gift  of  infalli 
bility  is  vouchsafed  for  the  good  of  the  Church  at  large. 

"  The  Catholic  hierarchy  has  now  been  established  in  this  country  over 
a  hundred  years.  In  all  that  period  can  a  single  syllable  be  adduced 
emanating  from  the  Roman  Pontiff  for  the  purpose  of  directing  our  bal 
lots  ?  In  these  hundred  years  has  a  single  Pontifical  utterance  ex  cathe 
dra  been  made  bearing  in  the  remotest  degree  on  the  question  of  our 
politics  ?  If  such  a  fact  has  never  existed  during  our  entire  history,  is  it 
not  a  little  silly  to  '  fear  where  there  is  no  fear'?  Is  there  anything 


242  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

more  supremely  ridiculous  than  the  bugaboo  that  the  Pope  or  the  Church 
is  reaching  out  to  control  l  every  rational  or  intentional  act,  including  the 
casting  of  a  ballot '  ? 

"  The  second  fallacy  in  the  remarkable  document  before  us  is  the  state 
ment  that  the  Catholic  Church  is  a  danger  to  the  republic. 

"There  is  nothing  surely  in  the  form  of  our  government  which  the 
Church  reprobates.  Her  infallible  head,  in  his  encyclical  on  civil  power, 
expressly  teaches  that  no  form  of  rule  is  open  to  the  Church's  disap 
proval  provided  it  be  just  and  for  the  common  good.  The  oldest  repub 
lics  in  the  world  were  established  under  Catholic  auspices.  The  blood 
of  Catholics  reddened  every  battlefield  in  the  struggle  for  American 
independence,  as  it  flowed  freely  in  every  subsequent  national  conflict. 
Should  another  war  break  out  (which  may  God  avert!)  Catholics  will  be 
found  to  march  to  their  country's  defense  at  the  first  blast  of  the  bugle. 
It  is  at  least  a  century  too  late  to  question  our  patriotism  or  our  civil 
allegiance. 

"  Danger  to  the  republic  can  never  come  from  the  Catholics  while  they 
remain  faithful  to  their  religion,  which,  in  the  language  of  St.  Paul, 
teaches  obedience  to  constituent  authorities,  and  in  the  words  of  St. 
Augustine,  inculcates  'Charity  toward  all  and  malice  to  none'  (' De 
Moribus  Ecclesise,'  lib.  i.  c.  30).  The  signs  of  the  times  show  danger 
signals  in  the  fast  rising  flood  of  socialism  and  anarchy,  and  thinking 
men  the  world  over  find  the  greatest  bulwark  against  these  dangers  in 
the  conservative  principles  and  doctrines  of  the  Catholic  Church.  All 
her  past  history  shows  what  she  has  done  for  the  people — mitigating 
their  sorrows,  alleviating  their  hard  fate  in  cases  of  plague,  famine,  or 
oppression,  pleading  their  cause  at  the  bar  of  justice  and  humanity; 
while  she  has  aided  civil  governments,  in  turn,  by  protecting  their  just 
rights,  and  enforcing  due  obedience  to  their  authority;  endeavoring 
always,  in  one  word,  to  make  both  rulers  and  people  realize  that  all  are 
children  of  one  Father  who  is  in  heaven,  all  destined  to  enjoy  together 
the  same  blessed  immortality.  The  Church  is  allied  to  no  form  of  gov 
ernment;  she  flourishes  under  every  form  in  which  justice  and  right  pre 
vail;  her  supreme  guide  of  conduct  and  her  chief  solicitude  consisting  in 
the  great  maxim,  'Seek  ye  first  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  all  things  else 
shall  be  added  unto  you.' 

"  Lastly,  it  is  said  the  perpetuity  of  our  free  institutions  depends  on 
individual  sovereignty. 

"  If  this  proposition  be  intended  to  imply  that  a  good  Catholic  cannot 
be  a  good  citizen,  stubborn  facts  are  against  it.  If  merely  a  truism, 
it  need  not  occupy  our  attention. 

"  With  the  indignation  born  of  logic  and  history,  we  repel  the  odious 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  243 

charge  that  the  Church  of  Christ  cannot  live  in  harmony  with  the  Amer 
ican  republic.  Only  by  distorting  and  perverting  the  plain  language  of 
the  Vatican  decree  can  it  be  made  to  seem  that  the  Vicar  of  Christ  inter 
feres  with  the  exercise  of  individual  liberty.  Fortunately,  in  the  case  of 
the  reigning  Pontiff  the  charge  is  made  against  one  whom  the  civilized 
world  has  learned  to  admire  and  revere  as  the  friend  of  the  laboring 
classes;  as  the  champion  of  the  down-trodden  slave  in  darkest  Africa; 
as  the  patron  and  lover  of  history,  of  arts  and  letters;  as  the  pacificator 
of  nations;  as  *a  light  from  heaven.'  Let  us  strengthen  his  hands  by 
offering  him  material  means  to  carry  on  the  beneficent  work  of  the 
Church;  let  us  aid  him  by  our  prayers,  and  let  us  console  his  paternal 
heart  by  putting  in  practice  the  beautiful  lessons  he  has  so  often  and  so 
eloquently  taught  of  meekness,  of  charity,  of  earnestness  and  persever- 
ence  in  prayer,  of  fervor  in  the  pursuit  of  every  Christian  virtue. 

"Have  the  kindness,  reverend  dear  sir,  to  read  this  letter  to  your  flock, 
that  they  may  be  on  the  alert  to  defend  our  holy  mother,  the  Churclj, 
against  the  spread  of  calumnies,  which,  like  weeds,  need  constant  care  and 
healthy,  energetic  treatment. 

"  I  am,  reverend  dear  sir,  very  faithfully  yours, 

"MICHAEL  AUGUSTINE, 

"Archbishop  of  New  York." 


Come,  Michael  Augustine,  be  honest !  When  you  quote 
from  an  opponent,  quote  literally,  and  do  not  deceive  your 
followers  by  directing  to  be  read,  from  the  altars  where  you 
control  the  teachings,  distorted  passages,  intentionally  omit 
ting  an  important  statement  of  historical  fact.  This  is  the 
entire  passage,  from  which  you  quote  : 

"  Politico-ecclesiasticism  with  its  sweeping  claims  over  the 
morals  of  men,  reaching  every  rational  or  intentional  act, 
including  the  act  of  voting,  and  which  in  foreign  countries 
constitutes  the  basis  for  a  distinct  political  party,  must  not  be 
allowed  to  undermine  the  Great  Republic,  whose  perpetuity 
depends  upon  individual  sovereignty." 

Why  keep  from  the  ears  of  your  people  this  statement  of 
fact :  "  and  which  in  foreign  countries  constitutes  the  basis 
for  a  distinct  political  party  "  ?  Why  put  three  little  innocent 
stars  in  the  place  of  this  statement  of  great  historic  import? 


244  Facing  tJie  twentieth  Century. 

The  Archbishop's  "  bull  "  virtually  admits  that  an  assault 
on  politieo-ecclesiastwism  is  an  assault  upon  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church.  This  eliminates  from  the  discussion  the 
necessity  of  submitting  the  abundant  proof  at  hand.  There 
fore,  let  it  l)e  understood  that  the  Romanism  of  the  Greater 
New  York,  under  the  leadership  of  Archbishop  Corrigan 
speaking  ex  catliedra,  is  a  politico-ecclesiastical  organization. 

The  Archbishop,  after  making  a  garbled  quotation  from 
"  Civic  Interrogations,"  as  before  stated,  then  says  : 

"  This  modest  sentence  contains  the  three  following  propo 
sitions: 

"  First. — The  Catholic  Church,  as  focused  in  its  infallible 
Head,  extends  its  sweeping  claims  over  every  human  act, 
including  the  act  of  voting. 

"Second. — The  Catholic  Church  is  a  danger  to  the  re 
public. 

"  Third. — The  perpetuity  of  our  free  institutions  depends 
on  individual  sovereignty." 

On  the  first  proposition  the  epistle  of  Michael  Augustine 
gives  the  stock  incoherent  statements  and  perversions  of 
Scripture  which  no  intelligent  Roman  Catholic  believes,  and 
for  which  the  general  public  has  a  wholesome  disgust. 

On  the  question  of  morals  he  substantially  decrees  a 
divorce  between  a  man's  morals  and  his  civic  character. 

On  the  second  proposition  he  does  not  seem  to  recognize 
the  fact  that,  politically  as  well  as  religiously,  "  no  man  can 
serve  two  masters  ";  and  that  the  first  loyalty  of  a  Romanist 
is  due  to  a  foreign  potentate  who  claims  temporal  as  well  as 
spiritual  power. 

On  the  third  proposition  the  writer  hedges  most  humili- 
atingly.  "  Civic  Interrogations"  did  not  assert  "that  the 
church  of  Christ  cannot  live  in  harmony  with  the  American 
republic;."  The  church  of  Christ  can  and  does  "live  in 
harmony  with  the  American  republic."  If  that  portion  of  the 
"church  of  Christ"  with  a  Roman  prefix  has  aroused  suspi- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  245 

cions  in  the  public  mind  concerning  its  relations  to  individual 
sovereignty,  it  becomes  its  authorities  to  dissipate  these  sus 
picious  by  changing  their  political  tactics  and  not  by  pro 
nouncing  panegyrics  on  Leo  XIII. 

The  Archbishop  says  :  "  Can  a  single  syllable  be  adduced 
emanating  from  the  Roman  Pontiff  for  the  purpose  of  directing 
our  ballots  ? "  He  well  knows  that  this  is  playing  with  words. 
Archbishop  Corrigan  is  at  the  head  of  the  hierarchy  in  this 
center  of  population.  What  did  he  mean  when,  in  August, 
1896,  he  stated  to  a  gentleman  of  culture  and  veracity  in  this 
city,  after  declaring  that  the  Church  took  an  active  part  in  the 
Mayoralty  contest  of  1886,  that  "  the  Church  would  take  as 
great  a  part  in  the  coming  campaign  [of  1896,  when  Tammany 
cast  135,000  votes]  as  it  did  in  the  Henry  George  campaign"? 
Does  His  Grace  deny  that  priests  in  his  diocese,  both  in  the 
political  contest  of  1886  and  1896,  definitely  instructed  their 
parishioners  how  to  vote,  from  the  altars  of  the  churches  ? 
Does  the  representative  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  in  these  parts 
mean  to  be  understood  that  he  and  his  priests  acted  in  these 
instances  without  the  authority  of  their  master  ? 

Space  has  been  given  to  the  important  "  Peter-pence  "  docu 
ment  from  Archbishop  Corrigan  in  which  he  essays  to  correct 
what  he  asserts  to  be  "  some  misapprehensions  or  misrepresen 
tations  regarding  the  office  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  which  are 
continually  reported  to  our  discredit  in  periods  of  passing 
excitement  or  on  the  eve  of  popular  elections  "  ;  and  the  facts 
concerning  the  inspiration  of  the  document  and  the  brief  re 
sponses  to  the  same,  because  of  their  important  bearing  upon  the 
Archbishop's  relations  as  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Pope,  in  this  "colony"  of  his  world-wide 
dominions,  to  politics  and  the  individual  sovereignty  of  the 
citizen.  In  other  parts  of  our  discussion  of  the  menace  of 
politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  we  shall  be  anxious  to 
know,  when  we  summon  the  Archbishop  as  a  witness,  if  he 
desires  to  be  considered  as  speaking  ex-cathedra. 


240  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

We  now  summon  Henry  George  in  the  interests  of  Arch 
bishop  Corrigan : 

"  In  the  second  issue  of  the  Standard  I  stated  that  in  the 
election  Archbishop  Corrigan  not  only  wanted  to  defeat  a 
certain  candidate,  but  also  wanted  to  defeat  the  call  for  a 
constitutional  convention;  that  he  communicated  with  priests 
to  influence  them  to  vote  against  the  convention,  and  that  at  a 
gathering  where  one  of  these  priests  endeavored  to  carry  out 
the  wishes  of  the  archbishop  a  proposition  was  made  to  get 
hold  of  the  bags  containing  ballots  in  favor  of  the  convention 
and  destroy  them. 

"  Archbishop  Corrigan  saw  fit  through  a  Herald  reporter 
to  say  that  this  statement  was  false,  and  through  a  Tribune 
reporter  that  it  was  ridiculous ;  whereupon  I  stated  in  the 
last  number  of  the  Standard  that  if  he  would  come  out  over 
his  own  signature  and  make  an  unequivocal  denial,  I  would 
either  give  ray  authority  or  retract  the  statement.  In  the 
meantime,  as  showing  that  such  interference  in  politics  was 
nothing  new  on  the  part  of  Archbishop  Corrigan,  I  referred 
to  the  fact  that  as  Bishop  of  Newark  some  years  ago  he  sought 
in  a  similar  way  to  influence  the  priests  of  his  diocese  to 
defeat  certain  proposed  amendments  to  the  constitution  of 
New  Jersey. 

"  Archbishop  Corrigan  has  not  seen  fit  to  make  the  denial 
I  called  for,  nor  do  I  think  he  is  likely  to.  If  he  does,  how 
ever,  I  stand  ready  either  to  substantiate  the  statement  or  to 
make  public  retraction. 

u  In  the  interval  the  New  York  Herald  has  hunted  up  the 
facts  in  the  New  Jersey  episode  to  which  I  referred.  In  1875 
amendments  to  the  constitution  of  New  Jersey  were  sub 
mitted  to  the  vote  of  the  people  of  that  State.  These  amend 
ments  prohibited  the  legislature  from  granting  special  privi 
leges  to  corporations,  associations,  or  individuals,  and  from 
making  special  laws  in  reference  to  the  management  and  sup 
port  of  public  schools  ;  prohibited  the  donation  of  money, 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  247 

land,  property,  or  credit  by  the  State  or  any  municipal  cor 
poration  to  any  individual,  association,  or  corporation  ;  forbade 
counties,  cities,  and  towns  from  becoming  security  for,  or 
directly  or  indirectly  the  owner  of,  any  stocks  or  bonds  of  any 
association  or  corporation,  and  required  the  legislature  to 
provide  for  the  support  of  a  thorough  and  efficient  system  of 
free  public  schools. 

"  A  few  days  before  the  election  Archbishop  Corrigan,  then 
bishop  of  Newark,  issued  the  following  letter  to  the  priests 
of  his  diocese,  a  copy  of  which  was  obtained  by  the  Newark 
Daily  Advertiser  and  published  by  it  on  the  evening  preced 
ing  election.  Its  authenticity  has  never  been  denied  : 

"  <  NEWARK,  September  3,  1875. 
"  '  REVEREND  AND  DEAR  SIR  : 

"  '  Having  taken  legal  advice,  I  am  informed  that  by  the 
new  constitutional  amendment  clerical  property  is  liable  to 
taxation.  This  would  involve  so  heavy  an  additional  burden 
to  the  diocese  that  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  recommend  you 
to  instruct  your  people  to  strike  out  the  objectionable  clause, 
or,  better  still,  to  make  assurance  doubly  sure,  let  them  strike 
out  the  whole  ballot. 

"  '  It  is  not  enough  to  abstain  from  voting  ;  let  them  vote 
and  vote  against  the  amendment. 

"  '  Very  truly  yours, 

"  *  MICHAEL,  Bishop  of  Newark. 

" '  P.  S.  Remember  that  our  people  must  cancel  by  pen  or 
pencil  the  whole  ballot,  and  then  vote  it  thus  canceled,  in 
order  to  protest  against  injustice. 

"  '  Remember  also  that  the  special  election  in  regard  to 
these  constitutional  amendments  will  take  place  next  Tuesday, 
September  7.' 

"  Observe  the  phraseology.  The  archbishop,  with  the 
absolute  power  of  removal  and  promotion  in  his  hands, 
recommends  to  his  priests  to  instruct  their  people  how  to  vote 
on  a  most  important  constitutional  amendment.  This  is  the 


248  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

power  which  Archbishop  Corrigan  uses,  as  he  claims,  at  the 
behest  of  Italian  cardinals. 

"  The  true  story  of  how  this  letter  of  Archbishop  Cor- 
rigan's  got  into  print  has  never  been  publicly  told,  although 
it  has  been  laugfeeu  over  many  a  time  in  the  private  gather 
ings  of  Catholic  clergy,  when  they  felt  secure  from  archiepis- 
copal  eavesdropping.  Many  of  the  priests  of  the  Newark 
diocese  felt  humiliated  and  outraged  by  Bishop  Corrigau's 
interference  in  politics  then,  just  as  many  of  the  priests  of 
this  diocese  feel  humiliated  and  outraged  by  Archbishop 
Corrigan's  interference  in  politics  now;  but  being  absolutely 
under  his  thumb,  none  of  them  dared  to  say  a  word.  There 
was,  however,  in  the  diocese,  a  German  priest,  whose  knowledge 
of  English  was  so  extremely  limited  that  he  interpreted  the 
word  l  confidential,'  written  across  the  bishop's  letter,  to  mean 
'  confide  all '  —that  is  to  say,  '  tell  everybody,'  '  publish 
this  broadcast,'  and  finding  privately  that  this  was  his  notion 
of  t  confidential,'  some  American  priests  took  means  to  quietly 
intimate  to  a  Newark  Advertiser  reporter  that  he  had  better 
go  to  see  the  German  priest  and  ask  for  a  copy  of  the  bishop's 
letter,  as  a  matter  of  course.  The  reporter  went ;  the  German 
priest  instantly  complied,  glad  to  get  the  opportunity  to  obey 
what  he  thought  was  the  injunction  of  his  bishop,  the  Newark 
Advertiser  published  the  letter,  and  the  waggish  priests  had 
a  laugh  which  comes  back  yet  whenever  the  incident  is 
recalled."— The  Standard,  January  29,  1887. 

Sometimes  the  Roman  priests  resort  to  very  cruel  methods 
for  influencing  the  voter.  They  play  upon  the  sorrows  of 
the  heart  and  upon  the  religious  desire  for  burial  in  conse 
crated  ground  for  the  purpose  of  political  intimidation.  We 
have  from  the  lips  of  witnesses  of  veracity  their  personal 
experience  in  this  direction,  during  the  single-tax  contro 
versy  and  at  the  time  Henry  George  and  Dr.  McGlynn  were 
in  political  alliance. 

The  following  is  one  of  the  numerous  illustrations  which 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  249 

we  could  furnish :  A  devout  Roman  Catholic  living  on  Long 
Island,  within  the  New  York  City  limits,  went  to  his  priest 
for  confession.  The  priest  asked  him  if  he  was  connected 
with  the  United  Labor  Party.  When  the  man  responded  in 
the  affirmative,  the  priest  told  him  that  unless  he  promised 
that  he  would  not  vote  for  the  United  Labor  Party  he  could 
not  give  him  absolution ;  thus  in  the  confessional  intimida 
tion  was  used.  After  the  man  came  from  the  confessional 
he  told  another  priest  the  facts  of  the  case,  and  this  priest 
told  him  to  cross  the  river  and  go  to  a  New  York  priest, 
whom  he  named,  and  make  his  confession,  and  then  he  would 
be  ready  for  communion  the  following  Sunday.  We  have  in 
our  possession  the  statement  of  the  experience  of  several 
honest  Roman  Catholics  identical  with  the  above. 

If  we  can  contribute  in  the  least  to  the  awakening  of  honest 
Roman  Catholic  voters  to  the  fact  that  their  first  loyalty  as 
citizens  is  due  to  the  government  under  which  they  live,  and 
that  this  loyalty  need  not  affect  their  loyalty  to  their  religious 
faith  as  Catholics,  but  rather  make  it  more  rational,  uplifting, 
and  self-respecting,  we  shall  have  rendered  a  genuine  service 
to  these  our  fellow-citizens,  and  to  their  and  our  country. 

Is  it  not  time  that  the  American  people  intelligently  recog 
nized  the  situation  as  it  is,  and  while  granting  equal  rights 
with  all  others  to  Roman  Catholicism  as  a  religion,  insist 
on  its  non-interference  as  a  political  organization  with  the 
sovereignty  of  the  citizen  ?  We  must  have  no  imperium  in 
imperio  in  this  republic. 

Will  not  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  consent  to  retire 
without  compulsion  from  this  field,  and  let  religious  Roman 
ism  have  a  chance  to  prove  its  right  to  the  title  of  Holy 
Catholic  by  its  good  works  and  by  its  molding  of  the  char 
acters  of  men  into  the  image  of  Christ,  without  asserting 
a  power  over  their  civic  action  which  Christ  never  claimed  ? 

The  American  people  will  soon  reach  a  condition  of  polit 
ical  conviction  that  will  demand,  first,  supreme  and  absolute 


250  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

loyalty  to  the  republic  as  a  condition  for  office-holding  and 
citizenship.  They  will  not  permit  our  institutions  to  be  either 
corn  promised,  surrendered,  or  apologized  for.  The  republic 
was  founded  as  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  all  climes  who 
should  come  to  enjoy  our  dearly  purchased  liberties,  but  it 
was  not  founded  to  be  the  convenient  money-making  and 
dwelling  place  of  men  who  enjoy  our  republican  benefactions, 
while  they  hold  and  give  allegiance  to  a  foreign  potentate 
who  controls  their  conduct  and  shares  in  all  matters  pertain 
ing  to  citizenship.  This  they  must  stop !  Multitudes  are 
breaking  away  from  this  foreign  power.  All  must,  if  they 
are  to  preserve  a  good  conscience  in  their  loyalty  to  Ameri 
can  institutions.  Let  Romanism  do  its  religious  work  at  its 
own  expense  and  receive  proper  credit  for  it.  Let  it  keep 
out  of  politics  and  thus  prove  that  it  is  Christian  and  not 
pagan. 

Just  at  the  present  time,  when  the  United  States  has 
driven  from  the  New  World  the  last  recognized  imperial  rep 
resentative  of  papal  power,  and  broken  the  last  agonized 
and  dying  clutch  of  a  cruel  Latin  civilization  on  the  Western 
Hemisphere,  it  is  an  opportune  moment  to  serve  notice  upon 
the  adherents  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  that  perfect 
religious  liberty  is  guaranteed  them  here,  but  that  they  must 
keep  out  of  politics  and  stop  attempting  to  control  the  polit 
ical  sovereignty  of  any  section  of  our  citizenship. 

THE     RELATIONS     OF     POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL     ROMANISM     TO 
PARTY    POLITICS    AND    TO    POLITICIANS. 

The  close  relation  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to 
party  politics  and  politicians  is  most  pronounced  in  many 
countries  and  no  attempt  is  made  to  deny  it,  but  on  the  con 
trary  it  is  asserted  and  used  as  a  power  to  promote  or  prevent 
legislation  and  to  bring  rulers  and  political  leaders  into  sub 
jection  by  threats  and  intimidation.  This  is  equally  and 
universally  true  in  the  United  States,  although  it  is  frequently 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Homanism.  251 

denied.  On  this  matter  we  have  no  hesitancy  in  asserting 
that  denial  of  the  fact  is  simply  excuseless  and  intentional 
misrepresentation.  Romanism,  in  its  relation  to  civic  affairs 
in  this  nation,  is  a  political  machine  controlled  by  under 
bosses  who  are  the  abject  slaves  of  a  foreign  boss.  And  it  is 
to  the  credit  of  the  fidelity  of  these  bosses  that  under  most 
conditions  they  are  openly  proud  of  their  loyalty,  and  under 
all  conditions  they  are  faithful  to  their  chief,  although  their 
fidelity  often  requires  them  to  be  traitors  to  civic  vows  and 
honorable  partisan  obligations  which  they  consider  secondary, 
and  hypocrites  to  social  obligations  which  they  consider  inci 
dental.  This  politico-ecclesiastical  power  in  the  republic 
demoralizes  citizenship  and  corrupts  civilization.  It  is  the 
duty  of  the  individual  citizens  and  of  the  aggregation  of  citi 
zens  called  the  nation,  either  to  face  this  power  with  intelli 
gent  courage  and  compel  it  to  relax  its  grasp  upon  both  the 
conscience  of  the  citizen  and  the  character  of  the  nation,  or 
reconstruct  their  theories  of  civil  government  by  repealing 
both  the  Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  Constitution, 
and  by  substituting  for  them  the  dogma  of  Papal  Infallibility 
of  1870  and  the  Canon  Law  of  Romanism. 

Romanism  maintains  such  absolute  control  over  its  indi 
vidual  adherents  that  it  can  either  make  a  political  party  of  its 
own,  or  throw  its  solid  vote  with  any  political  party  with 
which  it  can  make  the  best  contract,  and  from  which  it  can 
secure  the  greatest  amount  of  spoils  either  in  offices,  legisla 
tion,  or  appropriations.  It  does  this  kind  of  business  with 
unerring  regularity.  It  cares  not  for  majorities  so  long  as  it 
holds  the  balance  of  power.  When  casting  an  actual  majority 
of  the  votes  in  any  given  locality,  it  is  openly  grasping  and 
imperious,  as  in  New  York  City,  and  then  a  nauseating  re 
vulsion  occasionally  overthrows  it,  so  that  it  usually  prefers 
to  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  one  of  the  political  parties, 
and  then  it  gets  a  majority  of  the  offices  and  a  preponderating 
amount  of  the  appropriations  without  being  held  responsible 


252  Facing  tlw  Twentieth  Century. 

for  political  party  dereliction.  It  is  the  most  unscrupulously 
astute  power  in  all  political  history.  And  it  is  supposed  to 
be  primarily  a  religious  organization,  and  uses  its  religious 
work  to  promote  its  political  ends.  When  will  the  Ameri 
can  people  insist  upon  common  honesty  in  the  relations  of 
Romanism  to  the  Republic  ?  When  will  they  take  an  atti 
tude  which  shall  say  to  the  honest  American  Roman  Catholic 
that  he  shall  be  protected  in  all  his  civil  and  religious  rights 
in  this  republic,  with  the  understanding  that  his  religious 
loyalty  is  due  to  religious  Catholicism,  and  that  his  civic 
loyalty  is  due  to  the  nation  which  secures  to  him  his  civil  and 
religious  privileges  ? 

In  every  State,  and  in  every  municipality  of  any  consider 
able  population,  Romanism  has  some  recognized  political 
party  alliance.  In  these  alliances  it  is  usually  most  open  and 
pronounced.  It  aims  at  dictation  and  spoils  always.  The 
questions  of  patriotism  and  self-respecting  citizenship  are 
never  considered.  These  questions  do  not  come  within  the 
scope  of  the  purposes  of  Romanism. 

As  surely  as  Rome  in  the  Old  World  has  taken  part,  when 
ever  opportunity  has  presented,  for  ten  centuries  in  the  selec 
tion  or  election  of  kings  and  presidents,  so  surely  has  she 
taken  part  in  the  election  of  rulers  in  the  United  States.  She 
is  never  out  of  politics. 

The  New  York  Herald,  owned  and  edited  by  a  Roman 
Catholic,  told  some  startling  truths  about  political  Romanism 
a  few  years  since.  It  said  : 

"  The  people  have  an  opportunity  to  see  just  what  sort  of 
institution  the  Catholic  Church  is  in  politics,  and  to  under 
stand  what  a  farce  it  would  be  to  pretend  that  free  govern 
ment  can  continue  where  it  is  permitted  to  touch  its  hand  to 
politics.  .  . 

'  This  is  a  Protestant  country,  and  the  American  people  are 
a  Protestant  people.  They  tolerate  all  religions,  even  Mo 
hammedanism,  but  there  are  some  points  in  these  tolerated  reli- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  253 

gions  to  which  they  object,  and  will  not  permit,  and  the  vice 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  by  which  it  has  rotted  out  the  politi 
cal  institutions  of  all  countries  where  it  exists,  which  has 
made  it  like  a  flight  of  locusts  everywhere,  will  be  properly 
rebuked  here  when  it  fairly  shows  its  purpose."  The  article 
added  an  assurance  that  the  Herald  was  "  in  the  fullest  possi 
ble  sympathy  with  American  opinion  on  this  important 
topic,"  and  a  few  days  later  the  editor,  recurring  to  this  sub 
ject,  wrote:  "In  all  it  then  said,  the  Herald  has  the  sympa 
thy  of  many  loyal  and  devoted  Catholics." 

The  Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII.  of  November  1,  1885, 
says  : 

"  The  Church  is  in  perfect  harmony  with  all  modern  prog 
ress,  and  leaves  intact  the  legitimate  liberty  of  the  people. 
Every  Catholic  should  rigidly  adhere  to  the  teachings  of  the 
Roman  pontiffs,  especially  in  the  matter  of  modern  liberty, 
which  already,  under  the  semblance  of  honesty  of  purpose, 
leads  to  error  and  destruction. 

"  We  exhort  all  Catholics  who  would  devote  careful  atten 
tion  to  public  matters  to  take  an  active  part  in  all  municipal 
affairs  and  elections,  and  to  further  the  principles  of  the 
Church  in  all  public  services,  meetings,  and  gatherings.  All 
Catholics  must  make  themselves  felt  as  active  elements  in 
daily  political  life  in  the  countries  where  they  live.  They 
must  penetrate,  wherever  possible,  in  the  administration  of 
civil  affairs ;  must  constantly  exert  the  utmost  vigilance  and 
energy  to  prevent  the  usages  of  liberty  from  going  beyond  the 
limits  fixed  by  God's  law.  All  Catholics  should  do  all  in 
their  power  to  cause  the  constitutions  of  states  and  legisla 
tion  to  be  modeled  on  the  principles  of  the  true  Church.  All 
Catholic  writers  and  journalists  should  never  lose  for  an  in 
stant  from  view  the  above  prescriptions.  All  Catholics  should 
redouble  their  submission  to  authority,  and  unite  their  whole 
heart,  soul,  body,  and  mind  in  the  defense  of  the  Church  and 
Christian  wisdom." 


254  Facing  the  'Twentieth  Century. 

If  the  papacy  is  not  in  politics,  why  is  it  that  the  European 
nations  all  understand  that  they  are  interested  in  the  election 
of  the  successor  of  Leo  XIIL  ?  During  the  summer  of  1898, 
when  alarming  dispatches  were  sent  out  concerning  the  condi 
tion  of  the  health  of  the  Pope,  the  various  envoys  accredited  to 
the  Vatican  were  ordered  to  interrupt  their  vacations  and  re 
turn  at  once  to  their  posts.  The  successorship  to  the  tiara  was, 
according  to  "  Ex- Attache,"  "quite  as  engrossing  a  subject  of 
delicate  negotiation  and  intrigue  in  the  capitals  of  the  Old 
World  as  the  future  disposition  of  the  Philippine  Islands  and 
the  partition  of  China."  It  was  announced  that  Germany, 
Austria,  and  France  proposed  to  raise  their  claims  to  the 
right  of  veto  formerly  possessed  by  some  of  the  Old  World 
Powers,  and  that  Italy  proposed  to  assert  its  temporal  power 
over  the  Vatican  at  the  Pope's  death  and  supervise  the  election 
of  a  successor.  When  Pius  IX.  died,  Bismarck  said,  in  a  speech 
as  Chancellor  in  the  Reichstag :  "  We  shall  abstain  from 
weighing  on  the  papal  election.  But  when  the  latter  has 
been  terminated,  and  the  result  is  announced  to  us,  we  shall 
have  to  examine  whether  or  not  we  will  accept  the  result." 
Germany  is  interested  in  the  election  of  a  Pope  because  the 
Catholic  party  in  the  Reichstag  is  subject  to  orders  from 
the  Vatican  and  often  can  dictate  parliamentary  action  ;  it 
often  holds  the  balance  of  power  and  makes  bargains  for  and 
against  the  government. 

King  William  of  Germany  ostentatiously  takes  the  Roman 
Catholic  interests  in  the  Holy  Land  under  his  protection,  and 
secures  from  the  Sultan  for  the  Pope  territorial  concessions  in 
Jerusalem,  as  the  price  of  the  support  of  the  Catholic  party  of 
the  Center  in  the  Reichstag  in  securing  appropriations  for  the 
large  increase  of  his  standing  army  and  for  the  further  devel 
opment  of  his  navy. 

Bismarck  said  :  "  The  papacy  has  been  a  political  power 
which,  with  the  greatest  audacity,  and  with  the  most  momen 
tous  consequences,  has  interposed  with  the  affairs  of  this  world. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  255 

This  Pope,  this  foreigner,  this  Italian,  is  more  powerful  in 
this  country  than  any  other  one  person,  not  excepting  the 
king." 

Austria  is  interested  in  the  election  of  a  Pope  because,  in 
Austria-Hungary,  the  papal  power  often  dictates  to  the  gov 
ernment,  and  might  be  unfriendly  to  the  Triple  Alliance. 

France  is  interested  in  the  election  of  a  Pope  because  its 
government  is  so  readily  subject  to  change  that  the  papal 
power,  by  its  heavy  hand,  can  often  cause  the  scales  to  turn  in 
favor  of  republic  or  monarchy. 

America  is  interested  in  the  election  of  a  Pope  because  we 
are  anxious  to  know  whether  a  new  pontiff  will  command 
our  respect  by  non-interference  with  the  rights  and  duties  of 
American  citizens ;  as  whenever  the  United  States,  under 
whatever  party  administration,  has  been  obliged  to  meet  inter 
national  complications,  it  has  been  confronted  with  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism. 

Dr.  William  Butler,  the  founder  of  Methodist  Episcopal 
missions  in  India  and  Mexico,  says  of  the  Jesuits  in  his 
"  Mexico  in  Transition  from  the  Power  of  Political  Romanism 
to  Civil  and  Religious  Liberty  " : 

"  This  hateful  society,  whose  machinations  give  the  religious 
world  no  rest,  prepared  the  plan  which  God  reversed  in  Mex 
ico.  Standing  back  in  the  shadow,  they  work  unseen  day  and 
night  for  their  purposes.  By  the  use  of  the  confessional  they 
can  lay  their  hands  on  every  secret  of  social  and  personal  life 
in  every  family  where  they  have  a  representative  of  their  reli 
gion.  And  as  to  politics  and  public  men,  no  power  in  this 
world  is  so  debasing  as  that  of  Jesuitism. 

"  Mexico,  instead  of  being — as  she  was  twenty-five  years 
ago — the  most;  priest-ridden  country  on  earth,  has  worked  her 
way  up,  by  the  help  of  God  and  the  valor  of  her  sons,  to  the 
position  of  the  most  free  of  all  Roman  Catholic  lands,  while 
her  existing  laws  now  sanction  no  monastery  or  nunnery,  sisters 
of  charity,  or  Jesuits,  within  her  bounds.'7 


256  Facing  tlie,  Twentieth  Century. 

Romanism  and  party  politics  are  synonymous  in  Ireland, 
where  large  numbers  of  Irish-American  political  bosses  have 
received  their  education,  which  enables  them  so  easily  to  be 
come  our  masters.  In  "  Democracy  and  Liberty  "  Mr.  Lecky 
says : 

"The  enormous  accession  of  political  power  which  recent 
legislation  has  given  to  the  Catholic  priesthood  in  Ireland  is 
very  evident.  Its  whole  tendency  has  been  to  diminish  and 
destroy  the  influence  of  the  propertied  classes.  The  ballot, 
which  was  supposed  to  secure  freedom  of  vote,  has  had  no 
restraining  influence  upon  a  priesthood  which  claims  an 
empire  over  the  thoughts  and  secret  actions  of  men  ;  and  it  is 
stated  on  good  authority  that  in  cases  where  the  secret  senti 
ments  of  the  voters  were  suspected  they  have  been  continually 
induced  to  pass  themselves  off  as  illiterate,  in  order  that  they 
may  vote  openly  in  the  presence  of  the  priest. 

"  We  have  seen  a  bishop,  in  his  pastorals,  dictating  the 
political  conduct  of  the  voters  with  exactly  the  same  kind 
and  weight  of  an  authority  as  if  he  was  prescribing  a  fast 
or  promulgating  a  theological  doctrine.  We  have  seen  the 
whole  body  of  the  priesthood  turned  into  electioneering 
agents,  and  employing  for  political  purposes  all  the  engines 
and  powers  of  their  profession.  The  chapel  under  this  sys 
tem  becomes  an  electioneering  meeting." 

It  has  been  quite  the  fashion  to  commend  Leo  XIII.  for 
his  commands  to  the  French  Roman  Catholics  to  rally  to  the 
support  of  the  republic.  But  what  is  to  be  said  of  the  power 
of  an  Italian  bishop  who  is  powerless  in  Rome,  which  can 
make  imperialists  and  royalists  disloyal  to  their  political  con 
victions  ?  And  what  power  in  France  is  now  causing  these 
same  abject  subjects  of  Rome  to  vote  and  plot  against  the 
republic  ? 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  carry  its  ends  enters 
.into  any  sort  of  an  alliance.  In  May,  1898,  in  Italy,  the 
clerical  party  joined  with  the  Socialists  and  Anarchists  to 


Pol  it  ico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  257 

overthrow  the  empire  and  set  up  a  republic.  In  France  it 
joined  with  the  royalists  and  imperialists  in  sympathy  with 
Spain  to  overthrow  the  republic  which  it  had  indorsed. 

The  historian  Froude,  writing  on  "  what  a  Catholic  majority 
could  do  in  America,"  says :  "  It  is  only  as  long  as  they  are  a 
small  minority  that  they  can  be  loyal  subjects  under  such  a 
Constitution  as  the  American.  As  their  numbers  grow  they 
will  assert  their  principles  more  and  more.  Give  them  the 
power,  and  the  Constitution  will  be  gone.  A  Catholic  ma 
jority,  under  spiritual  direction,  will  forbid  liberty  of  worship, 
and  will  try  to  forbid  liberty  of  conscience.  It  will  control 
education  ;  it  will  put  the  press  under  surveillance  ;  it  will 
punish  opposition  with  excommunication,  and  excommunica 
tion  will  be  attended  with  civil  disabilities." 

Mr.  Froude  speaks  like  a  seer.  When  the  Romanists  in 
this  country  were  "a  small  minority"  they  were  loyal  to  our 
institutions,  at  least  in  the  sense  of  not  attempting  to  under 
mine  them.  "  As  their  numbers  grew  "  their  political  ambi 
tions  awakened  and  they  have  since  persistently  assaulted  our 
school  system  and  tried  to  force  a  union  of  the  state  and  the 
church  in  matters  pertaining  to  taxation.  Under  the  guise  of 
demanding  "freedom  of  worship  "they  have  forbidden  reli 
gious  liberty  and  enslaved  conscience.  They  have  sought  to 
"  control  education  "  at  the  public  expense.  They  have  already, 
to  an  alarming  extent,  "put  the  press  under  surveillance." 
They  have  already  punished  the  expression  of  political  con 
victions  "  with  excommunication  "  of  the  offender.  They  have 
already  punished  loyalty  to  the  Constitution  on  the  part  of 
some  of  their  number  with  "  civil  disabilities  "  inflicted  by 
their  solid  vote  at  the  polls. 

Referring  to  a  petition  prepared  by  himself  and  other 
prominent  Catholics  for  presentation  to  the  New  York  Legis 
lature  asking  for  the  division  of  the  public-school  funds,  Dr. 
Michael  Walsh,  editor  of  the  New  York  Sunday  Democrat, 
said: 


258  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century.. 

"  We  propose  to  get  the  members  of  tlie  legislature  on  rec 
ord  on  this  question.  The  politicians  are  all  afraid  of  it,  and 
it  will  have  a  lot  of  opposition  to  meet,  of  course,  but  we  ex 
pect  that  and  are  prepared  for  it.  The  politicians  know  that 
any  position  they  may  take  will  hurt  them  with  one  party  or 
the  other;  but  we  do  not  care  for  either  party  ;  the  Catholics 
hold  the  balance  of  power,  and  they  will  not  permit  the  poli 
ticians  to  forget  that  fact.  The  politicians  now  have  hold  of 
a  poker  that  is  hot  at  both  ends,  but  it  is  hotter  for  them  in 
the  middle  and  they  will  have  to  take  hold  at  one  end  or  the 
other." 

Political  Romanism  is  very  astute  in  its  relations  to  politi 
cal  parties  and  principles.  When  it  is  relatively  weak,  it 
unweariedly  adds  to  its  financial  resources,  courts  political 
preferment,  and  with  apparent  modesty  pleads  for  what  it 
calls  political  and  civil  rights.  But  let  restlessness  and  dis 
content  appear  among  the  people,  let  political  and  social  con 
ditions  become  agitated,  let  political  party  contests  become 
angry,  then  this  sleepless  foe  of  human  liberty  and  republican 
institutions  may  be  depended  upon  to  use  its  obediently 
dangerous  solidarity  on  the  side  of  discontent,  discord,  and 
disorganization. 

It  will  make  contracts  with  both  dominant  political  parties, 
vibrating  between  the  two  until  it  becomes  the  ruler  of  both. 
It  is  prompt  and  facile  in  making  bargains  with  politicians, 
and  when  convinced  of  its  conceded  strength,  breaks  them 
without  hesitancy  or  scruple,  or  attempted  justification. 

It  enters  Masonry  for  political  purposes  despite  the  papal 
condemnation  of  the  institution,  relaxing  its  grip  on  its  adher 
ents  when  the  occasion  seems  to  require  it,  as  the  Propaganda 
Fide  recently  did  in  a  decree  permitting  priests  to  officiate  at 
the  funerals  of  Roman  Catholic  members  of  the  Masonic  body, 
"in  case  the  dead  Mason  was  not  openly  hostile  to  the 
Church." 

Republican   party  political    managers,   leaders,  and  bosses 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  259 

persistently  and  continuously  make  bargains  for  the  delivery 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  vote,  which  they  never  get  unless  the 
returns  in  offices  are  provided  and  paid  with  usurious  per 
centage.  In  fact,  about  the  only  Roman  Catholic  vote  which 
can  be  detached  from  its  usual  anchorage  is  the  vote  of  the 
increasingly  large  numbers  of  Roman  Catholics  who  are  be 
coming  thoroughly  and  intelligently  Americanized,  and  who 
will  not  submit  their  sovereignty  to  either  political  or  eccle 
siastical  dictation. 

In  response  to  a  question  concerning  Harrison's  defeat  in 
1892,  the  Western  Catholic  Neivs  under  date  of  August  21, 
1897,  says  :  "  Yes,  we  know  why  Benjamin  Harrison  was  de 
feated.  Chiefly  because  he  treacherously  used  his  high  posi 
tion  to  cut  the  political  throat  of  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine,  a 
member  of  his  own  Cabinet,  and  the  greatest  of  American 
Statesmen  for  the  last  half  century ;  because  he  was  and  is  a 
sectarian  bigot" 

This  paper  has  the  "  ecclesiastical  approbation  "  of  P.  A. 
Feehan,  Archbishop  of  Chicago  ;  J.  L.  Spalding,  Bishop  of 
Peoria  ;  James  Ryan,  Bishop  of  Alton ;  John  Janssen,  Bishop 
of  Belleville,  who  are  willing  to  be  responsible  for  its  state 
ments. 

The  acknowledgment  is  certainly  frank  and  prompt,  but 
we  suspect  it  did  not  comprehend  what  the  American  people 
might  say  after  hearing  the  boast. 

Now  after  this  answer  one  can  understand  why  secret  politi 
cal  societies  sprang  into  being  all  over  the  land,  proscribing 
this  Roman  sect  in  politics,  and  why  commercial  depression 
unparalleled,  followed  by  panic  and  financial  distress,  came 
upon  seventy  million  of  people,  and  why  Cardinal  Satolli 
made  his  appearance  here,  and  why  Senators  Caffery,  Smith, 
and  Murphy  (Roman  Catholics)  dared  oppose  their  party  on 
the  Wilson  bill  in  1893. 

The  following  document  gives  us  a  single  specimen  of 
Rome's  political  methods  : 


260  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

REPORT. 

THE    BUREAU    OF    CATHOLIC    INDIAN    MISSIONS. 

WASHINGTON,  D.    C.,  July  2?,   1892. 
R  it/hi  Reverend  Dear  /Sir: 

I  have  the  honor  to  submit  herewith  my  annual  report,  and  in  view 
of  the  important  events  that  have  transpired  during  the  past  }rear,  I  feel 
obliged  to  review  at  some  length  the  relations  of  this  Bureau  with  the 
head  of  the  Indian  Office  and  other  Government  officials,  more  particu 
larly  since  July  1,  1889,  the  day  Mr.  Morgan  became  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs.  And  in  connection  with  this  matter  I  am  constrained  to 
request  that  you  will  keep  this  report  from  the  eye  of  the  public;  not  for 
the  reason  that  the  public  should  not  know  of  the  facts  herein  stated,  for 
these  facts  should  be  known  of  all  men,  and  being  known,  I  am  sure 
they  would  cause  every  good  citizen  of  whatever  party  or  religion  to 
marvel  at  the  bigotry  and  intolerance  which  have  crippled  the  hand  of 
the  church  in  its  work  of  educating  and  redeeming  from  paganism  the 
children  of  our  Indian  wards.  But  this  is  the  year  of  a  Presidential  elec 
tion,  and  if  this  arraignment  of  the  Indian  Office  were  given  to  the 
public  at  this  time  party  prejudice,  perverting  the  judgment  of  even  the 
best  of  men,  would  denounce  it  as  an  attempt  to  furnish  partisan  ammuni 
tion  to  one  of  the  parties  in  the  contest.  This  result  I  anticipate,  that  it 
may  be  obviated.  I  am,  and  for  many  years  have  been,  a  member  of  the 
party  to  which  the  bigoted  Commissioner,  and  not  much  less  bigoted 
President,  belong. 

Prior  to  July  1st,  1889,  the  most  friendly  relations  existed  between 
this  Bureau  and  all  the  officials  with  whom  it  transacted  its  business,  and 
the  same  harmonious  relations  would  have  continued  to  this  day  if  Mr. 
Morgan  had  not  begun  a  crusade  against  our  work,  the  particulars  of 
which  will  be  detailed  further  on. 

I  clearly  saw  that  if  this  man  were  permitted  to  go  unchallenged  he 
would,  within  his  four  years'  term  of  office,  close  all  our  schools,  and  the 
children  upon  whom  so  much  labor  had  been  spent  would  be  forced  into 
his  unfriendly,  proselyting  schools. 

To  get  this  unfair  and  unfriendly  man  out  of  the  Indian  Office,  and 
if  possible  have  some  fair-minded  gentleman  take  his  place,  I  put  forth 
every  effort,  beginning  first  with  my  address  to  His  Eminence  the 
Cardinal  and  to  SOUK;  thirty  Archbishops  and  Bishops  at  the  meeting 
in  Baltimore  at  the  time  of  the  Centennial  or  Catholic  Congress. 

We  (jailed  upon  President  Harrison  by  appointment,  and  had  a 
conference  with  him  in  the  presence  of  Secretaries  IJlaine  and  Windom. 
At  this  interview  the  President  stated  that  he  wanted  the  Indian  chil- 


~ 


c  < 

<  2 
o 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  261 

dren  educated  in  Government  schools,  thus  indorsing  Morgan's  policy 
in  this  respect,  and  he  denied  our  request  to  withdraw  the  nominations 
of  Messrs.  Morgan  and  Dorchester,  thus  showing  his  preference  for  these 
two  men  to  the  Hierarchy  and  Catholics  of  the  country.  .  . 

Faith  fully  yours, 

(Signed)  J.  A.  STEPHAN,  Director. 

Rt.  Rev.  M.  MARTY, 

President  Board  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions. 

It  will  be  observed  that  Stephan's  secret  purpose  was  treas 
ured  up  three  years  aud  was  not  released  to  do  its  work  until 
after  President  Harrison's  renomination  in  1892. 

The  hierarchy  cared  not  what  financial  questions  were  in 
volved,  or  whether  distress  would  result  to  the  millions.  Pres 
ident  Harrison  had  "  crossed"  them  ;  he  must  pay  the  penalty, 
so  that  his  successors  would  better  serve  their  demands. 

The  Catholic  Review,  February  15,  1896,  said  :  "  Mr.  Ben 
jamin  Harrison  has  written  a  letter  to  decline  to  be  a  candidate 
for  the  Republican  nomination  for  President.  .  . 

"  Mr.  Harrison  could  not  get  the  nomination  without  a 
contest  and  is  not  sure  that  he  could  get  it  even  after  the 
hardest  kind  of  a  struggle.  He  must  know  that  the  proba 
bilities  are  against  him.  He  shrinks  from  the  mortification  of 
defeat  and  gracefully  hauls  down  his  lightning-rod.  He  made 
a  respectable  President,  having  against  him  only  his  anti- 
Catholic  Indian  policy,  and  his  co-operation  with  the  Protes 
tant  missionary  faction  in  Hawaii  to  rob  that  country  of  self- 
government  and  annex  it  to  the  United  States." 

And  now  we  have  one  secret  of  the  defeat  of  Benjamin 
Harrison  from  the  lips  of  politico-ecclesiastical  conspirators 
who  claim  never  to  enter  politics. 

The  New  York  Press,  the  day  after  the  Presidential  elec 
tion,  1892,  said: 

"  The  reason  why  Connecticut  went  so  strongly  for  Cleveland 
is  explained  by  a  lying  circular,  almost  as  gross  a  forgery  as 
the  Morey  letter.  It  represented  President  Harrison  as  having 
said  to  Indian  Commissioner  Morgan  that  a  Catholic  school  in 


202  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Colorado  must  be  Presbyterianized.  This  circular  was  sent 
to  all  the  French  Catholics  in  Connecticut,  secretly.  It  was  a 
lie  out  of  whole  cloth,  but  it  served  its  purpose." 

Romanism  is  persistently  interfering  in  the  making  of 
political  party  platforms,  and  constantly  on  the  watch  to  ex 
clude  from  them  any  expression  of  purpose  to  nurture  and 
protect  principles  and  institutions  distinctively  American.  In 
1892  overtures  were  made  to  both  of  the  dominant  political 
parties  to  take  at  least  as  creditable  a  stand  on  the  common- 
school  (question,  and  on  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment 
to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  prohibiting  sectarian 
appropriation  by  the  several  States,  as  they  did  in  1876.  But 
ecclesiastical  terrors  were  so  influential  that  the  following 
deliverances  were  the  measures  of  the  then  political  party 
patriotism  and  courage. 

The  Republican  platform  says  : 

"  The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  government  is  the 
intelligence  of  the  people  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom 
ainoncr  men.  We  therefore  declare  anew  our  devotion  to 

o 

liberty  of  thought  and  conscience,  of  speech  and  press,  and 
approve  all  agencies  and  instruments  which  contribute  to  the 
education  of  the  children  of  the  land  ;  but  while  insisting  upon 
the  fullest  measure  of  religious  liberty,  we  are  opposed  to  any 
union  of  church  and  state." 

The  Democratic  platform  says  : 

"  Popular  education  being  the  only  safe  basis  of  popular 
suffrage,  we  recommend  to  the  several  States  most  liberal  ap 
propriations  for  the  public  schools.  Free  public  schools  are 
the  nursery  of  good  government,  and  they  have  always  re 
ceived  the  fostering  care  of  the  Democratic  Party,  Avhich  favors 
every  means  of  increasing  intelligence.  Freedom  of  education 
being  an  essential  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  as  well  as 
a  necessity  for  the  development  of  intelligence,  must  not  be 
interfered  with  under  any  pretext  whatever.  We  are  opposed 
to  state  interference  with  parental  rights  and  rights  of  con- 

1  O  O 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  263 

science  in  the  education  of  children,  as  an  infringement  of 
the  fundamental  Democratic  doctrine  that  the  largest  indi 
vidual  liberty  consistent  with  the  rights  of  others  insures  the 
highest  type  of  American  citizenship  and  the  best  govern 
ment." 

Let  it  be  remembered  that  prominent  leaders  of  the  plat 
form  committees  of  both  conventions,  in  1892,  gave  the  most 
earnest  assurances  in  advance  that  a  strong  deliverance  on  the 
schools  and  sectarian  appropriations  should  be  made  in  their 
respective  platforms.  Let  it  also  be  remembered  that  both 
National  Committees  had  a  Roman  Catholic  chairman  in 
Carter  of  Montana  and  Harrity  of  Pennsylvania,  whose  first 
allegiance  was  due  to  the  power  which  consents  to  "  tolerate  " 
under  compulsion  the  American  free  common-school  system  of 
education. 

The  compulsory  platform  upon  which  these  two  Roman 
Catholic  chairmen  stood  contained  the  following  plank,  of 
which  Leo  XIII.  is  the  author : 

"  Furthermore,  in  politics,  which  are  inseparably  bound  up 
with  the  laws  of  morality  and  religious  duties,  men  ought 
always,  and  in  the  first  place  to  serve,  as  far  as  possible,  the 
interests  of  Catholicism.  As  soon  as  they  are  seen  to  be  in 
danger,  all  differences  should  cease  between  Catholics." 


A  ROMAN  PRELATE'S  AUDACIOUS  ACT  WHICH  ROBBED  PATRIOTIC 
CITIZENS  OF  THEIR  RIGHTS. 

If  the  American  people  had  been  consulted,  it  is  undoubt 
edly  true  that  in  1896  an  overwhelming  majority  of  them 
would  have  been  glad  by  vote  to  have  emphasized  their  con 
viction  that  the  public  schools  should  be  protected  by  con 
stitutional  safeguards,  and  that  public  moneys  should  not  be 
used  for  sectarian  propaganda.  In  connection  with  an  effort 
to  meet  this  desire  of  the  people,  we  have  to  record  one  of 
the  most  shameful  chapters  in  American  political  party 


264  Facincj  the  Twentieth  Century. 

history,  the  facts  never  having  heretofore  been  authentically 
and  chronologically  stated. 

In  May,  1896,  the  writer  was  requested,  by  very  high 
authority  in  the  Republican  party,  to  consult  with  able  and 
patriotic  men  with  whom  he  had  been  associated  in  securing 
constitutional  changes  in  State  Constitutions  to  protect  the 
schools  and  prohibit  sectarian  appropriations,  and  "to  formu 
late  an  appropriate  statement  for  the  Republican  party  plat 
form  concerning  the  school  question."  The  consultation  \vas 
held.  (And  here  let  it  be  noted  that  not  a  man  consulted 
was  a  member  of  the  American  Protective  Association.  This 
fact  has  an  important  bearing  upon  a  document  soon  to 
appear  in  this  narration.) 

The  citizens  consulted  determined  to  recommend  the 
ream'rmation  of  the  declaration  of  the  platform  of  1876  as 
follows : 

"  We  reaffirm  the  declaration  of  the  platform  of  1876  : 

"  The  public-school  system  of  the  United  States  is  the  bul 
wark  of  the  American  Republic,  and,  with  a  view  to  its 
security  and  permanence,  we  recommend  an  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  forbidding  the  appli 
cation  of  any  public  funds  or  property  for  the  benefit  of  any 
schools  or  institutions  under  sectarian  control." 

This  was  accompanied  by  a  letter  containing  the  following: 

"The  reasons  for  proposing  this  form  of  action  are  as 
follows : 

"  1.  It  is  simply  a  reaffirmation  of  the  attitude  of  the  party 
taken  in  the  centennial  year  1876. 

"  2.  It  commits  the  party  to  nothing  new  and  therefore  fur 
nishes  no  basis  for  antagonism. 

"  «*.  It  is  a  dignified,  self-respecting,  and  concise  putting  of 
the  principles  involved. 

"  4.  While,  on  the  one  hand,  it  will  give  satisfaction  to  the 
rapidly  growing  patriotic  sentiment  of  the  country,  it  will 
furnish  no  new  basis  of  attack  from  any  class  of  citizens. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  265 

« 

"  5.  Since  the  declaration  in  question  was  put  in  the  plat 
form  of  1876  nineteen  States  Lave  either  adopted  new  con 
stitutions  or  amended  old  constitutions  in  accord  with  the 
principles  here  enunciated,  until  it  has  come  to  pass  that 
forty-two  of  the  forty-five  States  have  rigid  constitutional 
provisions  protecting  the  common-school  funds,  and  twenty- 
seven  of  the  States  prohibit  sectarian  appropriations ;  and 
both  Houses  of  the  present  Congress  have  made  declaration 
that  hereafter  the  policy  of  the  National  Government  must 
accord  with  these  principles. 

"  6.  The  best  sentiment  of  the  citizenship  of  the  country  is 
undoubtedly  arrayed  in  an  unsectarian  and  non-partisan  way 
on  the  side  of  the  free  common-school  system  and  in  favor  of 
the  absolute  separation  of  church  and  state  on  all  matters 
pertaining  to  taxation. 

"  7.  The  Democratic  Party  will  also  be  appealed  to,  to  put 
in  its  platform  a  declaration  on  this  same  line  of  principles." 

The  letter  and  the  prepared  plank  were  sent  as  directed 
on  June  2,  1896,  to  the  prominent  men  suggested.  The  con 
vention  assembled  at  St.  Louis  on  June  10,  1896.  The  news 
papers  throughout  the  country  giving  a  digest  of  the  platform 
before  its  adoption  contained  a  plank  embodying  the  princi 
ples  suggested  in  the  above  plank,  and  members  of  the  plat 
form,  committee  declared  that  the  committee  had  taken 
favorable  action  upon  it.  On  June  24  the  daily  press  con 
tained  the  following  from  St.  Louis : 

"  The  following  telegram  was  received  by  Chairman  Carter 
of  the  Republican  National  Committee  from  Archbishop 
Ireland : 

"  '  ST.  PAUL,  MINN.,  June  17. 
"  To  Thomas  H.  Carter,  National  Committeeman,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 

" '  The  clause  in  the  proposed  platform  opposing  the  use  of 
public  money  for  sectarian  purposes  and  union  of  church  and 
state  is  unnecessary  and  uncalled  for.  It  is  urged  by  the 
A.  P.  A.  Its  adoption  will  be  taken  as  a  concession  to  them, 


2 06  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

will  awaken  religions  animosities  in  the  country,  and  will  do 
much  barm.  The  Republican  party  should  not  lower  itself 
to  recognize  directly  or  indirectly  the  A.  P.  A.  I  hope  the 
clause,  or  anything  like  it,  will  not  be  adopted. 

" l  JOHN  IRELAND.' 

"  A  gentleman  was  told  by  a  prominent  member  of  the 
committee  that  the  paragraph  declaring  against  appropria 
tions  from  the  United  States  Treasury  for  sectarian  purposes 
would  be  incorporated,  and  that  the  committee  had  taken 
favorable  action  upon  it.  Later  in  the  day  [Wednesday]  he 
was  surprised  to  learn  from  a  member  of  the  committee  that 
its  action  had  been  reconsidered  and  that  there  would  be 
nothing  in  the  platform  in  that  regard.  This  change  is  now 
attributed  to  the  telegram  from  the  Archbishop.  The  dis 
patch  was  referred  by  Chairman  Carter  [R.  C.]  to  Edward 
Lauterbach  [Jew]  of  New  York,  and  he,  with  National  Corn- 
mitteeman  R.  C.  Kerens  [R.  C.]  of  this  city  [St.  Louis],  went 
before  the  committee  and  succeeded  in  knocking  out  all 
reference  to  the  Church." 

At  the  dictation  of  a  Roman  Catholic  prelate  who  takes 
his  orders  from  Rome,  and  who  has  proven  himself  to  be  the 
worst,  because  the  most  specious  and  deceptive  foe  of  the 
public  schools  and  of  the  public  treasuries,  two  Roman 
Catholic  Republicans  and  one  Jew  "knocked  out  all  reference 
to  the  Church"  and  suppressed  "the  clause  in  the  proposed 
platform  opposing  the  use  of  public  money  for  sectarian 
purposes  and  union  of  church  and  state." 

The  action  confesses  that  a  movement  for  the  protection  of 
our  institutions  is  a  blow  at  the  "  Church,"  which  here  interferes 
for  the  protection  of  its  practice  of  looting  public  treasuries. 

The  Catholic  Review  of  July  4,  1896,  commenting  on  the 
St.  Louis  political  scandal,  charging  every  movement  to  the 
A.  P.  A.,  as  it  is  accustomed  to  do,  which  has  for  its  purpose 
the  protection  of  our  public  schools  and  other  institutions 
against  the  assaults  of  political  Romanism,  had  this  to  say  : 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Bom  anism.  267 

"  The  A.  P.  A.  was  beaten  at  St.  Louis.  Senator  Lodge,  it 
is  true,  got  the  party  to  adopt  a  plank  demanding  an  educa 
tional  test  from  immigrants,  but  the  other  principles  of  the 
conspirators  were  rejected.  On  June  17,  Archbishop  Ireland 
sent  this  telegram  to  Senator  Carter  :  '  The  clause  in  the  pro 
posed  platform  opposing  the  use  of  public  money  for  sectarian 
purposes  and  union  of  church  and  state  is  unnecessary  and 
uncalled  for.  It  is  urged  by  the  A.  P.  A.  Its  adoption  will 
be  taken  as  a  concession  to  them,  will  awaken  religious  ani 
mosity  in  the  country  and  do  much  harm.  The  Republican 
Party  should  not  lower  itself  to  recognize  directly  or  in 
directly  the  A.  P.  A.  I  hope  the  clause  or  anything  like  it, 
will  not  be  adopted.'  Senator  Gear  worked  hard  to  secure 
the  two  declarations  desired  by  the  A.  P.  A.,  but  Senator 
Carter,  Mr.  Lauterbach,  Mr.  Kerens,  and  Mr.  Brady  persuaded 
the  Committee  on  Resolutions  that  the  great  Republican 
party  should  not  be  controlled  by  a  band  of  political  bush 
whackers.  Mr.  Mark  Hanna  agreed  with  them." 

When  Ireland,  Carter,  Kerens,  Lauterbach  <fe  Co.  changed 
the  school  plank  in  the  St.  Louis  platform,  why  did  they  not 
change  the  Cuban  plank  in  the  interests  of  Roman  Catholic 
Spain  ?  Both  the  inspiration  of  purpose  and  the  end  to  be 
sought  would  have  been  entirely  harmonious  with  the  sup 
pression  of  the  school  plank,  and  the  ecclesiastical  member 
of  the  unholy  and  unpatriotic  cabal  would  have  been  saved 
from  the  weariness  and  expensiveuess  of  many  after-journeys 
to  Washington,  first  to  seek  to  prevent  war  with  Spain,  and 
then,  after  Spain  was  conquered,  to  secure  the  appointment 
of  a  Romanist  on  the  Peace  Commission  to  protect  the  Pope's 
investments  in  Spanish  bonds,  which  he  had  purchased  to  aid 
Spain  in  crushing  Cuba. 

This  performance  under  the  leadership  of  Archbishop 
Ireland  at  St.  Louis  emphasizes  two  facts :  first,  the  shameless 
audacity  of  a  Roman  ecclesiastic,  representing  a  corporal's 
guard  of  men  who  vote  with  the  Republican  party,  in  daring 


208  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

to  prohibit,  through  dictation  over  members  of  a  platform 
committee,  a  majority  of  patriotic  American  people  from 
expressing  their  opinion  in  favor  of  constitutional  protection 
for  their  schools  and  their  public  treasuries.  Second,  the 
cowardly  and  fawning  surrender  of  principle,  at  the  demand 
of  the  only  enemy  of  our  public  schools,  on  the  part  of  men 
delegated  to  formulate  a  platform  which  should  embody  the 
consensus  of  the  best  American  sentiment. 

If  the  facts  of  this  disgraceful  incident  at  the  St.  Louis 
Convention  had  been  extensively  known,  despite  the  impor 
tance  of  the  financial  issue  in  the  campaign,  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  the  nominees  of  the  convention  could  have  been 
elected,  as  multitudes  of  candid  citizens  would  have  reasoned 
that  the  dishonesty  at  St.  Louis,  audaciously  and  deliberately 
practiced  upon  the  people,  was  fully  as  dangerous  in  its 
permanently  baleful  results  as  the  adoption  of  any  experi 
mental  financial  fad  upon  which  candid  men  could  honestly 
differ. 

One  thing  is  certain,  that  the  American  people  are  about 
ready  to  serve  notice  upon  politicians  posing  as  statesmen  and 
leaders  that  their  trill  ing  with  the  people  and  courting  Rome 
in  the  face  of  her  demands,  which  are  always  antagonistic  to 
our  institutions,  must  stop,  and  that  no  more  dangerous  and 
disgraceful  chapters  of  political  party  history  can  be  written 
like  the  one  just  recorded,  without  incurring  the  wrath  of  the 
people  and  without  insuring  party  defeat. 

AVe  made  an  appeal  to  the  Democratic  Convention,  meet 
ing  in  Chicago  on  July  7,  189G,  but  after  the  transaction  at 
St.  Louis  on  the  part  of  the  Republicans  it  found  no  difficulty 
in  duplicating  the  cowardice,  but  without  the  same  treachery. 

In  striking  contrast  with  the  cowardly  and  treacherous 
political  history  enacted  at  St.  Louis  in  1890,  and  as  an  illus 
tration  of  the  courageous  recognition  of  perilous  conditions 
and  the  purpose  to  meet  them,  the  Republican  party  in  1870 
not  only  adopted  in  its  National  Convention  the  plank  in 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism,.  269 

question,  but  issued  as  campaign  document  No.  2  "  Vati 
canism  in  Germany  and  in  the  United  States." 

The  following  quotations  from  this  document  will  furnish 
interesting  and  instructive  reading: 

"  What  is  Vaticanism  ?  Vaticanism  is  papal  authority  in 
its  organized  form,  or,  the  will  of  the  Vatican  as  expressed 
through  canonical  and  ecclesiastical  laws ;  a  system  arrogat 
ing  to  itself  the  divine  right  of  governing,  both  in  politics 
and  religion,  the  whole  domain  of  Roman  Catholic  Christen 
dom.  The  Vatican  decrees  are  held  to  be  the  supreme 
command  of  God,  through  the  Pope,  to  his  faithful  subjects, 
to  be  obeyed  by  them  on  all  questions  of  faith  and  morals,  of 
civil  and  religious  duty.  Therefore,  whatever  the  Vatican  de 
crees  becomes  a  law,  imperative,  absolute,  to  be  obeyed  and 
not  to  be  gainsaid  by  any  within  the  province  of  the  Romish 
Church. 

"The  majority  of  the  adherents  of  the  Romish  Church 
believe  in  the  universal  and  supreme  authority  of  Vaticanism, 
are  loyal  to  its  decrees,  and  subordinate  their  allegiance  to 
their  country  to  their  higher  allegiance  to  the  Pope,  rec 
ognizing  in  him  the  only  sovereign  who  derives  his  authority 
from  God,  who  through  such  derivation  has  the  right  to 
command  their  allegiance. 

"  The  history  of  the  world,  if  it  teaches  anything,  teaches 
this  one  fact,  that  papal  supremacy  over  the  civil  law  is  in 
consistent  with  the  enjoyment  and  existence  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty." 

Campaign  document  No.  2,  issued  by  the  Republican  party 
in  1876,  contained  also  the  folio  wing  healthful  statements: 

"  Hitherto,  the  success  of  parties  was  simply  the  triumph 
of  a  civil  policy,  without  any  religious  significance  whatever. 
Political  parties  were  combinations  of  citizens  of  all  churches 
and  every  faith,  banded  together  to  control  the  Government, 
not  in  the  interest  of  church  and  creed,  but  for  the  good  of  the 
whole  people.  Nominations  were  not  based  upon  the  re- 


270  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

ligious  opinions  of  the  candidate,  but  upon  tlie  general  fitness 
of  the  man  to  fill  the  office.  Tlie  test  of  fitness  was  not  his 
devotion  to  the  Catholic,  or  tlie  Presbyterian,  or  the  Metho 
dist  church,  but  his  fidelity  as  a  man,  and  his  loyalty  as  a 
citizen.  To  this  liberal  spirit,  growing  out  of  the  complete 
separation  of  church  and  state,  we  are  indebted  for  that  peace 
and  prosperity  which  have  been  enjoyed  by  each  religious  de 
nomination,  and  every  citizen  in  the  land. 

"There  is  a  movement  on  foot,  not  yet  crystallized  into 
a  policy  to  be  condemned  or  advocated  by  its  opponents 
or  friends,  but  sufficiently  defined  in  its  object  to  excite  in 
the  minds  of  our  citizens  apprehension,  if  not  alarm.  We 
refer  to  that  alliance  of  church  and  party,  which  in  certain 
localities  is  so  marked  as  to  leave  no  doubt  of  its  purpose. 
This  alliance  is  the  surest  evidence  that  Ultramontanism, 
which  has  cursed  Europe  for  centuries,  is  seeking  a  foothold 
upon  our  soil.  Our  Catholic  clergy  have  a  perfect  right  to 
labor  and  vote  for  the  Democratic  party,  but  they  have  no  right 
to  use  the  discipline  of  their  Church  to  force  those  who  believe 
in  their  faith,  but  not  in  their  politics,  to  unite  with  them  at 
the  ballot  box. 

"  Yet  the  coercive  policy  is  the  one  now  adopted.  The  dis 
cipline  of  the  Church  is  to  be  brought  to  bear  upon  its  follow 
ers,  and  the  Romish  Church,  inspired  by  Jesuitical  teachings, 
is  to  make  common  cause  with  Democracy,  in  its  endeavor  to 
overthrow  the  Republican  party,  and  with  it  the  free-school 
system  which  it  sustains. 

"  The  legislation  of  Ohio  and  New  York,  especially  their 
city  legislation,  affords  strong  proof  of  the  design  of  the  Papal 
Hierarchy  to  use  the  Democratic  party  as  tlie  political  lever  to 
overthrow  the  free-school  system  of  the  land.  This  accom 
plished,  the  door  is  open  for  the  control  of  other  institutions 
in  the  future,  and  through  a  national  triumph  of  the  party  to 
which  the  Church  is  allied,  to  a  radical  change  of  our  form  of 
government. 


Politico' Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  271 

"  These  possibilities  should  arouse  intelligent  citizens  of  all 
creeds,  whether  of  native  or  foreign  birth,  to  the  danger  that 
threatens  our  country  if  the  Ultramontane  element  of  the 
Church,  through  the  success  of  Democracy,  should  obtain 
control  of  our  national  affairs." 

Since  the  above  sentiments  were  published  for  the  enlight 
enment  of  the  people,  the  attitude  of  Ultramontanism  toward 
political  parties  has  materially  changed.  While  the  mass  of 
its  voters  still  profitably  adhere  to  the  Democratic  party, 
it  has  sent  enough  of  its  leaders  into  the  Republican  party  to 
intimidate  or  bribe  its  managers  by  threats  or  promises  of 
votes  to  be  delivered  in  the  mass.  Thus  the  triumph  of  either 
party  it  claims  as  its  triumph,  and  demands  its  reward  in  offices 
and  appropriations,  while  the  rank  and  file  of  the  American 
citizens,  constituting  the  folio  wing  of  the  two  parties,  are  help 
less  for  either  protest  against  the  dangerous  alliance  of  Roman 
ism  with  politicians,  or  for  expression  of  conviction  by  ballot 
concerning  the  protection  of  our  distinctively  American  insti 
tutions  from  foreign  papal  aggressions. 

The  South  since  the  war  has  been  Democratic  in  politics, 
in  order  to  defeat  the  possibility  of  negro  domination, 
although  by  history  and  conviction  opposed  to  the  political 
power  of  Romanism. 

Hugh  McLaughlin,  styled  the  veteran  leader  of  the  Democ 
racy  of  the  Borough  of  Brooklyn,  New  York  City,  because  he 
is  the  Roman  Catholic  boss  of  the  Roman  Catholic  voters,  is 
commendably  frank  in  his  comments  on  the  attitude  of  Roman 
ists  in  the  mayoralty  contest  in  1897.  In  an  interview  in  the 
Brooklyn  Eagle  of  November  3,  1897,  this  political  prince  of 
the  Church  says : 

"  It  is  the  most  wonderful  thing  in  the  history  of  politics- 
Low's  vote  is.     It  cannot  be  analyzed  by  any  living  being 
except  those  who  are  interested  in  bringing  about  that  result. 
Look  back  to  1854,  1855,  and  1856,  and  then  make  compari 
son  between  the  vote  then  and  the  vote  for  Low  this  year. 


272  Miring  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Do  you  get  the  idea?  The  same  spirit  which  prevailed  in 
those  past  times  prevailed  in  the  Low  party  yesterday.  Sure ! 
It  was  the  Know-Nothing  system  of  those  years.  It  was  the 
American  Protective  Association  yesterday,  supplemented  by 
the  support  of  so-called  high-toned  Roman  Catholics,  such 
men  here  as  the  Keileys,  and  the  McMahons  and  the  Kellys. 
There  is  a  passage  of  Scripture  which  says:  'Lord,  forgive 
them  ;  they  know  not  what  they  do.'  You  get  the  idea,  don't 
you  ?  The  same  spirit  prevailed  yesterday  as  that  which  was 
manifested  in  1854,  1855,  and  1856.  There  isn't  the  slightest 
doubt  of  it.  There  was  no  sound  reason  why  the  Republican 
party  should  go  against  Tracy  or  any  man  like  him. 

"  I  venture  to  say  that  no  man  is  more  surprised  by  the  vote 
than  Low  himself.  I  can  understand  it,  and  as  I  said,  I  attrib 
ute  it  to  the  so-called  '  better  element  'of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Word  was  passed  around  to  support  Seth  Low.  They  are  men 
who  represent  Catholicism  in  their  mi  fids,  hut  they  don't  go  to 
confession  very  often,  I  guess.  I  could  say  a  lot  of  things  more. 
I  feel  like  saying  them." 

These  utterances  of  McLaughlin  stirred  up  some  resentment 
among  two  classes.  A  Roman  Catholic  who  claims  to  be  a 
Republican,  but  who  is  afraid  to  sign  his  name  to  his  commu 
nication,  writes  the  Eagle  thus: 

"His  evident  attempt  to  question  the  freedom  of  Catholics 
in  political  affairs  is  certainly  astounding,  and  if  lie  is  trying 
to  sJiou)  a  direct  alliance  between  Catholicism  and  Democracy 
lie  reretds  a  condition  heretofore  unknown...  It  has  presumably 
been  the  supposition  of  every  intelligent  American  that  sec 
tarian  considerations  should  not  influence  the  political  action 
of  the  citizen,  and  this  theory  is  supposed  to  hold  good  at  this 
day.  What  will  Protestants  think  of  Mr.  McLaughlin's  action  ? 
They  can  but  regard  it  as  an  indication  that  he  believes  the 
Democratic  party  to  be  an  annex  of  the  Catholic  Church. 
Under  such  circumstances  they  would  naturally  feel  out  of 
place.  The  occasion  demands  that  an  effective  denial  be  given 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  273 

to  his  utterances,  and  that  any  wrong  impression  be  removed. 
The  Catholic  Church  holds  aloof  from  all  political  matters 
and  not  only  allows,  but  guarantees  to  all  its  members  the 
widest  latitude  in  civil  affairs.  No  political  party  has  any 
claim  on  her,  and  Mr.  Mclaughlin's  attempt  to  make  it  appeal- 
otherwise  should  be  considered  as  an  irresponsible  declaration." 

Mr.  J.  Setou,  claiming  to  be  a  Protestant  and  a  Democrat, 
writes  in  the  Eagle  thus : 

"  Mr.  McLaughlin's  bigotry  finds  parallel  only  in  the  six 
teenth  century.  His  interview  reads  like  a  page  from  the 
history  of  the  Covenanters.  It  may  be  observed  that  he 
was  most  careful  in  making  his  statement  after  election.  Does 
McLaughlin  think  it  is  impossible  to  be  a  Republican  and  at 
the  same  time  a  good  Catholic  like  himself  and  Dick  Croker  ? 
At  a  time  when  he  ought  to  be  generous  to  his  defeated  oppo 
nents  it  seems  a  lamentable  mistake  to  heap  abuse  upon  the 
better  element,  as  he  terms  them,  of  Catholics  who  supported 
the  movement  for  honest  city  government.  This  will  be  a 
useful  interview  for  future  reference,  Mr.  McLaughlin,  for  as 
a  Protestant  and  a  Democrat  I  cannot  bind  myself  to  a  party 
which  you  assert  is  composed  mainly  of  the  lower  class  of 
Catholics.  And  there  are  others." 

The  Sunday  Democrat  (R.  C.)  of  November  7,  1897,  con 
tains  the  following : 

"  Since  the  election  Mr.  Hugh  McLaughlin,  leader  of  the 
Brooklyn  Democracy,  has  given  his  opinion,  and  he  traces  the 
opposition  to  Tracy  to  the  revival  of  Know-Nothingism.  We 
print  on  our  first  page  Mr.  McLaughlin's  analysis  of  the 
Mayoral  contest,  and  it  fully  justifies  the  warning  spoken  by 
Mr.  Farrell. 

"  It  is  safe  to  say  that  no  more  than  a  dozen  Catholics  voted 
for  Mr.  Seth  Low,  and  Mr.  McLaughlin  tells  us  the  kind  of  Cath 
olics  they  are.  Catholics  individually  take  an  active  interest 
and  often  play  an  important  part  in  American  politics,  but 
they  never  drag  religion  into  politics  unless  when  they  are 


274  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

forced  to  act  on  the  defensive  and  protect  the  rights  of  their 
Church  against  Know-Nothingism,  as  in  the  case  of  Mr.  Seth 
Low. 

"  So  far  from  combining  as  Catholics  to  accomplish  a  politi 
cal  purpose,  they  object  most  strenuously  to  any  attempt 
being  made  to  stir  up  any  feeling  in  the  community  on  ac 
count  of  religion,  and  feel  that  the  sound  sense  of  the  people 
will  not  approve  the  conduct  of  those  who  have  undertaken 
to  do  it,  even  though  they  affect  to  do  it  in  the  interest  of  the 
toiling  masses. 

"  In  every  case  the  religious  question  was  introduced,  not 
by  Catholics,  and  it  is  shameful  that  the  Lowites  were  the 
first  to  introduce  it.  Mr.  McLaughlin  has  taken  their  meas 
ure,  and  we  thank  him  for  it." 

On  January  1,  1898,  the  victorious  Roman  Catholic  forces 
enthroned  their  Dictator  Richard  in  the  New  York  City  Hall ; 
but  for  convenience'  sake,  as  Richard  was  liable  to  be  out  of 
the  country  during  the  English  racing  period,  put  the  crown 
on  the  head  and  the  scepter  in  the  hand  of  one  Robert,  a  Hol 
lander  in  the  line  of  William  of  Orange.  On  January  26, 
1898,  there  appeared  in  the  Eagle  a  letter  from  one  of  Rich 
ard's  worshipers  and  namesakes,  bearing  date  January  15,  and 
signed  James  M.  Richards.  After  some  moralizing  on  religion 
and  the  Irish,  Mr.  Richards  says : 

"  There  are  enough  good,  trusty,  honest  Catholic  Irishmen 
in  New  York  to  fill  every  municipal  office  therein.  I  see  no 
cause  to  blame  Mr.  Croker  for  the  appointment  of  Irish  Cath 
olics  to  office.  They  form  the  most  numerous  body  of  voters 
in  the  Democratic  camp.  They  never  holt  the  regular  ticket. 
He  can  rely  on  tliein  in  all  emergencies.  Their  discipline  and 
obedience  are  certain.  Can  he  say  as  much  of  any  other  na 
tionality  ?  The  American  Democrat  asks  what  there  is  for 
him.  What's  lie  crying  about  ?  How  many  of  him  are 
thero  ?  What  does  his  little  company  amount  to  ?  Perhaps 
he  thinks  his  brains  are  of  use  to  the  party  !  His  brains  ! ! ! 


Politico-  Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  275 

Why,  any  disinterested  observer  will  tell  him,  as  I  would,  he 
is  the  inferior  of  the  Irishman  in  every  respect — mentally, 
morally,  and  physically.  Get  him  to  call  the  roll  of  his  native 
American  Democrats  in  New  York  city.  Native  American 
bosh  !  Go  to,  thou  Native  A  merican  Protestant  Democrat ! 
Take  a  back  seat  or  stand  up.  Can't  you  learn  sense  from 
the  German  Democrat  ?  Do  you  hear  him  sniveling  ?  No, 
sir ;  he's  earning  an  honest  living,  and  a  glass  or  two  of  beer 
beside.  Or  if  you  can't  be  patient,  take  your  skeleton  com 
pany  into  the  Republican  camp  and  swell  (oh,  what  a  swell !) 
their  vote  on  next  election  day.  Shall  we  notice  the  in 
creased  count  ?  Seriously,  the  action  of  Mr.  Croker  is  as  wise 
as  it  is  natural.  The  new  city  government  is  to  be  manned  by 
Irish  Roman  Catholics  because  the  battle  was  won  by  them. 
To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils.  All  that  anyone  has  a  right 
to  ask  is  that  they  take  Father  Malone's  words  to  heart  and 
conform  their  official  and  private  lives  to  the  teaching  of  our 
Master  as  interpreted  by  that  branch  of  His  Church  to  which 
they  belong." 

The  three  Roman  Catholic  political  leaders — Richard 
Croker,  Edward  Murphy,  and  Hugh  McLaughlin — are  the 
absolute  masters  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  city  and 
State  of  New  York,  dictating  its  nominations  for  and  appoint 
ments  to  office,  and  they  are  ambitiously  planning  to  control 
the  party  and  government  in  the  nation.  Is  there  any  ques 
tion  that  the  sole  power  of  these  men  in  politics  consists  in  the 
fact  of  their  being  personally  Romanists,  and  in  their  politi 
cal  alliance  with  ecclesiasticism  which  enables  them  to  mass 
the  Roman  Catholic  vote  at  the  polls?  These  men  on  the 
basis  of  character,  culture,  attainments,  or  patriotic  service, 
would  not  be  designated  as  leaders  and  guardians  of  the 
public  weal  by  any  considerable  number  of  loyal  and  honest 
citizens.  In  fact,  if  leadership  was  conditioned  upon  the 
possession  of  these  qualities,  this  triumvirate  would  be  com 
pelled  to  earn  an  honest  living  by  honest  toil.  But  with  the 


276  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

political  power  of  Rome  back  of  them  and  others  of  their  ilk, 
they  dictate  terms  to  decent  men,  and  dispense  political 
patronage  as  though  it  were  their  personal  property,  as  it  is 
their  personal  possession  ;  usually  selling  the  nominations  and 
offices,  like  indulgences,  at  a  fixed  price  called  an  assessment, 
while  the  most  of  these  and  their  fellow  dictators  and 
conspirators,  like  their  historical  ecclesiastical  predecessors, 
grow  rich  in  mysterious  ways,  while  they  impudently  flaunt 
their  wealth  before  the  eyes  of  honest  people,  who  are  help 
less  in  the  grip  of  an  ignorant  and  superstitious  voting 
power,  upon  which  their  alien  masters  are  enthroned.  If 
a  citizen  ventures  to  speak  the  truth  about  the  source  of  the 
power  of  these  rulers  of  a  large  domain  who  even  aspire  to 
control  the  nation,  he  is  told  by  the  sycophants  whom  this 
power  lias  created  that  he  is  injecting  religion  into  politics 
and  threatening  religious  liberty.  It  is  blasphemy  to 
associate  the  holy  name  of  religion  with  Roman  political 
power  and  intrigues  in  this  republic  of  ours. 

Venality  of  politicians  and  political  leaders  is  the  weakness 
and  wickedness  to  which  Romanism  makes  its  appeals  when  it 
desires  to  bolster  up  its  pretensions  and  demands  and  strike 
a  blow  at  the  foundations  of  our  republican  institutions. 
Yielding  to  this  tempter  has  clouded  the  fame  and  termi 
nated  the  usefulness  of  many  conspicuous  names  in  American 
history. 

The  rivalry  of  Roman  Catholic  prelates  in  party  political 
manipulations  presents  some  amazing  incidents.  Archbishop 
Ireland  writes  letters,  and  furnishes  interviews  in  condemna 
tion  of  the  A.  P.  A.,  which  are  believed  to  have  placated  his 
Roman  Catholic  following  in  the  interests  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  poses  as  an  illustration  to  prove  that  the  Roman 
vote  can  be  divided  and  partly  won  away  from  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  and  as  a  reward  by  the  grateful  Republicans,  some 
of  their  number  assemble  at  the  offices  of  a  Trust  Company 
in  New  York,  and  gladden  the  heart  of  the  political  prelate 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  277 

by  relieving  his  financial  straits.  The  redoubtable  Bishop 
McQuaid  of  Rochester  rebukes  Ireland,  and  this  arouses  Dr. 
Walsh,  editor  of  the  Sunday  Democrat,  to  vent  himself  thus: 

"  When  Bishop  McQuaid  inveighs  against  Archbishop  Ire 
land  for  interfering  in  the  affairs  of  New  York,  he  forgets 
that  he  himself  lives  in  a  very  big  glass  house.  He  seems  to 
forget  that  he  himself  cannot  be  absolved  of  guilt  in  this 
matter.  It  is  notorious  that  most  of  the  unfortunate  steps 
taken  by  New  York  church  authorities  have  been  either  ini 
tiated  or  suggested  or  approved  by  *  My  Lord  of  Rochester.' ' 

Dr.  Walsh's  article  concludes  with  the  remark  that  "Arch 
bishop  Ireland  holds  a  sort  of  brevet  commission  from  the 
Holy  See  to  do  just  such  work  as  that  for  which  Bishop 
McQuaid  so  severely  reproves  him." 

May  8,  1897,  there  appeared  in  the  New  York  World  the 
following : 

"  Washington,  May  7.  Mgr.  Martinelli,  the  Apostolic 
Delegate,  has  rendered  a  decision  in  the  case  of  the  Rev. 
Peter  Rosen  against  Archbishop  Ireland  that  bids  fail'  to 
cause  more  excitement  in  ecclesiastical  circles  than  anything 
since  the  famous  Corrigan-McGlynn  episode. 

"  Father  Rosen  is  charged  with  the  authorship  of  an  an 
onymous  pamphlet  attacking  Archbishop  Ireland,  which 
appeared  in  Washington  simultaneously  with  Father  Rosen's 
arrival  about  ten  clays  ago.  It  was  sent  to  several  Senators 
and  Representatives,  known  to  be  friends  of  the  St.  Paul 
prelate,  and  to  many  of  his  clerical  admirers.  The  pamphlet 
accuses  the  prelate  of  political  corruption  and  gives  what  is 
called  the  inside  history  of  his  connection  with  Senator  Davis, 
former  Governor  Merriam,  and  other  Minnesota  politicians. 
The  history  of  the  Archbishop's  speculation  in  land  is  also 
given  with  elaborate  detail.  It  charges  that,  while  himself 
engaged  in  political  intrigue,  he  was  very  hard  on  those  of 
his  priests  who  merely  exercised  the  rights  of  an  American 
citizen  and  voted  according  to  their  political  creed. 


L'7*  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"A  letter  addressed  to  a  priest  during  the  campaign  telling 
him  not  to  meddle  in  national  questions  is  quoted  in  full 
without  name,  to  substantiate  the  author's  statements.  The 
pamphlet  is  entitled  '  Archbishop  Ireland  as  He  Is.'  A  copy 
was  sent  to  Mgr.  Martinelli,  and  it  is  known  that  the  Delegate 
strongly  condemned  the  publication,  and  took  immediate  steps 
to  stop  its  circulation. 

"  The  news  that  Mgr.  Martinelli  has  promised  to  espouse 
the  cause  of  the  refractory  priest  is  considered  astonishing, 
and  the  Delegate  will  soon  be  asked  to  explain  publicly  his 
attitude  in  the  controversy. 

"  Bishop  Marty  was  much  discouraged  at  Father  Rosen's 
financial  troubles,  and  advised  him  to  try  to  get  a  chaplaincy 
in  the  army.  The  Bishop  used  his  influence,  and  it  is  claimed 
by  Father  Rosen's  friends  that  he  would  have  been  success 
ful  had  not  Archbishop  Ireland  interfered  in  favor  of  another 
man. 

"  Father  Rosen  has  the  unanimous  support  of  the  German 
Hierarchy  in  his  fight  against  the  Metropolitan  of  St.  Paul." 

Although  we  are  presenting  to  the  vision  of  the  American 
people  "Archbishop  Ireland  as  He  Is"  in  many  important  and 
interesting  relations,  we  have  tried  in  vain  to  get  a  copy  of 
Father  Rosen's  pamphlet  on  the  subject.  Like  many  other 
interesting  revelations  of  the  inwardness  of  political  Romanism 
which  tell  too  much  truth,  this  dangerous  document  has  beeii 
suppressed  but  not  answered. 

Archbishop  Ireland  injects  his  political  personality  into  the 
affairs  of  the  Republican  party,  to  which  he  claims  to  belong; 
but  when  appropriations  for  Roman  Catholic  charities  are  at 
stake,  he,  with  great  facility,  throws  the  weight  of  his  polit 
ical  influence  first  with  one  party  and  then  with  the  other. 

On  November  25,  1894,  Bishop  McQuaid  of  Rochester  read 
a  sermon  from  "  manuscript  because  he  did  not  wish  to  leave 
any  doubt  in  anyone's  mind  of  his  position."  The  place  of 
this  deliverance  was  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral.  The  reader 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  279 

needs  to  bear  several  things  in  mind  as  he  peruses  the  parts  of 
the  prelate's  sermon  which  we  here  quote. 

Archbishop  Ireland  was  supposed  at  that  time  to  represent 
what  was  called  the  "  liberal  "  party  in  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  this  country,  and  Corrigan  and  McQuaid  repre 
sented  the  Bourbon  party.  They  are  all  Bourbons  now  in 
subserviency. 

Archbishop  Ireland  had  offensively  and  persistently  re 
mained  in  his  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel  headquarters  in  New  York 
during  the  progress  of  the  New  York  political  contest  of 
1894,  issuing  political  encyclicals  and  bulls  of  excommunica 
tion  against  members  of  the  American  Protective  Association, 
and  all  other  citizens  who  were  opposed  to  the  politico- 
ecclesiastical  aggressions  of  Romanism. 

If  Bishop  McQuaid  had  waited  a  little,  he  would  have 
found  his  Tammany  indignation  mollified  against  the  Arch 
bishop  of  St.  Paul,  by  ascertaining  that  he  had  in  him  an 
ardent  ally  in  the  New  York  Constitutional  Convention  in 
blocking  the  desire  of  the  people  for  the  protection  of  their 
public  schools  and  for  the  prohibition  of  sectarian  appropria 
tions. 

Bishop  McQuaid,  by  his  own  avowal  a  violent  enemy  of  the 
public-school  system,  with  characteristic  modesty  was  a  candi 
date  for  Regent  of  the  University  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
a  body  having  the  educational  interests  of  the  State  in  charge. 
Archbishop  Ireland,  accustomed  to  think  and  act  as  though 
the  entire  country  were  in  his  politico-ecclesiastical  diocese, 
whenever  offices  are  to  be  dispensed  to  Roman  Catholics,  had 
favored  a  Republican  priest  by  the  name  of  Malone  for  the 
office  of  Regent. 

Tammany's  iniquities  had  been  exposed,  the  wrath  of  the 
people  had  been  aroused,  and  it  was  important  that  there 
should  be  no  wavering  in  the  ranks  of  the  Roman  legions  in 
case  they  were  then  defeated  and  ever  expected  to  rally  for 
a  future  victory. 


280  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

GEMS    FROM    BISHOP    MCQUAID's    SERMON. 

"Now  that  the  election,  with  its  excitement,  turmoil,  and 
passions,  has  passed  away,  I  judge  it  my  duty  to  refer  in  this 
public  manner  to  some  incidents  and  scandals  connected  there 
with. 

u  Every  Catholic  having  respect  for  his  bishops  and  priests, 
and  the  honor  and  good  name  of  his  Church,  must  have  beeii 
pained  and  mortified  when  he  learned,  during  the  late  politi 
cal  campaign,  that  one  of  our  bishops,  the  Archbishop  of  St. 
Paul,  cast  to  one  side  the  traditions  of  the  past  and  entered  the 
political  arena  like  any  layman. 

u  I  contend  that  this  coming  to  New  York  of  the  Arch 
bishop  of  St.  Paul  to  take  part  in  a  political  contest  was 
undignified,  disgraceful  to  his  episcopal  office,  and  a  scandal  in 
the  eyes  of  all  right-minded  Catholics  of  both  parties.  It  was 
furthermore  a  piece  of  meddlesome  interference  on  his  part  to 
come  from  his  State  to  another  to  breakdown  all  discipline 
among  our  priests  and  justify  the  charge  of  those  inimical  to 
us  that  priests  are  partisans  and  use  their  office  and  opportu 
nities  for  political  work. 

"  New  York  is  abundantly  able  to  take  care  of  itself  with 
out  extraneous  help,  as  the  last  election  showed.  And  if  the 
newspapers  report  correctly,  the  Legislature  of  Minnesota  is 
itself  sadly  in  need  of  purification,  and  His  Grace  might  have 
found  full  scope  there  for  his  political  scheming. 

u  Hut  it  is  well  known  to  many  that  it  was  from  no  love  for 
good  government  that  Archbishop  Ireland  spent  so  many  weeks 
in  New  York  City,  and  so  far  from  his  diocese,  where  the  law 
of  residence  obliged  him  to  be.  It  was  to  pay  a  debt  to  the 
Republican  party  that  his  services  were  rendered. 

"  During  the  last  session  of  the  New  York  Legislature, 
Archbishop  Ireland  of  far-off  Minnesota  busied  himself  writ 
ing  letters  to  leading  Republican  members  in  favor  of  the  can 
didacy  of  Rev.  Mr.  M alone  for  the  position  of  Regent  of  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  281 

University.  It  was  none  of  the  Archbishop's  business  to 
meddle  with  what  did  not  legitimately  concern  him.  But 
then  he  knew  the  Archbishop  of  New  York  and  his  suffragans 
desired  the  election  of  a  candidate  able  and  willing  to  protect 
the  best  interests  of  Catholic  schools  and  academies  coming 
under  the  control  of  the  Regents." 

For  this  somewhat  free  expression  of  opinion  Bishop  Mc- 
Quaid  was  rebuked  by  Rome  and  required  to  apologize. 

This  power  over  party  politics  and  politicians  has  corrupted 
the  Jews  by  making  combinations  which  appeal  to  greed  for 
appropriations.  This  has  often  occurred  in  constitutional 
conventions,  in  legislatures,  and  in  boards  of  management  of 
institutions.  We  know  of  two  illustrations  in  the  organiza 
tion  of  a  board  of  education,  where  in  one  case  the  man  who 
was  elected  president  agreed  as  the  condition  of  his  election  to 
constitute  all  committees  with  a  majority  of  Romanists  and  Jews, 
and  he  carried  out  his  contract.  In  the  other  case  the  candi 
date  agreed  to  appoint  Romanists  as  chairmen  of  all  commit 
tees  with  which  any  patronage  was  connected  with  a  chance 
to  make  money,  and  he  carried  out  his  contract. 

It  is  but  just  to  say  that  most  Israelites  are  patriotic  Amer 
icans,  but  some  of  their  conspicuous  representatives  have 
yielded  to  the  voice  of  the  siren.  What  an  anomaly  is  pre 
sented  when  these  two  facts  of  current  history  are  placed  in 
juxtaposition  :  Romanists  in  France  persecuting  Dreyfus  and 
all  Jews ;  Romanists  and  Jews  in  America  combining  for 
political  power  and  plunder.  Peter  and  Pilate  kissing  each 
other  ! 

Mr.  George  W.  Aldridge,  late  Commissioner  of  Public 
Works  in  the  State  of  New  York,  eagerly  sought  in  1896  and 
supposed  that  he  had  secured  a  sufficient  number  of  delegates 
to  make  sure  for  himself  the  Republican  nomination  for  Gov 
ernor  in  that  State.  It  was  claimed  for  him  that  he  could 
secure  by  his  canal  patronage  enough  Roman  Catholic  votes 
through  the  influence  of  Corrigan  and  McQuaid  and  others  to 


282  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

more  than  make  up  for  the  loss  of  the  respectable  Republican 
vote  which  would  certainly  bolt  the  ticket  in  case  he  was 
nominated.  He  was  defeated  for  nomination  by  the  pro 
nounced  American  sentiment  in  the  State  expressing  itself 
through  different  patriotic  organizations.  In  the  light  of  the 
exposure  of  canal  affairs  of  the  State,  what  do  his  Roman 
Catholic  and  subservient  Republican  constituents  think  now  ? 
It  doesn't  answer  to  pay  court  to  Romanism  as  a  political 
machine. 

Contracts  and  political  appointments  to  office  are  made  and 
money  paid  by  political  party  managers  for  the  delivery  of 
Roman  Catholic  votes,  and  then  the  same  course  is  pursued 
with  some  of  the  men  who  claim  to  represent  anti-Romanist 
secret  societies,  for  the  purpose  we  must  conclude  of  overcom 
ing  their  deep-seated  and  patriotic  anti-Romanist  convictions 
and  securing  their  votes  on  the  same  side  with  the  purchased 
Romanists.  These  facts  are  capable  of  demonstration  in  so 
far  as  they  are  applicable  to  more  than  one  National  election 
and  to  many  State  elections.  It  seems  to  be  inevitable  that 
wherever  political  Romanism  touches  men  or  institutions,  it 
paralyzes  the  moral  sense. 

Men  ambitious  for  preferment  in  political  and  professional 
lines,  especially  lawyers,  who  legitimately  desire  judicial  posi 
tions  in  New  York  and  in  every  great  center  of  population, 
are  obliged  to  abase  themselves  before  representatives  of 
politico-ecclesiasticism. 

Political  appointments  and  places  are  notoriously  sought 
and  secured  for  sectarian  reasons.  Commissioners  and  heads 
of  departments  are  appointed  avowedly  to  represent  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  and  the  head  of  the  hierarchy  in  New  York 
and  in  other  large  cities  is  virtually  dictator  in  making  many 
subordinate  appointments — and  this  under  a  representative 
form  of  government, 

Since  1870,  when  Victor  Emmanuel  became  the  ruler  of 
United  Italy  and  the  temporal  power  of  Pius  IX.  was  de- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Roma nism.  283 

stroyed,  lie  and  his  successor,  Leo  XIII.,  have  declared  them 
selves  prisoners  in  the  Vatican  city,  for  the  purpose  of  making 
a  persistent  and  an  abiding  advertisement  to  the  nations  of  the 
earth  that  temporal  political  power  must  be  restored,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  furnishing  ground  for  appeal  by  the  members 
of  the  hierarchy  in  different  parts  of  the  world  for  Peter's- 
pence  collections,  to  relieve  the  Pope  from  his  impecunious 
condition  while  in  imprisonment.  The  presentation  of  this 
appeal  is  taken  advantage  of  by  the  Pope's  representatives  in 
different  lands  to  assault  the  Italian  government.  Archbishop 
Corrigan  in  his  last  appeal,  October,  1898,  addressed  to  his 
clergy,  made  a  most  violent  assault  upon  the  Italian  govern 
ment,  because  of  its  relations  to  the  Pope ;  thus  abusing  his 
rights  as  an  American  citizen  by  inveighing  against  a  foreign 
power  with  which  the  American  republic  sustains  friendly 
relations. 

Why  do  United  States  and  State  Senators  vie  with  each 
other  in  unseemly  eagerness  to  give  an  affirmative  vote  for  the 
confirmation  of  Roman  Catholic  nominations  for  office  ?  Why 
should  statesmen  find  it  necessary  to  avow  their  adherence  to 
the  American  principle  of  absolute  religious  liberty  when  a 
representative  of  Romanism  is  thrust  upon  their  horizon? 
What  is  there  in  this  question  which,  whenever  it  comes  to 
the  front,  causes  lawmakers  to  apologize  or  hysterically 
launch  into  a  patriotic  disquisition  concerning  their  own  liber 
ality  and  impartiality  ?  They  can  answer,  and  we  can  answer, 
these  questions. 

This  ever  present  and  mysterious  power  causes  fkmkyism 
in  so-called  statesmanship  and  citizenship.  We  have  heard 
United  States  Senators  say,  when  called  upon  to  vote  for 
measures  which  they  conceded  to  be  right  and  just,  and  which 
were  designed  to  resist  the  aggressions  of  ecclesiasticism,  u  I 
will  vote  for  the  measure  if  you  don't  insist  upon  a  roll-call." 

Father  McGlynn  forgot  for  a  time  that  he  was  a  slave,  and 
walked  and  talked  like  a  free  man ;  but  Ids  clanking  chains 


284  Facing  flie  Twentieth  Century. 

soon  reminded  him  that  he  must  return  to  his  cell,  where  he 
has  since  been  secluded  from  the  public  gaze,  and  Rome,  in 
the  person  of  Archbishop  Corrigan,  has  kept  the  key  of  his 
cell  bound  to  his  girdle. 

While  he  was  out  of  prison  and  breathing  free  and  pure  air, 
he  talked  like  a  healthy  man  : 

"  '  The  beneficence  of  the  Pope's  influence  in  politics  ? '  It 
has  been  the  curse  of  nearly  every  nation.  It  has  been  the 
curse  of  Italy,  France,  Spain,  Germany,  England,  Ireland. 
God  forbid,  God  forbid  that  the  hated  thing  should  have  an 
ill-omened  revival  ! 

"  It  is  one  of  the  signs  of  the  degeneracy  of  the  Church  and 
churchmen  that,  while  criminally  neglecting  their  own  busi 
ness  of  preaching  the  Gospel  and  administering  the  sacra 
ments  to  the  poor,  they  seek  to  control  education  and  politics, 
of  which  you  have  examples  lying  loose  all  around  you  in  this 
very  city  and  all  over  this  country. 

"  And  it  is  clearly  true  that  you  can  be  good  Catholics,  and 
I  pray  that  you  shall  all  be  better  Catholics,  for  refusing,  in  the 
name  of  religion,  to  take  your  politics  from  Home ;  for  the 
more  of  your  politics  you  take  from  Rome  the  less  religion 
you  will  have,  and  the  more  you  refuse  to  take  your  politics 
from  Rome  the  more  likely  you  are  to  preserve  your  religion 
in  its  purity  and  to  win  for  your  religion  the  respect  and  the 
friendship,  and  even  perhaps  the  fellowship,  of  your  fellow- 
countrymen.  The  Catholic  religion  is  best  to-day  where  it 
has  been  remotest  for  generations  from  the  intrigue  and  the 
politics  of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  Catholic  religion  has  been 
purest,  it  has  the  most  perfect  allegiance  of  all  those  who 
call  themselves  Catholics  in  all  those  countries  where  the 
Church  is  shorn  of  temporal  power,  where  it  has  no  voice  in 
politics. 

"  Let  the  Pope  mind  his  own  business.  Insist  upon  it, 
clamor  for  it,  petition,  demand,  threaten  to  rebel,  refuse  sup 
plies,  tighten  your  purse  strings,  compel  that  ecclesiastical 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  285 

machine  to  give  the  clergy  and  the  people  the  control  of  your 
temporalities. 

"  And  now  I  prophesy  that  the  Know-Nothings  of  the  future 
will  not  be  so  much  your  native  Americans  as  they  will  be 
Irish  Catholics ;  that  the  men  to  put  to  shame  you  Americans 
of  Protestant  and  Puritan  faith,  the  men  to  put  you  to  the 
blush  in  their  magnificent  protest  against  the  interference  of 
any  ecclesiastical  machine,  will  be  men  of  Catholic  faith  and 
men  of  Irish  extraction." 

Many  incredulous  Americans  think  that  the  Pope's  attention 
is  so  thoroughly  taken  by  matters  pertaining  to  the  spiritual 
interests  of  the  Church  of  which  he  is  the  head,  and  by  broad 
matters  of  international  statesmanship,  that  he  takes  no  inter 
est  in  American  politics  and  politicians,  and  in  affairs  that 
pertain  to  the  personal  interest  of  individual  American  poli 
ticians.  Let  us  consider  a  few  individual  incidents  of  the 
Pope's  paternal  interest  in  certain  Americans  whose  names,  if 
here  mentioned,  would  startle  the  circle  of  home  friends  where 
they  move  in  social  and  political  relationships.  One  Repub 
lican  politician  of  local  fame  in  New  York  City  and  State, 
visiting  in  Rome,  was  surprised  to  find  himself  invited  to  an 
audience  with  the  Pope ;  His  Holiness  evincing  the  greatest 
interest  in  his  family  affairs,  concerning  which  he  had  a  thor 
ough  understanding,  and  which  he  intelligently  discussed. 
The  Pope  made  this  gentleman  the  bearer  of  communications 
to  an  obscure  local  politician,  whose  fame  was  limited  to  a 
single  State  assembly  district.  Oil  other  occasions,  in  similar 
interviews  with  comparatively  obscure  Protestant  Americans, 
the  Pope  has  evinced  a  detailed  knowledge  of  their  personal 
affairs  which  must  have  been  reported  to  him  by  his  repre 
sentatives  in  this  country,  who  inform  themselves  concerning 
the  purpose  of  Americans  to  visit  Rome.  In  late  years  two 
conspicuous  American  politicians  and  public  men  have  visited 
the  Pope  and  have  made  the  most  elaborate  reports  on  their 
return,  in  the  American  newspapers,  concerning  their  inter- 


286  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

views  with  His  Holiness.  In  the  one  case  the  conspicuous 
public  man  was  a  Protestant,  a  Republican,  a  great  orator, 
and  the  chief  of  immense  moneyed  interests.  He  had  a  great 
opportunity  to  state  to  His  Holiness  the  condition  of  public 
sentiment  in  the  United  States  concerning  the  school  question 
and  the  separation  of  church  and  state, — the  two  vital  questions 
at  that  time  absorbing  American  attention, — but  he  lost  his  op 
portunity  and  seemed  to  devote  his  energies  almost  exclusively 
to  giving  to  the  Pope  a  certificate  of  good  character  for  Arch 
bishop  Corrigan  at  just  the  time  when  this  prelate's  reputation 
at  Rome  needed  bolstering  up.  The  other  conspicuous  public 
man  was  a  great  lawyer,  a  Democrat  and  a  Romanist,  and 
therefore  it  was  not  at  all  strange  that  his  elaborate  report  in 
the  American  papers  concerning  his  interview  with  Leo  XIII. 
should  be  colored  with  the  experiences  of  a  religious  ecstasy 
incident  to  an  interview  with  the  man  whom  he  believed  to 
be  the  vicegerent  of  God  on  earth.  Still  this  conspicuous, 
able  American  ought  to  have  so  mastered  his  reverential  feel 
ings  as  to  have  been  able  to  tell  His  Holiness  that  the  Ameri 
can  people,  who  are  willing  to  grant  absolute  religious  liberty 
and  equality  to  all  sects,  will  not  endure  any  political  aggres 
sions  from  any  foreign  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman  power. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  some 
great  representative  American  Republican  Romanist  or  Prot 
estant,  gaining  admission  to  the  Vatican,  shall  have  the  courage 
to  tell  the  Pope  some  facts  which  he  ought  to  know,  and 
which  he  would  undoubtedly  appreciate  from  honest  men  who 
are  not  obsequious  flatterers. 

Romanism  and  Protestantism,  as  self-sacrificing  religious 
forces,  are  to  be  commended  ;  but,  as  organized  political  forces, 
they  are  to  be  resisted  if  the  American  republic  is  not  to 
share  the  fate  of  the  nations  controlled  by  Latin  civilization. 
America  asleep  is  strengthless,  but  America  awakened  on  the 
subject  of  the  character  of  her  civilization  is  omnipotent. 

The  hour  has  struck  for  retiring  the  time-serving  profes- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  287 

sional  politicians  and  spineless  citizens,  whose  political  princi 
ples  are  corraled  in  the  columns  of  figures  in  their  account 
books,  and  who  tremble  when  boycott  in  business  is  threat 
ened  by  men  claiming  the  rights  of  American  citizenship 
while  they  give  their  first  loyalty  to  a  foreign  potentate. 

TO    LEGISLATION. 

If  other  nations,  including  Protestant  Germany,  to  protect 
themselves  against  the  encroachments  of  political  Romanism, 
have  been  obliged  to  legislate,  so  have  we.  In  fact  the  most 
of  the  legislation  in  the  States  and  nation  designed  to  protect 
the  public-school  system  from  sectarian  aggressions,  and  for 
the  perpetuation  of  the  principle  of  the  separation  of  church 
and  state,  has  been  forced  by  ecclesiastical  encroachments. 
Lecky,  in  his  new  work,  "  Democracy  and  Liberty,"  says : 
"  The  Catholic  Church  is  essentially  a  state  within  a  state, 
with  its  frontiers,  its  policy,  and  its  leaders  entirely  distinct 
from  those  of  the  nation,  and  it  can  command  an  enthusiasm 
and  a  devotion  at  least  as  powerful  and  as  widespread  as  the 
enthusiasm  of  patriotism.  It  claims  to  be  a  higher  authority 
than  the  state  ;  to  exercise  a  divine,  and  therefore  a  supreme 
authority  over  belief,  morals,  and  education,  and  to  possess 
the  right  of  defining  the  limits  of  its  own  authority.  It  also 
demands  obedience  even  where  it  does  not  claim  infallibility. 
Such  an  organization  cannot  be  treated  by  legislators  as  if  it 
were  simply  a  form  of  secular  opinion,  and  many  good  judges 
look  with  extreme  alarm  upon  the  dangerous  power  it  may 
acquire  in  the  democracies  of  the  future.  One  of  the  facts 
which  have  been  most  painfully  borne  upon  the  minds  of  the 
more  careful  thinkers  and  students  of  the  present  generation 
is  how  much  stronger  than  our  fathers  imagined  were  the 
results  which  led  former  legislators  to  impose  restrictive  legis 
lation  on  Catholicism.  Measures  of  the  Reformation  period 
which,  as  late  as  the  days  of  Hallam,  were  regarded  by  the 
most  enlightened  historians  as  simple  persecution,  are  now 


288  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

seen  to  have  been  in  a  large  degree  measures  of  necessary 
self-defense,  or  inevitable  incidents  in  a.  civil  war." 

Political  Romanists  are  always  injecting  their  personality 
into  legislative  matters.  At  times  they  are  gracious,  but 
specious,  in  their  pleas  for  slight  consideration.  Often  they 
make  exorbitant  demands  upon  the  fears  of  politicians  and 
then  condescendingly  offer  compromise,  and  step  by  step  get 
all  their  original  demands  in  final  legislation. 

They  never  seek  legislative  action  placing  them  as  sec 
tarians  upon  an  equality  with  other  denominations,  but 
always  move  for  special  privileges  and  exclusive  rights. 

Legislators  must  either  advocate  their  claims  or  give  dumb 
and  compromising  assent  to  their  demands. 

They  never  forget  that  they  are  Romanists  wrheu  acting  as 
legislators. 

Watch  their  votes  and  analyze  them  in  the  United  States 
Senate  on  the  Arbitration  Treaty,  and  on  the  Sugar  ques 
tion  and  Hawaiau  and  Spanish  questions. 

The  enlightened  effort  in  1897  to  secure  ratification  of  the 
arbitration  treaty  with  Great  Britain  was  conceded ly  defeated 
by  Roman  Catholic  political  power. 

The  Immigration  Bill,  passed  by  the  United  States  Senate 
in  1898,  was  strangled  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by 
Roman  Catholic  power,  which  worked  upon  the  fears  of 
politicians  concerning  the  election  of  the  members  of  the  new 
Congress  in  the  fall  of  1898. 

In  constructing  the  constitutions  of  Territories  for  ad 
mission  as  States  into  the  Union,  and  in  constitutional  con 
ventions  in  older  States,  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  has 
always  attempted  to  .make  them  un-American,  as  far  as  the 
schools,  charities,  and  conditions  of  citizenship  are  concerned. 

In  the  legislation  for  the  admission  of  New  Mexico  into 
the  Union  the  English  language  for  the  schools  was  voted 
down  in  Congress  at  its  dictation.  Mormonism  in  Utah 
proved  itself  more  loyally  American  than  Roman  Catholicism 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  289 

by  adopting  in  its  constitution  one  of  the  safest  provisions  in 
existence  for  the  protection  of  public-school  funds  and  to 
extend  and  perfect  the  system. 

The  social  functions  in  Washington  are  made  to  contribute 
to  the  legislative,  political  power  of  Romanism.  The  cross 
ing  of  these  social  lines  entangles  Members  of  Congress,  and 
tells  on  their  votes  when  appropriation  bills  are  to  the  front 
containing  provision  for  Roman  Catholic  educational  or  chari 
table  work. 

In  the  work  of  the  National  League  for  the  Protection  of 
American  Institutions  in  Washington,  Congressmen  have  been 
known  to  give  as  a  reason  for  their  indefensible  vote  on  bills 
involving  sectarian  appropriations,  that  their  social  and  family 
relations  with  certain  Roman  Catholic  families  were  such  that 
they  feared  to  offend  them.  The  same  thing  occurred  in  the 
formation  of  a  local  league  composed  of  prominent  citizens  in 
the  city  of  Washington. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  constitutes  substantially 
the  only  opposition  in  legislation  to  the  State  control  of  chari 
ties  and  to  the  protection  of  the  schools. 

The  members  of  the  hierarchy  in  different  parts  of  the 
land,  are,  to  put  it  mildly,  not  ardently  loved  by  many  of  the 
priesthood  and  by  the  so-called  liberals,  but  when  it  comes  to 
a  legislative  assault  upon  treasuries,  they  all  present  a  solid 
front  for  appropriations.  The  posing  patriot  and  the  persist 
ent  Bourbon  join  hands  and  strive  together. 

While  the  Hebrews  have  every  reason,  religiously  and 
politically,  to  hate  Rome-ruled  Spain,  in  this  country  they 
often  strangely  unite  politically,  especially  in  legislative 
affairs,  with  Roman  Catholics,  and  thus  buttress  the  power 
which  has  been  the  master  of  Spain  and  the  protector  of  her 
iniquities  at  home  and  abroad,  and  which  will  here  persecute 
the  Jews  so  soon  as  she  becomes  strong  enough  to  be  inde 
pendent  of  their  political  power. 

Hon.  Henry  W.  Blair,  on  the  floor  of  the  United  States 


290  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Senate,  February  15,  1888,  in  speaking  on  the  Education 
Bill,  said  : 

"  Upon  this  very  floor  soon  after  we  had  passed  this  bill, 
full  two  years  ago,  and  while  it  was  in  the  hands  of  a  packed 
committee  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  where  it  was 
finally  strangled — on  this  very  floor  a  Senator  showed  me  a 
letter  which  I  read  with  my  own  eyes,  the  original  letter  of  a 
Jesuit  priest,  in  which  he  begged  a  Member  of  Congress  to 
oppose  this  bill,  and  to  kill  it,  saying  that  they  had  organized 
all  over  the  country  for  its  destruction  ;  that  they  succeeded 
in  the  Committee  of  the  House,  and  they  would  destroy  the 
bill  inevitably  ;  and  if  they  had  Only  known  it  early  enough, 
they  could  have  prevented  its  passage  through  the  Senate. 
They  had  begun  in  season  this  time." 

In  seeking  legislation,  State  or  National,  where  the  votes 
of  Roman  Catholic  members  are  important  as  constituting  a 
balance  of  power,  they  uniformly  demand  some  concessions 
and  special  favors  to  Romanism  as  a  price  for  their  votes  even 
for  concededly  good  measures. 

One  of  the  most  talented  and  trusted  Congressmen  from  a 
strong  Republican  State  spoke  to  us,  in  1898,  in  the  most  en 
thusiastic  manner  of  the  liberality  of  the  Roman  Catholics  in 
his  State,  and  claimed  that  they  voted  with  his  party,  and 
that  lie  was  interested  in  securing  offices  and  legislation  for 
them  as  a  reward.  This  effort  by  Congressmen  and  other 
legislators  of  all  parties,  to  secure  Roman  Catholic  favor  by 
the  gift  of  offices  and  dangerous  legislation,  and  taking  it  for 
granted  that  the  intelligent  American  citizen  can  be  depended 
upon  to  vote  with  his  party  anyway,  is  an  insult  to  all 
patriotic  men,  and  is  destined  to  be  rebuked  when  American 
sentiment,  slow  to  be  awakened,  is  finally  aroused.  In  an 
other  direction  equally  disgraceful,  in  imitation  of  the  Roman 
method,  in  the  last  Presidential  campiagn,  large  sums  of 
money  were  paid  to  the  claimants  of  so-called  patriotic  orders 
for  votes  which  were  never  delivered,  but  the  funds  were 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  291 

pocketed  by  sharpers  who  trade  upon  their  claimed  patriotic 
influence,  just  as  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanists  trade  upon 
their  asserted  power  to  deliver  Roman  Catholic  votes.  Patri 
otic  votes,  whether  Roman  Catholic  or  anti-Roman  Catholic, 
can  neither  be  purchased  nor  delivered  by  party  boss  or 
leader,  but  the  purpose  formed,  and  the  effort  put  forth,  are 
both  corrupting. 

A  notable  case  of  Roman  Catholic  opposition  to  safe 
national  legislation  at  a  pivotal  point  in  American  history,  in 
1876,  will  be  found  in  the  record  of  the  congressional  contest 
over  the  Elaine  Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitu 
tion,  which  had  been  prepared  by  President  Grant  and  was 
designed  to  protect  the  public-school  funds. 

This  amendment  passed  the  House  of  Representatives  by 
one  hundred  and  eighty  affirmative  votes  to  seven  negative 
votes.  In  the  Senate,  after  a  debate  extending  at  intervals 
through  some  days,  and  after  many  changes  had  been  pro 
posed,  which  did  not,  however,  change  the  primary  purpose 
of  the  Amendment,  it  was  defeated  under  the  leadership  of 
Francis  Kernan,  a  Roman  Catholic  United  States  Senator 
from  New  York  State,  the  vote  standing  at  twenty-eight  in 
the  affirmative  and  sixteen  in  the  negative.  A  two-thirds 
vote  being  required  for  the  passage  of  the  Amendment,  Roman 
Catholic  power  succeeded  in  compassing  its  defeat  by  con 
trolling  the  two  votes  necessary.  If  this  Amendment  in 
1876  had  become  a  part  of  the  organic  law  of  the  land,  the 
treasuries  of  the  nation,  the  States,  and  the  subdivisions  of 
States  would  have  been  saved  millions  of  dollars,  and  the  sec 
tarian  issue  concerning  the  public  schools,  which  has  been, 
and  continues  to  be,  a  disturber  of  the  peace,  would  have 
been  banished  from  political  issues. 

The  only  church  or  ecclesiastical  institution,  except  Mor- 
monism,  in  the  United  States  which  has  ever  in  the  past 
maintained,  or  which  now  maintains,  a  regularly  organized 
and  legally  incorporated  lobby  in  Washington  is  the  Roman 


292  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Catholic  Church.  The  facts  concerning  the  origin  and  con 
stitution  of  this  lobby  are  taken  from  Roman  Catholic 
sources  of  information.  The  methods  of  work  of  this  lobby, 
through  Director  Stephan,  have  been  audacious  and  insulting 
toward  public  officials, — including  a  President  of  the  United 
States, — intimidating  toward  lawmakers,  and  mandatory 
toward  politicians.  We  are  in  possession  of  documents, 
letters,  and  circulars  of  Director  Stephan,  addressed  to  the 
prelates  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  in  one  of  which  he 
says,  "  I  am  constrained  to  request  that  you  will  keep  this 
report  from  the  eye  of  the  public  ";  the  report  in  question  con 
taining  an  account  of  his  efforts  to  defeat  the  confirmation 
by  the  United  States  Senate  of  General  Morgan  for  Com 
missioner  of  Indian  Affairs  and  of  Dr.  Dorchester  for 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Schools.  This  report,  and  other 
documents  issuing  from  the  same  source,  have  contained  such 
vile  assaults  upon  the  President  and  other  executive  officers 
of  the  National  Government  that  the  author  and  all  of  his 
backers  ought  in  national  self-respect  to  have  been  banished 
from  every  department  in  Washington. 

While  the  primary  official  purpose  of  this  Roman  lobby  is 
announced  to  be  "the  procurement  from  the  Government  of 
funds  for  their  support,"  referring  to  Indian  schools,  they 
watch  every  movement  of  legislation  by  Congress  and  report- 
any  lack  of  subserviency  to  their  sectarian  demands  on  the 
part  of  any  individual  congressman  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
authorities  within  the  bounds  of  his  constituency. 

Archbishop  Ireland  and  other  prelates  have  often  served 
as  solicitors  and  advocates  of  this  lobby.  We  have  a  number 
of  their  speeches  while  serving  in  this  capacity,  taken  steno 
graph  ically. 

"The  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions  was  established 
in  1874  by  the  Most  Rev.  Archbishop  of  Baltimore,  upon  the 
recommendation,  and  for  and  in  behalf  of,  the  Catholic  prel 
ates  having  Indian  missions  within  the  limits  of  their  dio- 


Patrick  II'.  Kisnian. 


James  Cardinal  Gibbons. 
A'.  I..  Cliapcllc. 
f.  A.  tlealv. 


Patrick  J.  Ryan. 
J.  P.  lit  ondcl. 


THE  ROMAN  CATHOLIC  LOHHY  IX  \V  ASH  INC.TON,  STYLED  "THE  BUREAU  OP 
CATHOLIC  INDIAN  MISSIONS."  KST  A  I'.LISH  ED  IN  1H7J  ;  R  ECO(  1NIZKI)  "BY 
DECKKE  OF  THE  THIRD  I'LKNARY  Col'NCIL  OF  BALTI.MOR  K  "  AND"AP- 
I'KOYKI)  I'.Y  ROM  I':." 


Politico- Ecdesimtica I  Romanism.  293 

ceses,  for  the  purpose  of  representing  before  the  Government 
the  interests  and  wants  of  the  said  prelates  in  all  matters 
pertaining  to  Indian  aft'airs.  It  was,  by  decree  of  the  Third 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  which  was  approved  by  Rome, 
recognized  as  an  institution  of  the  Church,  arid  was  by  that 
council  placed  under  the  charge  of  a  committee  of  seven  prel 
ates,  consisting  of  His  Eminence  James  Cardinal  Gibbons ; 
Most  Rev.  P.  J.  Ryan,  Archbishop  of  Philadelphia;  Most 
Rev.  P.  J.  Riordan,  Archbishop  of  San  Francisco ;  Most  Rev. 
P.  L.  Chapelle,  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe  ;  Rt.  Rev.  James  A. 
Healy,  Bishop  of  Portland  ;  Rt.  Rev.  John  B.  Brondel, 
Bishop  of  Helena,  and  Rt.  Rev.  M.  Marty,  Bishop  of  St. 
Cloud.  In  1894  this  committee  was  dissolved,  and  the 
bureau  as  then  constituted  was  superseded  by  a  new  corpora 
tion  chartered  by  an  Act  of  the  Assembly  of  the  State  of 
Maryland — the  incorporators  being  His  Eminence  James 
Cardinal  Gibbons,  Archbishop  of  Baltimore;  Most  Rev.  P.  J. 
Ryan,  Archbishop  of  Philadelphia,  and  Most  Rev.  M.  A. 
Corrigan,  Archbishop  of  New  York,  and  its  corporate  name 
being  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions.  The  new 
organization  succeeded  to  all  the  rights  and  powers  of,  and 
all  the  property  held  by,  the  old  corporation ;  has  adopted 
laws  for  the  government  and  guidance  of  the  bureau,  and 
has  selected  as  its  officers  the  following :  His  Eminence 
James  Cardinal  Gibbons,  President ;  Rt.  Rev.  Monsignor 
J.  A.  Stephan,  Director;  Rev.  E.  R.  Dyer,  SS.,  D.  D.,  Treas 
urer  ;  Charles  S.  Lusk,  Secretary. 

"  The  principal  work  of  the  bureau  is  the  establishment  of 
boarding  and  day  schools  among  the  Indian  tribes,  and  the 
procurement  from  the  government  of  funds  for  their  support 
and  maintenance." — Hoffmanns  "  Catholic  Directory"  1898, 
p.  530. 

The  Indian  schools  under  the  direction  of  this  bureau,  for 
the  support  of  which  appropriations  are  annually  made  by 
Congress,  are  thirty-three  in  number,  having  1792  pupils. 


294  Facing  the  twentieth  Century. 

The  Indian  schools  under  the  same  direction,  wliicli  are 
supported  entirely  by  private  charity,  are  ten  in  number,  and 
have  595  pupils. 

This  legalized  lobby  has,  in  the  Indian  School  department 
alone  of  its  work,  administered  at  its  discretion,  since  the  year 
1882,  $4,000,000  of  the  funds  of  the  American  people. 

General  Thomas  J.  Morgan  was  appointed  Commissioner 
of  Indian  Affairs  by  President  Harrison,  July  1, 1889,  and  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate  in  February,  1890.  J.  A.  Stephau, 
Director  of  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions,  as  we 
have  seen,  opposed  his  confirmation  with  malignant  spirit  and 
unscrupulous  methods. 

The  Commissioner  found  that  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian 
Missions  had  before  it  the  work  of  securing  from  the  United 
States  Government  the  largest  possible  amount  of  money  and 
of  also  securing,  to  the  utmost  extent,  any  power  which  might 
come  from  the  appointment  to  public  place  in  the  Indian  serv 
ice  of  those  devoted  to  the  interests  of  Romanism. 

He  also  ascertained  that  the  organization  was  compact, 
vigilant,  aggressive,  and  absolutely  unscrupulous.  It  had  its 
agents  and  spies  everywhere  in  the  Indian  service  who  kept 
it  informed  of  any  changes,  actual  or  prospective,  in  the  serv 
ice,  and  who  also  kept  it  advised  of  anything  that  might  be 
necessary  to  the  prosecution  of  its  work.  It  sustained  close 
and  intimate  relations  with  Members  of  Congress,  with  mem 
bers  of  the  administration,  and  with  newspapers,  and  had 
other  means  of  influencing  legislation,  administration,  and  pub 
lic  sentiment. 

The  chief  of  the  Educational  Division  in  the  Indian  Office, 
his  first  assistant  clerk,  and  another  of  the  clerks  were  Roman 
Catholics,  and  the  chief  was  wholly  obedient  to  the  Bureau 
of  Catholic  Indian  Missions,  recognizing,  apparently,  his  alle 
giance  to  that  body  first  and  to  the  Indian  Office  next.  It  came 
to  the  Commissioner's  knowledge  afterward  that  Mr.  Stephan, 
the  Director  of  the  Catholic  Bureau,  was  in  the  habit  of  com- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  295 

ing  to  the  Indian  Office,  entering  without  special  authority 
into  the  Educational  Division,  seating  himself  at  the  desk  of 
the  chief,  and  conferring  with  him  day  by  day  ad  libitum  re 
garding  Indian  educational  matters,  and  through  him  securing 
practically  everything  that  was  available  as  much  as  though 
Stephan  had  been  actually  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs. 

There  had  also  grown  up  during  years  preceding  a  system 
of  contract  schools,  by  which  increasing  annual  amounts  of 
money  were  devoted  to  various  religious  denominations,  the 
bulk  of  it  going  to  the  Roman  Catholics. 

It  also  came  to  his  knowledge  subsequently  that  in  making 
appointments  to  educational  positions  in  the  Indian  service 
there  had  been  apparently  two  controlling  principles.  One 
was  to  satisfy  the  politicians  by  appointing  anybody  that  they 
desired  to  have  appointed,  and  second,  to  put  the  largest 
possible  number  of  Roman  Catholics  into  the  service  without 
regard  to  fitness. 

Commissioner  Morgan  was  obliged  to  ask  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  to  dismiss  from  the  service  Mr.  Gorman,  the  chief  of 
the  Educational  Division,  a  Roman  Catholic,  for  intemperance, 
incapacity,  meddling  with  other  departments  than  his  own, 
and  persistent  discourtesy  and  impertinence. 

After  Mr.  Gorman's  dismissal  he  pursued  the  Commissioner 
with  vindictive  and  slanderous  assaults  in  Roman  Catholic 
and  other  papers. 

Despite  these  and  other  assaults  upon  him,  Commissioner 
Morgan  treated  the  Roman  Catholics  in  the  employ  of  his 
department  both  in  Washington  and  in  the  field  with  the  ut 
most  fairness,  and  never  discharged  an  employee  because  he 
was  a  Roman  Catholic.  But  the  Commissioner  during  his 
entire  term  was  obliged  not  only  to  contend  with  Roman 
Catholic  bigotry  and  trickery,  but  with  the  ignorance  and 
treachery  of  Congressmen,  Senators,  and  Representatives 
upon  whom  Rome  had  a  mortgage. 

Let  it  here  be  recorded  that  President  Harrison  in  all  this 


296  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

controversy  sustained  the  attitude  of  the  Commissioner.  By 
this  we  mean  that  the  President  pursued  an  impartial,  a 
manly,  and  an  American  course.  This  was  counted  a  crime  in 
the  eyes  of  the  mercenary  Roman  Catholic  lobbyists. 

The  effort  of  politicians,  Senators,  Representatives,  and  others 
to  control  appointments  in  the  Indian  schools  service  was  well- 
nigh  constant  and  sometimes  very  disagreeable.  On  the  Com 
missioner's  recommendation,  the  President  placed  the  school 
superintendents,  matrons,  teachers,  and  physicians  under  the 
operation  of  the  civil  service  rules. 

While  Commissioner  Morgan's  name  was  before  the  Senate 
for  confirmation  he  was  offered  the  aid  of  the  Roman  Catholics 
to  secure  his  confirmation,  but  the  price  to  be  paid  was  the 
signing  of  a  contract  for  the  benefit  of  a  Roman  Catholic 
whereby  an  Indian  tribe  was  to  be  mercilessly  cheated.  Of 
course  the  Commissioner  spurned  the  overtures,  and  he  was 
confirmed  by  the  Senate  by  a  large  majority  composed  of  both 
Democrats  and  Republicans.  Some  Republican  Senators  who 
voted  against  confirmation  were  defeated  in  the  near  future 
by  their  independent,  patriotic  constituencies,  and  one  prom 
inent  Senator  who  stoutly  stood  in  favor  of  the  confirmation 
was  defeated  for  both  Senatorship  and  Governorship  in  his 
State,  and  he  was  told  by  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  that  the 
Catholics  were  opposing  him  on  this  ground. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Washington  lobby  thus  makes  its 
connections  with  the  constituencies  of  our  public  men  who 
have  convictions  of  duty  and  act  upon  them. 

This  lobby,  in  1891,  became  so  imperious  that  it  forced 
a  crisis  in  its  relations  to  the  National  Government.  For 
tunately  for  American  honor  and  civilization  the  right  man 
was  found  on  guard  in  the  right  place.  That  man  was 
General  Thomas  J.  Morgan,  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs, 
who  was  sustained  by  the  commander-in-chief  who  had 
assigned  him  to  duty. 

The  crisis  to  which  we  refer  was  the  dissolution  of  partner- 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  297 

ship  between  the  United  States  Government  and  the  Koman 
Catholic  lobby  styled  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Mis 
sions,  a  dangerous  partnership  which  never  ought  to  have 
been  consummated. 

The  action  of  General  Morgan  in  severing  official  relations 
between  the  Indian  Office  and  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian 
Missions  was  one  of  great  significance,  was  worthy  of  careful 
study,  and  ought  to  have  received  the  cordial  indorsement  of 
every  American  citizen.  While  it  was  true  that  the  imme 
diate  occasion  of  the  action  was  the  unstinted  abuse  which 
had  been  heaped  upon  him  by  the  bureau  and  its  -attaches, 
we  are  quite  sure  that  the  commissioner  would  never  have 
resorted  to  so  serious  a  measure  simply  for  the  sake  of  admin 
istering  a  well-deserved  punishment. 

We  desire  to  call  attention  to  what  we  regard  as  the  real 
significance  of  this  action.  In  the  first  place,  it  was  a  very 
proper  assertion  of  the  official  dignity  of  the  head  of  a  great 
government  bureau.  The  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs  is 
charged  with  the  responsibility  of  administering  one  of  the 
most  difficult  offices  of  the  Government.  His  duties  are  vari 
ous,  complex,  delicate,  and  continuous.  Unfortunately  the 
bureau  over  which  he  presided  had  been  for  many  years 
regarded  as  corrupt,  and  it  was  very  difficult,  under  the  most 
favorable  circumstances,  for  any  commissioner,  however  hon 
est  or  able,  to  administer  it  satisfactorily.  During  his  admin 
istration  Commissioner  Morgan  proved  himself  honest,  able, 
and  fearless,  and  won  for  himself  the  strong  support  of  those 
best  acquainted  with  his  services. 

When,  notwithstanding  this,  he  was  persistently  vilified 
and  slandered  by  a  bureau  that  was  in  almost  daily  official 
relations  with  his  office,  he  had  a  right  to  say  to  that  bureau, 
as  he  did,  that  instead  of  dealing  with  it  he  would  deal 
directly  with  the  schools  that  it  represented.  In  his  official 
position  he  represented  the  people  of  America,  and  was 
under  the  highest  obligation  to  uphold  by  all  proper  means 


298  Facing  tJte  Twentieth  Century. 

the  essential  dignity  which,  for  the  time,  in  his  sphere,  he 
represented. 

Ill  the  second  place,  the  action  was  significant  as  an  asser 
tion  of  the  right  of  the  Government,  which  represents  the 
whole  people,  to  transact  public  business  with  a  view  to 
public  ends,  and  not  at  the  dictation  of  an  organized  lobby 
representing  only  a  small  minority.  The  Bureau  of  Catholic 
Indian  Missions  had  been  prosecuting  its  work  by  its  own 
peculiar  methods  for  more  than  twenty  years,  and  had  suc 
ceeded  not  only  in  diverting  to  its  own  treasury  millions  of 
dollars  of  public  funds,  but  had  grown  insolent  and  dicta 
torial,  and  had  attempted  to  control  the  Government  in  both 
its  administrative  and  legislative  functions.  It  was  notorious 
that  for  many  years  the  Indian  Office  had  been  in  its  educa 
tional  work  largely  controlled  by  the  Catholic  Bureau,  and 
Commissioner  Morgan,  refusing  to  submit  any  longer  to  its 
dictation,  was  simply  performing  a  most  obvious  duty  devolv 
ing  upon  him  as  a  public  servant. 

That  feature  of  the  situation  which  was,  perhaps,  most 
obnoxious  to  the  American  people  was  that  the  Catholic 
Bureau  was  a  strictly  sectarian  institution,  an  ecclesiastical 
organization,  an  organized  political  lobby,  representing  a 
church, — one  of  the  many  churches  which  enjoy  the  freedom 
of  America, — which,  contrary  to  the  whole  spirit  of  our  Amer 
ican  institutions,  insisted  arrogantly  and  offensively  in  assert 
ing  its  right  as  an  ecclesiastical  body  to  control  Government 
action.  Its  presence  at  the  capital  was  and  is  a  menace  to 
Protestantism,  and  awakens  widespread  unrest  and  threatens 
serious  religious  controversies. 

The  action  in  this  crisis  called  the  attention  of  the  Ameri 
can  people  very  strongly  to  a  most  glaring  misappropriation 
of  public  funds.  The  appropriation  of  public  money  for  the 
maintenance  of  parochial  schools  among  the  Indians  is  vio 
lently  antagonistic  to  the  spirit  of  our  Constitution,  at  variance 
with  the  genius  of  our  institutions,  and  clearly  opposed  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  299 

public  policy.  While  the  action  of  the  Commissioner  in  sev 
ering  relations  with  the  bureau  did  not  strike  directly  at 
sectarian  appropriations,  it  indirectly  forced  that  question  to 
the  front.  It  has  since  been  fully  considered  by  the  American 
people  and  they  have  utterly  condemned  such  misuse  of 
public  money,  whenever  politicians  and  ecclesiastics  have 
afforded  them  opportunity  to  express  their  convictions. 

Commissioner  Morgan  was  obliged  to  continue  provision 
for  church  schools  after  the  rupture  with  the  bureau,  while 
at  the  same  time  he  extended  largely  the  public-school  system 
among  the  Indians. 

While  it  is  officially  declared  that  "  the  principal  work  of 
the  bureau  is  the  establishment  of  boarding  and  day  schools 
among  the  Indian  tribes,  and  the  procurement  from  the  Gov 
ernment  of  funds  for  their  support  and  maintenance,"  it  is 
true  that  the  money  secured  by  intimidating  legislative  lob 
bying  for  these  Roman  Catholic  schools  is  an  unpardonable 
use  of  the  people's  money,  even  conceding  the  worthiness  of 
the  purpose. 

The  work  of  the  schools  under  the  control  of  the  Catholic 
Bureau  is  very  defective.  The  industrial  training,  particu 
larly  of  boys,  is  almost  wholly  neglected,  inferior  teachers  are 
employed,  and  the  one  essential  work  of  training  Indian 
pupils  in  the  use  of  the  English  language  is  largely  over 
looked.  Too  much  stress  is  laid  upon  the  inculcation  of 
sectarian  dogmas,  and  too  little  upon  the  preparation  of  the 
Indian  pupils  for  useful  citizenship.  The  superiority  of  the 
Government  schools,  in  almost  every  respect  for  the  ends  for 
which  such  schools  are  organized,  is  clearly  apparent  to  every 
one  acquainted  with  the  facts. 

But  the  action  of  the  Commissioner  had  an  important  bear 
ing  upon  the  welfare  of  the  public-school  system  of  America. 
Since  1876  the  Government  has  been  engaged  in  the  work  of 
developing  a  system  of  Government  industrial  schools  for  the 
Indians,  and  while  the  work  is  still  in  its  infancy,  some  of 


300  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

\ 

these  schools  have  been  brought  to  a  high  degree  of  efficiency. 
During  Commissioner  Morgan's  administration  this  work  re 
ceived  a  great  impulse,  and  more  was  accomplished  for  it  than 
ever  before  in  the  same  length  of  time. 

The  one  great  purpose  of  these  Government  institutions  is, 
by  a  system  of  moral,  intellectual,  and  industrial  training, 
carried  on  by  persons  specially  chosen  because  of  their  fitness 
for  the  work,  and  in  accordance  with  the  most  approved  mod 
ern  methods,  entirely  free  from  partisan  or  sectarian  control, 
to  fit  the  rising  generation  of  American  Indians  for  the  respon 
sibilities  and  privileges  of  freedom.  The  parochial  schools, 
represented  by  the  Catholic  Bureau,  administered  solely  in 
the  interests  of  the  Church,  making  the  Catholic  catechism  the 
substance  of  its  instruction,  have  of  necessity  for  their  chief 
purpose  the  propagation  of  Catholicism.  Not  only  are  these 
two  theories  radically  repugnant  to  each  other,  but  they  have 
been  the  source  of  much  friction  in  the  practical  work  of 
Indian  education.  Those  representing  the  parochial  schools 
and  favoring  their  extension  are  jealous  of  the  Government 
institutions,  do  all  they  dare  to  do  to  prevent  or  limit  their 
success,  and  by  threats  and  ecclesiastical  penalties  keep  away 
from  them  Indian  children  over  whom  they  have  any  control. 
If  there  is  one  matter  which  is  dear  to  the  American  heart  it 
is  the  success  of  the  public-school  system,  and  the  course  of 
Commissioner  Morgan  in  asserting  the  ri«vht  of  the  Govern- 

O  O  O 

ment  to  establish  and  maintain  for  the  Indians  an  efficient 
system  of  public  schools,  unsectarian  and  without  partisan 
bias,  was  worthy  of  all  praise. 

The  thoughtful  and  patriotic  sentiment  of  our  citizenship 
sustained  the  President  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  and 
they  sustained  their  manly  and  trusted  representative — the 
Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs. 

General  Morgan  rendered  distinguished  service  for  his  coun 
try  on  the  battlefield  of  civil  warfare,  but  his  victory  over  the 
shameless  assaults  of  the  foreign  foe,  as  represented  by  the 


M.  A.  Com, if  an. 
John  IrclanJ. 


James  Cardinal  (iibbons. 
l\itrick  J.  l\yan. 


THE  NEW  ROMAN"  CATHOLIC  LOHBY  IN  WASHINGTON.  "C!L\RTKRKD  HY  AN 
ACT  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  STATE  OF  MARYLAND"  IN  18!»l,  AND  ITS 
DIRECTOR  AND  ONE  ol-'  I'l'S  SOLK'IToRS. 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  301 

Roman  Catholic  lobby  styled  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian 
Missions,  at  the  nation's  capital,  is  recognized  by  all  right- 
thinking  Americans  as  a  more  distinguished  service  than 
could  be  rendered  by  any  martial  triumphs. 

For  some  reason,  unexplained  to  the  credulous  public,  in 
1894  the  old  lobby  was  dissolved,  and  the  record  says :  "  The 
Bureau  as  then  constituted  was  superseded  by  a  new  corpora 
tion  chartered  by  an  Act  of  the  Assembly  of  the  State  of 
Maryland,  the  iucorporators  being  His  Eminence  James  Car 
dinal  Gibbons,  Archbishop  of  Baltimore ;  Most  Rev.  P.  J. 
Ryan,  Archbishop  of  Philadelphia ;  and  Most  Rev.  M.  A. 
Corrigan,  Archbishop  of  New  York."  This  new  corporation 
has  evidently  not  destroyed  the  identity  of  the  lobby,  as  the 
audacious  Rt.  Rev.  Monsignor  J.  A.  Stephan  still  stands  out 
in  bold  relief  as  Director. 

Such  has  been  the  consciousness  of  power  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  Washington  lobby  that,  whenever  Director  Stephan 
found  himself  in  his  illegal  aggressions  confronted  by  a  faith 
ful  executive  officer,  he  coolly  said :  "  We  had  to  return  to 
Congress  once  more  to  perfect  the  work  begun.  .  .  Mr.  Mor 
gan  should  have  been  promptly  answered  that  we  did  not 
care  what  his  policy  was,  nor  what  his  specific  orders  from 
the  President  were ;  a  higher  power  than  either,  namely  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,"  existed,  to  which  he  believed 
he  could  with  confidence  appeal. 

On  December  9,  1898,  the  press  informed  the  public  that : 

"  Cardinal  Gibbons,  in  behalf  of  himself  and  the  arch 
bishops  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  America,  has  submitted 
a  petition  to  Congress  asking  that  the  question  of  the  con 
tract-school  system  f>e  reopened  and  that  Congress  again  go 
over  the  whole  subject  of  Indian  education. 

"The  petition  sets  forth  at  length  the  history  of  the  Indian 
school  question  and  the  legislation  applying  to  it,  up  to  the 
recent  provisions  in  appropriation  bills  looking  to  the  gradual 
discontinuance  of  government  aid  to  sectarian  schools.  The 


302  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

petition  asks  that  a  congressional  inquiry  be  made  in  place 
of  the  departmental  inquiries,  in  order  that  the  merits  and 
defects  of  contract  schools  and  government  schools  may  be 
shown  and  '  not  kept  as  a  secret  of  state  concealed  in  the 
files  of  any  department  or  office.' ' 

The  petition  was  presented  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
by  Representative  Mclntire  of  Baltimore,  and  in  the  Senate 
by  Senator  Gorman  of  Maryland,  botli  gentlemen  hailing  from 
the  State  which  chartered  the  reconstructed  Roman  Catholic 
lobby  in  Washington. 

The  meaning  of  this  last  effort  to  open  the  Indian  sectarian 
school  question  is  transparent,  after  all  denominations  except 
the  Roman  Catholic  have  withdrawn  from  a  dangerous 
financial  copartnership  with  the  Government,  and  after  the 
United  States  Congress  had  declared  in  its  last  three  appro 
priation  bills  that  the  future  policy  of  the  Government  was 
to  be  a  total  prohibition  against  the  sectarian  appropriations 
for  education,  in  language  as  follows :  "  And  it  is  hereby 
declared  to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government  to  here 
after  make  no  appropriation  whatever  for  education  in  any 
sectarian  school." 

The  doors  of  the  United  States  Treasury  once  open  again 
to  the  greed  of  sectarianism,  and  funds  being  again  appropri 
ated  for  sectarian  education  among  the  Indians  as  the  wards 
of  the  nation,  consistency  would  demand  that  the  church  or 
churches  willing  to  do  sectarian  educational  work  among  the 
millions  of  our  new  wards  in  our  new  insular  possessions 
should  be  furnished  with  the  funds  they  might  demand. 
What  a  golden  opportunity  this  would  prove  for  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  in  the  Philippines  and  the  other  new 
possessions  where  its  form  of  civilization  has  cursed  the  popu 
lations  and  made  them  the  most  needy  subjects  for  missionary 
work  in  the  simplest  elements  of  morality!  And  then,  inci 
dentally,  the  United  States  Government  would,  by  liberal 
appropriations  for  the  work  of  Roman  propagandists,  afford 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  303 

financial  relief  to  the  Pope,  whose  Spanish  bonds  are  not  now 
at  a  premium,  and  to  the  poor  monks  and  friars  in  the  Phil 
ippines,  whose  revenues  will  be  largely  decreased  under  a 
government  where  civil  and  religious  liberty  is  guaranteed. 
These  members  of  Congress  even  whose  principles  are  impris 
oned  in  the  ballot-boxes  within  the  districts  they  represent 
ought  to  be  able  to  understand  the  peril  embraced  in  this  new 
proposition  of  the  Roman  Catholic  lobby  in  Washington. 

Under  cover  of  the  absorbed  attention  of  the  people  in  war 
time  these  political  plotters  put  through  Congress  the  West 
Point  Roman  Catholic  Chapel  Bill  of  devious  history.  Mean 
while  loyal  people  must  keep  still  at  such  times,  while  ene 
mies,  posing  as  patriots,  undermine  our  institutions. 

The  devices  resorted  to  in  securing  a  Sectarian  Chapel  on 
the  West  Point  Military  Reservation,  may  be  seen  from  the 
following  narration : 

In  the  month  of  October,  1896,  the  officers  of  The  National 
League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions  received 
intimation  that  a  movement  was  on  foot,  under  the  leadership 
of  Father  O'Keefe,  the  parish  priest  at  Highland  Falls,  1ST.  Y., 
to  secure  government  permission  for  the  erection  of  a  Roman 
Catholic  Chapel  within  the  limits  of  the  West  Point  Military 
Reservation.  A  permit  for  this  purpose  was  granted  by  Sec 
retary  of  War  Lamont,  provided  that  the  parish  priest  would 
raise  not  less  than  twenty  thousand  dollars  to  cover  the  cost 
of  the  building. 

To  show  that  this  exclusive  privilege  was  entirely  unneces 
sary,  we  quote  from  an  authoritative  statement  of  the  then 
existing  conditions : 

"  There  are  already  two  government  chapels  at  West  Point. 
They  are  designated  the  ' Soldiers7  and  ' Cadet'  Chapels.  In 
the  '  Soldiers '  Chapel,  worship  the  Catholic  officers,  enlisted 
men,  and  civilians,  together  with  their  families,  also  the  Cath 
olic  Cadets,  few  in  number,  about  ten  per  cent,  of  the  entire 
corps,  and  usually  numbering  about  thirty  men,  for  whom 


304  Pacing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Father  O'Keefe  or  his  assistant  conducts  two  masses  each 
Sabbath  morning.  This  service  is  followed  by  a  Sunday 
School  for  the  Catholic  children. 

k4  For  one  hour  each  Sunday  afternoon,  Chaplain  Herbert 
Shipman,  an  Episcopalian,  holds  services  in  this  chapel  for  the 
non-Catholics  with  the  exception  of  officers  and  cadets. 

u  What  is  known  as  the  l  Cadet'  Chapel  is  for  the  use  of 
those  officers  and  cadets  who  are  not  Catholics.  The  services 
are  conducted  by  Chaplain  Shipman  at  10.30  A.  M.  each  Sab 
bath.  About  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  corps  of  cadets  attend 
these  services. 

"  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  religious  welfare  of  the  officers, 
cadets,  and  enlisted  men  in  the  United  States  Military  Acad 
emy  has  been  duly  considered,  and  the  Government  has  pro 
vided  two  chapels  for  their  use,  and  while  the  Catholics 
outnumber  the  Protestants  among  the  enlisted  men,  they  also 
have  the  use  of  the  '  Soldiers '  Chapel  the  entire  time,  except 
ing  one  hour  each  week. 

"  Why  these  people  who  worship  in  the  l  Soldiers  '  Chapel 
should  be  solicited  to  contribute  from  their  small  income 
toward  the  building  of  another  chapel,  to  be  exclusively  a 
Catholic  chapel,  is  not  understood  by  other  than  Father 
O'Keefe,  and  those  back  of  the  undertaking. 

"  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  Father  O'Keefe  is  supported 
by  powerful  social  and  political  influence." 

The  National  League  was  appealed  to  for  advice  and  direc 
tion  in  this  matter  by  influential  citizens  of  various  religious  de 
nominations.  To  demonstrate  the  embarrassing  possibilities  of 
this  proposed  sectarian  grant,  The  League  advised  the  prepara 
tion  and  mailing  to  the  Secretary  of  War  of  separate  denomina 
tional  petitions  demanding  similar  grants  of  land  for  their 
respective  denominations,  within  the  West  Point  Reservation. 

The  result  of  this  action  was  that  Secretary  Lamont  revoked 
the  permit  to  the  Roman  Catholics. 

We  have  good  authority  for  stating  that  a  bill  had  at  this 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  305 

time  been  prepared,  with  a  view  to  securing  Congressional 
action  authorizing  the  grant,  but  it  was  deemed  expedient  by 
high  ecclesiastical  authority  to  suppress  it. 

The  pressure  upon  Secretary  Lamont  to  renew  the  permit 
was  greater  than  he  could  resist,  and  he  announced  on  Febru 
ary  8,  1897,  that,  "unless  Congress  shall  order  to  the  con 
trary  "  —  which  was  of  course  clearly  impossible  when  that 
Congress  had  only  four  weeks  more  of  official  life — he  should 
renew  the  permit ;  and  before  leaving  office  on  March  4,  he 
did  renew  it. 

Shortly  after  the  inauguration  of  President  McKinley,  Gen 
eral  Alger,  the  new  Secretary  of  War,  announced  his  intention 
to  confirm  the  grant  and  to  treat  all  other  denominations  with 
what  he  styled  like  liberality.  So  widespread  and  numerous, 
however,  were  the  protests  against  this  procedure  that  the 
Secretary  of  War  evidently  hesitated  to  assume  the  responsi 
bility,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to  President  McKinley, 
and  by  him  was  turned  over  to  Attorney  General  McKenna 
for  an  opinion  as  to  the  power  of  the  Secretary  of  War  in  the 
premises. 

The  opinion  of  the  Attorney  General  was  rendered  to  the 
Secretary  of  War  on  May  20,  1897,  and,  coming  as  it  did 
from  one  of  their  own  religious  faith,  gave  the  friends  of  sec 
tarian  chapel-building  at  West  Point  a  decided  shock. 

The  opinion  is  lengthy,  and  we  quote  only  a  part  of  it. 

After  referring  to  the  act  of  July  22,  1892,  relative  to  leas 
ing  unused  Government  property,  he  says  in  part : 

"  It  is  very  clear  that  the  Secretary  of  War  has  no  power  to 
accept  a  donation  of  property  for  the  Government — certainly 
not  to  accept  it  with  the  limitation  proposed — its  use  in  per 
petuity  to  Roman  Catholics. 

"  The  action  of  Mr.  Secretary  Lamont  did  not  respond  to 
the  oft'er — maybe  excludes  it.  Nevertheless,  there  are  serious 
objections  to  it.  It  gives,  not  a  lease  having  a  specified  dura 
tion,  but  a  license  without  limitation  of  time. 


306  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"That  these  licenses  transcend  the  statute  is  plain.  The 
statute  provides  for  a  definite  term  with  a  power  of  even 
revoking  that.  The  license  provides  for  no  term  and  really 
commits  the  Government  to  a  practical  perpetuity.  It  would 
be  idle  to  deny  this — idle  to  deny  that  you  do  not  expect  to 
exercise  the  power  of  revocation  except  in  emergency.  In 
deed,  a  contention  not  without  some  authority  could  be  raised 
that  you  could  not.  At  any  rate  the  Government  would  find 
itself  embarrassed  either  to  endure  a  perpetuity  of  right  in  the 
license  or  exercise  an  individual  power. 

"  The  license  should,  therefore,  be  revoked  and  the  peti 
tioner  remitted  to  Congress." 

There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  disappointment  of  Attor 
ney  General  McKenna's  coreligionists  over  this  opinion,  for  we 
find  Hon.  Frederic  R.  Coudert  giving  voice  to  his  vexation,  in 
the  New  York  Journal  of  May  22,  in  language  which  is  not 
very  far  removed  from  a  threat  of  political  boycott  similar  to 
that  which  contributed  to  the  defeat  of  President  Harrison 
for  re-election.  He  says  : 

"  If  this  decision  is  considered  just  by  the  President,  if  the 
interpretation  of  Mr.  McKenna  is  sustained,  it  will  drive  from 
the  Republican  party  many  of  its  representative  men. 

"  It  is  unjust  to  deny  to  Catholics  a  privilege  of  this  kind ; 
and  I  am  certain  that  any  political  party  which  sustains  such  a 
proceeding  will  surely  meets  its  just  fate  at  the  hands  of  an 
intelligent  public." 

Undaunted  by  their  defeat  along  this  line  of  attack,  these 
persistent  and  usually  successful  plotters  for  securing  govern 
mental  assistance  in  their  sectarian  propaganda  re-formed  their 
ranks,  and  turned  their  attention  upon  Congress,  first  making 
an  effort  to  induce  the  National  Board  of  Visitors  at  West 
Point  to  indorse  their  scheme,  which  the  board  very  properly 
declined  to  do. 

Apparently  taking  their  cue  from  the  complaisant  Secretary 
of  War,  a  bill  was  prepared,  the  broad  liberality  of  which,  it 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  307 

was  thought,  would  overcome  all  scruples  as  to  its  funda 
mental  soundness  or  its  ulterior  purpose.  It  was  worded  as 
follows  : 

"  That  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  discretion,  may  author 
ize  the  erection  of  a  building  for  religious  worship  by  any 
denomination,  sect,  or  religion,  on  any  military  reservation  of 
the  United  States.  Provided,  That  the  erection  of  such 
building  will  not  interfere  with  the  uses  of  said  military 
reservation  for  military  purposes.  Said  building  shall  be 
erected  without  any  expense  whatever  to  the  Government  of 
the  United  States,  and  shall  be  removed  whenever,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  War,  military  necessity  shall 
require  it." 

With  that  "  non-partisan  "  astuteness  which  contributes  so 
greatly  to  the  success  of  their  schemes,  they  selected  from  the 
great  political  party  in  whose  ranks  they  figure  least  numer 
ously  a  Senator  and  a  Representative,  both  from  the  State  of 
New  York,  to  present  this  bill  in  either  House,  which  was 
done  on  January  5,  1898. 

This  bill,  in  the  shape  in  which  it  was  drawn,  did  not 
progress  farther  than  the  House  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs,  where  it  was  killed  by  a  vote  of  10  to  3. 

This  evidently  disconcerted  them  for  the  time  being,  for 
one  of  their  champions  in  the  House,  also  a  New  York 
Republican  and  a  member  of  the  Committee  on  Military 
Affairs,  at  once  introduced  a  bill  "to  remove  all  religious 
edifices  from  military  reservations,"  which  also  met  its  fate  in 
the  House  Committee  on  Military  Affairs. 

They  still  had  another  expedient  in  reserve  among  their 
almost  exhaustless  resources.  The  Spanish-American  War 
was  engrossing  the  entire  attention  of  Congress  and  of  the 
American  people. 

The  wording  of  the  West  Point  Bill  was  again  adroitly 
manipulated,  limiting  its  scope,  it  will  be  noticed,  to  West 
Point  alone. 


308  Facing  tlu  Twentieth  Century, 

"  Be  it  enacted,  etc.,  That  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  his  dis 
cretion,  may  authorize  the  erection  of  a  building  for  religions 
worship  l>y  any  denomination,  sect,  or  religion  on  the  West 
Point  Military  Reservation  :  Provided,  That  the  erection  of 
such  building  will  not  interfere  with  the  uses  of  said  reserva 
tion  for  military  purposes.  Said  building  shall  be  erected 
without  any  expense  whatever  to  the  government  of  the 
United  States,  and  shall  be  removed  from  the  reservation,  or 
its  location  changed  by  the  denomination,  sect,  or  religious 
body  erecting  the  same  whenever,  in  the  opinion  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  public  or  military  necessity  shall  require  it,  and 
without  compensation  for  such  building  or  any  other  expense 
whatever  to  the  Government.1' 

In  this  shape,  during  the  closing  days  of  this  exciting  and 
historic  session  of  Congress,  the  bill  passed  both  Houses  with 
little  opposition,  many  legislators  who  were  opposed  to  it  on 
principle,  laying,  if  they  gave  any  thought  to  it  at  all,  "  the 
flattering  unction  to  their  souls  "  that  they  were,  as  the  advo 
cates  of  the  bill  asserted,  "  treating  all  alike." 

TO    JUDICIAL    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  dubious  relations  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism 
to  the  judicial  departments  of  civil  government  have  caused 
serious  alarm  on  the  part  of  many  thoughtful  citizens  and 
candid  students  of  the  principles  of  civil  liberty.  The  bar 
gains  between  party  politicians  and  Roman  Catholic  bosses 
for  the  delivery  of  votes  to  be  paid  for  by  legislative  nomina 
tions,  positions,  and  appropriations,  possess  elements  of  peril, 
but  when  these  bargains  extend  to  nominations  for  the 
judiciary  they  sap  the  very  foundations  of  justice.  This  very 
thing  is  done  in  multitudes  of  instances  in  all  parts  of  the 
land,  in  judicial  nominations  from  the  modest  civil  justice  of 
the  peace  to  the  judges  of  the  highest  courts  of  appeal. 
Often,  in  case  these  judges,  thus  nominated  and  elected,  try  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  309 

be  honest  when  holding  the  balances  of  justice,  their  creators 
and  masters  refuse  them  the  honor  of  a  renomination. 

The  annals  of  American  courts  of  justice  record  case  after 
case  where  the  appellate  courts  have  divided  and  rendered 
decisions,  not  only  on  political  party  lines,  but  on  sectarian 
lines,  and  where  it  has  been  assumed  in  advance,  as  a  matter 
of  course,  that  the  decisions  would  be  on  these  lines.  And 
all  this  is  the  legitimate  result  of  the  political  and  sectarian 
contracts  in  question.  As  in  a  recent  appeal  case  where 
sectarian  appropriations  were  involved  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  everywhere  it  was  taken  for  granted  that,  coming 
before  Roman  Catholic  judges,  they  would  decide  in  the 
financial  interests  of  their  church,  and  the  prejudgment  was 
not  then  and  seldom  is  disappointed. 

The  District  of  Columbia  being  a  part  of  the  national 
domain  as  distinguished  from  the  domain  of  any  State,  all  of 
the  people  of  the  United  States  are  interested  in  its  judiciary. 
In  1894  the  Court  of  Appeals,  consisting  of  three  judges, 
was  constituted  by  the  appointment  of  two  Roman  Catholic 
judges,  and  the  third  was  of  Roman  Catholic  heredity  and 
education.  It  was  this  sectarian  court  which  overruled  the 
decision  of  District  Judge  Hagner  in  the  matter  of  a  grant 
by  Congress  for  a  building  for  contagious  diseases,  which 
grant  was  passed  over  by  the  District  Commissioners  to 
a  Roman  Catholic  Hospital.  This  Court  of  Appeals  did 
what  it  wras  expected  to  do  by  the  powers  which  dictated  its 
personnel  and  determined  its  sectarian  character. 

A  prominent  and  cultured  American  Roman  Catholic  priest 
recently  made  to  us  some  startling  revelations  concerning  the 
interference  of  ecclesiastics  in  prohibiting  the  promulgation 
of  the  verdict  and  indictment  of  a  Grand  Jury,  which  ought 
to  have  brought  about  the  criminal  indictment  of  both  the 

o 

ecclesiastics  and  of  the  members  of  the  Grand  Jury. 

Shortly  after  the  present  Pontiff's  recovery  from  his  illness 
in  1886,  after  re-establishing  all  the  privileges  and  irninuni- 


310  Faring  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ties  of  the  Jesuits,  he  issued  a  papal  decree  in  which  occurs 
the  sentence  : 

u  The  judicial  functionaries  must  refuse  obedience  to  the 
State  and  to  the  laws  of  the  country  which  are  in  contradic 
tion  with  Ko mail  Catholic  precepts." 

The  New  York  TaUet  of  April  8,  1871,  said  : 

"The  State  has  not  supreme  legislative  authority,  and  civil 
courts  which  contravene  the  law  of  God  do  nut  bind  the  con 
science  ;  and  whether  they  do  or  do  not  contravene  the  law,  the 
Church,  not  the  State  or  its  courts,  is  the  supreme  judge." 

Roman  Catholic  political  power  in  New  York  City  and  else 
where  has  used  its  subservient  courts  not  only  to  fill  by  com 
mitments  its  institutions  in  order  to  make  higher  demands  for 
the  people's  money  for  their  support,  but  it  has  used  these 
courts  for  the  purpose  of  bringing  its  own  refractory  politi 
cians  into  subserviency. 

In  New  Orleans,  in  March,  1898,  Romanism  wrote  an  inter 
esting  chapter  of  history  concerning  its  relations  to  the 
judiciary. 

For  many  years  in  this  city  large  amounts  of  money  have 
been  appropriated  by  the  City  Council  for  various  private  and 
sectarian  institutions,  although  such  appropriations  are  a  direct 
violation  of  the  laws  of  the  State,  and  are  especially  forbidden 
by  the  Constitution.  Certain  citizens  protested  against  these 
violations  and  proceeded  legally  against  the  Comptroller  and 
the  City  Treasurer.  In  the  attempt  to  prove  that  the  institu 
tions  in  question  were  private  and  sectarian  it  became  neces 
sary  to  bring  into  court  as  witnesses  the  officers  and  authorities 
of  those  institutions.  Among  the  number  of  such  officers  was 
the  Mother  Prioress  of  an  order  of  cloistered  nuns  who  were 
barefooted  Carmelites.  This  Mother  Prioress  had  signed  the 
receipts  for  money  given  by  the  City  Treasurer  to  the  nun 
nery.  The  witness  refused  to  appear,  and  her  legal  defense 
stated  that  "  this  nun  was  cloistered  and  could  no  more  appear 
in  court  than  a  citizen  of  the  moon  could ;  that  her  vows  were 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  311 

such  that  she  could  not  leave  the  nunnery  under  any  circum 
stances  " ;  and  counsel  read  a  section  from  the  statutes  showing 
that  the  Ursuline  nuns  were  exempt  from  such  process  of  law, 
and  said  the  same  exemption  should  cover  the  Carmelite  nuns. 
The  attorney  for  the  plaintiffs  argued  that  if  this  nun  was  not 
too  cloistered  to  appear  at  the  City  Hall  and  sign  the  pay 
rolls  on  the  receipt  of  money,  she  was  not  too  cloistered  to 
appear  in  court  when  her  evidence  was  required ;  and  asked 
the  judge  (N.  H.  Righter)  to  issue  an  attachment  compelling 
the  witness  to  appear.  The  judge  said  he  would  not  issue 
the  attachment.  "Why  not,  your  Honor?  It  is  the  law," 
said  the  attorney  for  the  plaintiffs.  "  Because  I  won't," 
said  the  judge.  "  If  it  were  twenty  times  the  law  I  would 
refuse  to  bring  a  cloistered  nun  out  of  the  nunnery  into  my 
court.  I  refuse  the  attachment." 

Thus  it  would  appear  from  the  Roman  Catholic  stand 
point  of  judgment  as  to  the  relation  of  the  judiciary  to  the 
rights  of  the  people,  that  the  members  of  religious  orders  can 
thrust  their  hands  into  the  treasury  of  the  people's  money, 
take  out  what  may  be  necessary  to  propagate  their  sectarian 
work  and  teachings,  and  then,  when  the  people  desire  to  find 
out  whether  the  laws  and  the  constitution  of  a  commonwealth 
are  being  violated,  these  greedy  sectarians  and  criminals  before 
the  law  can  shelter  themselves  from  justice  by  seclusion  in 
the  cloisters  of  a  Roman  nunnery  or  monastery. 

TO    EXECUTIVE    ADMINISTRATION. 

The  political  claims  of  Romanists,  based  upon  the  fact  that 
they  are  Romanists,  are  not  exhausted  when  legislative  and 
judicial  limits  have  been  passed.  They  seek  to  hold  or  con 
trol  the  executive  departments  of  government,  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest  positions. 

About  ten  millions  is  the  outside  rational  limit  claim  for 
the  numbers  of  Roman  Catholics  in  our  population  of  over 
seventy  millions,  yet  under  the  general  government,  and  under 


3T2  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

local  governments  where  they  control  the  balance  of  power 
at  the  polls,  they  hold  a  number  of  offices  more  nearly  repre 
sentative  of  the  ratio  due  to  sixty  millions  than  to  ten 
millions.  They  have  not  more  than  one-seventh  of  the 
population,  nor  more  than  one-tenth  of  the  voters,  while  they 
have  the  largest  proportion  of  illiteracy,  and  these  facts 
would  in  justice  give  them  a  very  limited  number  of  civil 
office  positions.  Still  they  preponderate  in  an  offensive  way 
in  Washington  and  at  the  centers  of  population. 

Dr.  Hershey,  over  his  own  signature,  in  1894  made  the 
following  statement  concerning  executive  departments  in 
Washington : 

"  In  this  article  I  want  to  confine  myself  to  a  statement  of 
facts  which  have  fallen  quite  within  my  knowledge  in  this 
city.  There  is  a  great  deal  being  said  just  now  about  the 
unpatriotic  work  of  Romanism  in  the  departments  of  the 
general  government.  .  .  What  I  say  herein  must  carry  with 
it  whatever  weight  attaches  to  my  testimony  bearing  upon 
facts  coming  under  my  personal  knowledge. 

"  The  custom  of  nuns  going  at  regular  intervals  through 
the  departments,  and  coercing  money,  is  an  infamous  political 
iniquity.  In  the  Pension  Bureau  this  semi-monthy  visitation 
is  an  arrant  outrage.  The  Commissioner,  First  Assistant,  aud 
the  Chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Pensions  are  Roman 
Catholics,  and  the  whole  management  of  the  bureau  is  under 
the  direction  of  these  three.  The  Roman  Church  worked  to 
accomplish  this.  Such  combinations  are  not  accidental.  A 
friend  of  mine,  a  little  while  ago,  stood  quietly  by  and  wit 
nessed  the  semi-monthly  pay  of  the  clerks.  The  procession 
of  clerks,  after  receiving  their  pay,  had  to  pass  between  two 
nuns,  each  holding^  box,  and  nearly  all  paid  the  price  neces 
sary  to  keep  them  in  office.  It  took  two  hours  and  a  half  for 
the  more  than  two  thousand  clerks  to  pass  these  agents  of  the 
priesthood  and  pay  over  their  money.  And  this  in  a  great 
government  building  !  Are  we  free,  or  are  we  the  slaves  of 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  313 

a  lustful,  mediaeval  ecclesiastical  institution  ?  Upou  demands 
which  were  made,  one  of  the  Cabinet  has  stopped  this  collec 
tion  of  a  tax  levied  on  the  government  clerks  by  the  Romish 
Church.  It  made  him  quite  mad,  and  he  said  all  sorts  of 
ugly  things,  but  he  knew  the  evil  he  had  countenanced  was 
an  outrage,  and  he  issued  the  order.  This  demand  should  be 
made  upon  every  department. 

"  In  a  certain  room  in  the  printing  office  are  eleven  clerks 
at  one  table,  and  eight  of  them  are  Catholics.  In  this  bureau 
tickets  for  Catholic  fairs  are  sold  from  once  to  twice  a  week 
during  government  hours.  The  Roman  Catholics  are  com 
pelled  to  buy,  and  say  they  would  lose  their  place  if  they 
did  not.  In  a  room  in  one  of  the  departments,  six  clerks 
were  reduced  in  one  day.  Strange  to  relate,  they  were  all 
members  of  the  same  Protestant  church.  Six  others  were 
promoted  to  take  their  places,  and  five  of  them  were  Roman 
Catholics.  One  day  last  fall  twenty-four  promotions  were 
made  in  the  Bureau  of  Engravings,  and  nineteen  were  Roman 
Catholics.  Such  things  do  not  occur  by  any  rule  of  mere 
ciccident.  I  could  continue  such  citations  over  many  pages." 

Dr.  Hershey  refers  simply  to  two  Washington  departments, 
but  Romanists  in  immense  numbers  are  intrenched  in  every 
department,  and  not  only  make  it  uncomfortable  for  their 
Protestant  associates,  but  in  many  instances  make  their  posi 
tions  absolutely  untenable.  The  supremacy  of  Romanists  in 
the  official  force  of  the  Pension  Department  is  especially 
aggravating  to  loyal  Americans,  when  they  recall  how  few 
Romanists,  relatively  speaking,  saw  actual  service  in  the 
Union  Army,  how  many  deserted,  and  how  many  now  are 
pensioners.  In  the  Agricultural  Department,  when  one  divi 
sion  was  some  time  since  abolished,  seventy-eight  per  cent, 
of  the  clerks  were  found  to  be  Roman  Catholics,  who  were 
largely  provided  for  elsewhere,  but  not  so  with  the  twenty- 
two  per  cent,  of  Protestants. 

The  Land  Office,  the  Bureau  of  Engraving  and  Printing, 


314  Faciny  the  Twentieth  Century. 

and  the  Treasury  Department  reveal  a  kindred  state  of  facts. 
The  Indian  Bureau  lias  been  considered,  with  a  single  inter 
ruption,  as  the  special  reservation  of  the  official  lobby  of 
Romanism  in  Washington  styled  the  Bureau  of  Catholic 
Indian  Missions.  It  has  been  crowded  with  Romanist 
employees  controlled  by  this  lobby,  and  this  fact  has  done 
more  to  scandalize  this  department  both  in  Washington  and 
iii  its  active  operations  in  the  field  than  all  other  causes 
together.  A  few  years  since  the  following  incident  was 
recorded  : 

"  In  the  Indian  reservation  in  the  State  of  Minnesota,  under 
the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  of  Archbishop  Ireland,  was  a 
priest  who  was  creating  much  disturbance,  and  was  conse 
quently  objectionable  to  the  government.  The  Indian  Com 
missioner  urged  that  the  priest  be  removed,  and  Ireland 
promised  it  should  be  done.  Not  long  afterward  the  Arch 
bishop  wanted  a  favor  of  the  Commissioner,  and  General  Mor 
gan  telegraphed  to  the  Indian  agent :  l  Is  Father  So-and-So 
on  the  reservation  ? '  desiring  to  know  whether  Archbishop 
Ireland  had  kept  his  word.  Naturally  you  would  have  sup 
posed  that  the  agent  would  have  telegraphed  an  answer  to  his 
official  superior,  but  the  Commissioner  heard  not  a  word  until 
Thomas  II.  Cartel',  chairman  of  the  National  Republican  Com 
mittee,  telegraphed  General  Morgan  to  this  effect :  that  it  was 
better  not  to  make  any  fuss  about  that  priest  while  the  elec 
tion  was  pending. 

"This  meant  that  the  Indian  agent  had  reported,  directly  or 
indirectly,  to  Archbishop  Ireland,  and  that  Ireland,  who  poses 
as  a  Republican,  had  laid  his  hand  upon  the  Roman  Catholic 
who  was  running  the  Republican  campaign,  and  lie,  in  turn, 
put  his  hand  upon  the  Indian  Commissioner,  and  advised  him 
to  leave  the  unworthy  priest  in  his  place." 

A  prominent  citixen  remonstrating  with  a  superintendent 
of  schools  of  national  reputation  in  a  large  city,  against  his 
subserviency  to  Roman  Catholic  priests  who  dictated  appoint- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  315 

meats  of  teachers  in  the  public  schools  regardless  of  their 
qualifications  and  in  violation  of  law,  but  on  sectarian  grounds, 
humiliatingly  responded :  "  I  know  it  is  all  wrong,  but  the 
living  of  myself  and  family  is  at  stake."  This  same  superin 
tendent  was  afterward  re-elected  to  his  position,  on  the  express 
stipulation  of  subserviency  to  the  ecclesiastical  power  which 
seeks  to  control  and  fetter  the  public  schools  which  it  has 
been  unable  to  destroy,  despite  its  repeated  declaration  of 
purpose. 

An  experienced  teacher  who  was  an  applicant  for  a  position 
as  a  teacher  in  the  New  York  City  public  schools  was  asked 
if  he  would  take  the  questions  in  advance  for  examination  in 
case  he  could  secure  them.  The  applicant  asked  if  he  could 
get  them,  and  was  told  by  his  informant  that  they  had  been 
secured  and  could  be  again.  "  How  will  you  get  them  ? "  he 
asked  of  his  informant.  After  enjoining  secrecy  his  informant 
said,  "  They  will  come  to  me  directly  from  a  physician,  who 
will  secure  them  from  a  Catholic  priest."  At  the  time  of  this 
incident  the  typewriters  and  stenographers  in  the  office  of 
the  Superintendent  of  the  New  York  schools  were  Roman 
Catholics,  and  in  their  hands  the  examination  papers  were 
placed  in  advance  for  copying.  Upon  inquiry  it  was  ascer 
tained  that  other  Roman  Catholics  in  official  school  positions 
had  access  to  the  examination  papers.  Where  did  this  priest 
get  these  examination  papers  ?  When  the  teacher  in  question 
visited  the  headquarters  of  the  Department  of  Education  in 
New  York  City  he  discovered  that  Romanists  were  on 
watch  at  the  doors  of  the  office  of  the  Superintendent  of 
Schools. 

We  have  official  authority  for  the  statement  that  recently 
in  New  York  City,  the  examinations  of  Roman  Catholic 
applicants  for  positions  as  teachers,  who  were  attendants 
upon  the  lectures  of  priests,  said  lectures  being  given  to 
those  preparing  for  examinations,  were  of  such  a  uniform 
character  of  accuracy  that  there  could  be  but  one  conclusion 


316  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

concerning  them,  and  that  was  that  the  priestly  instructors 
must  have  known  tLe  contents  of  the  examination  papers. 
This  conclusion  is  emphasized  by  the  fact  that  candidates 
having  had  large  experience  in  teaching,  and  possessed  of  the 
highest  attainments,  were  unable  to  cope  in  excellence  of  their 
examinations  with  the  uniform  excellence  of  those  of  less  ex 
perience  and  narrower  attainments  among  the  Roman  Cath 
olic  competitors.  In  this  same  board,  by  the  exercise  of  the 
usual  devices  in  which  they  are  so  expert,  Roman  Catholic 
members  of  the  board  managed  to  get  control  of  the  com 
mittee  which  has  in  charge  the  preparation  of  examination 
papers  and  the  ranking  of  teachers.  It  is  also  true  that 
almost  all  of  the  employees  of  this  same  board  are  Roman 
Catholics,  and  the  rare  exceptions  find  themselves  most 
uncomfortably  placed.  Rome  thus  seeks  to  run  the  public 
schools  as  an  annex  to  the  parochial  schools,  so  far  as  the 
executive  machinery  is  concerned. 

In  January,  1894,  President  Cleveland  nominated  for 
Justice  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  Wheeler  H. 
Peckhain  of  New  York,  an  eminent  jurist,  a  cultured  gen 
tleman,  a  public-spirited  citizen,  and  a  patriotic  American. 
Senator  David  B.  Hill,  apparently  having  a  constitutional 
aversion  to  these  qualities  in  a  judge,  violently  opposed  the 
confirmation  of  Mr.  Peckham  and  secured  a  disgraceful 
victory  in  defeating  the  confirmation.  But  this  defeat  was 
not  rendered  certain  until  the  sectarian  Roman  reserves  were 
ordered  out. 

Mr.  Peckham  was  a  member  cf  the  Law  Committee  of  the 
National  League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions, 
having  as  his  associates  Win.  Allen  Butler,  Dorman  B. 
Eaton,  Cephas  Brainerd,  and  Henry  E.  Howland.  The 
objects  of  the  League  are  : 

"To  secure  constitutional  and  legislative  safeguards  for  the 
protection  of  the  common-school  system  and  other  Ameri 
can  institutions,  and  to  promote  public  instruction  in  har- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  317 

mony  with  such  institutions,  and  to  prevent  all  sectarian  or 
denominational  appropriations  of  public  funds." 

No  man  having  the  right  to  live  under  the  protection  of 
American  institutions  ought  to  be  offended  by  the  propaga 
tion  of  these  principles.  A  document  of  The  National 
League,  in  which  Mr.  Peckham's  name  was  printed  as  a 
member  of  the  Law  Committee,  was  sent  to  LTnited  States 
Senators,  which  was  supposed  to  furnish  a  Roman  Catholic 
reason  why  Mr.  Peckham's  nomination  should  not  be  con 
firmed.  Again  political  Romanism  projected  itself  into  the 
executive  affairs  of  government  in  an  excuseless,  offensive,  and 
disloyal  manner.  When  Mr.  Peckham  was  interviewed  lie 
responded  in  a  characteristically  manly  way.  He  said :  "  I 
fail  to  see  any  connection  with  an  anti-Catholic  movement  in 
the  objects  of  the  association.  I  believe  there  are  a  good 
many  members  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  the  National 
League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions.  I  am  in 
favor  of  spending  the  public  funds  for  the  purposes  for  which 
they  are  voted,  and  I  am  opposed  to  all  sectarian  and  denomi 
national  appropriations  of  these  funds  in  the  matter  of  educa 
tion.  I  am  not  a  Catholic,  but  I  have  no  antipathy  against 
that  Church  or  its  members."  But  it  is  a  crime  in  the  judg 
ment  of  Romanism  for  a  citizen  to  belong  to  any  organization 
which  proposes  "  the  protection  of  the  common-school  system 
and  other  American  institutions  "  and  the  prohibition  of  "  all 
sectarian  or  denominational  appropriations  of  public  funds." 
Of  course  it  would  never  do  to  have  a  man  elevated  to  the 
bench  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  who  does  not 
take  his  theory  of  civil  government  from  the  Sovereign 
Pontiff  and  his  theory  of  political  ethics  from  David  B.  Hill. 
And  now  let  us  behold  the  sequel.  A  great  and  incor 
ruptible  jurist  was  defeated  by  the  unholy  combination.  Mr. 
White,  a  Roman  Catholic  Senator,  was  nominated,  and  he 
was  promptly  and  unanimously  confirmed  by  the  joint  forces 
of  "  Senatorial  courtesy  "  and  Roman  urgency.  Mr.  White 


318  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

was  not  a  member  of  a  law  committee  of  a  patriotic  organi 
zation,  but  lie  was  a  member  of  an  organization  which  in  its 
official  utterances  and  acts  lias  been  the  persistent  and  wicked 
foe  of  "  the  common-school  system  and  other  American 
institutions,"  and  which  never  loses  an  opportunity  to  seize 
the  "public  funds'1  for  sectarian  propagation.  Thus  another 
disgraceful  chapter  of  American  executive  history  has  been 
written  by  Rome. 

Investigation  proves  that  important  official  secrets  of  exec 
utive  departments  in  "Washington,  and  information  concern 
ing  vacancies  to  be  filled  or  how  to  create  vacancies,  have 
again  and  again  reached  their  ecclesiastical  destination 
through  Roman  Catholic  private  secretaries,  stenographers, 
and  typewriters.  One  of  the  persistent,  skillful,  astute,  and 
successful  plans  of  political  Romanism  is  to  place  its  repre 
sentatives  in  confidential  secretarial  relations  with  the  heads 
of  departments  and  the  possessors  of  executive  and  official 
secrets.  Through  this  medium  examination  papers  in  educa 
tional  and  civil  service  departments  have  found  their  way 
into  the  hands  of  candidates  for  examination,  and  in  some 
instances  have  by  their  sale  proved  a  source  of  revenue  to 
ecclesiastical  brokers. 

Through  these  secret  confidential  agents,  officials  about  to 
be  removed  from  office  because  of  their  incompetency  have 
been  notified,  and  they  have  had  ample  time  to  bring  priestly 
and  political  pressure  to  bear  to  retain  them  in  places  they 
could  not  fill,  but  where  they  continued  anchored  to  the  public 
treasury.  These  facts  are  simply  instances  in  connection  with 
multitudes  of  offices,  but  the  chiefs  in  most  instances  dare 
not  face  the  facts  because  they  know  that  they  would  be 
crushed  by  the  politicians  who  are  the  obsequious  slaves  of 
political  ecclesiasticism  claiming  to  control  votes. 

According  to  Dr.  I )<">! linger,  "The  infallibility  dogma  im 
poses  upon  those  who  accept  it  the  solemn  obligation  to  violate 
civil  law,  to  set  themselves  in  opposition  to  the  ordinances  of 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  319 

government  whenever  the  Pope  shall  pronounce  his  infallible 
judgment  against  any  one  of  those  ordinances  upon  moral  or 
religious  grounds." 

TO    EDUCATION     AND    THE    SCHOOLS. 

The  education  of  the  people  under  any  form  of  government 
ought  to  be  the  foundation  of  the  civic  structure.  In  a  re 
public  where  every  citizen  is  a  sovereign,  the  education  of  the 
people  is  not  only  vital  but  indispensable  to  its  peace  and 
perpetuation.  Ignorant  masses  are  the  dupes  of  a  despot 
whether  he  be  a  monarch  with  an  hereditary  title,  a  political, 
an  ecclesiastical,  or  a  politico-ecclesiastical  boss. 

The  only  power  which  can  destroy  superstition  in  religion 
or  politics  is  knowledge.  Therefore,  when  any  institution 
founded  upon  superstition  resists  the  education  of  the 
people,  it  is  simply  heeding  the  first  law  of  nature  for  self- 
preservation.  This  accounts  for  the  opposition  of  Romanism 
in  every  land  to  the  uniform  common  education  of  the  people, 
as  well  as  for  the  ignorance  of  the  people  in  Roman  Catholic 
countries  and  the  decadence  of  Romanism  in  countries  where 
the  common  people  are  educated, 

The  masses  educated  are  the  loyal  subjects  alone  of  a  patri 
otic  conscience.  Every  power  seeking  to  bring  a  people  or 
a  government  into  subjection  to  a  tyrannical  will  aims  first  to 
enthrall  the  human  mind  with  ignorance.  Politico-ecclesias 
tical  Romanism  only  thrives  where  ignorance  is  prevalent, 
and  whenever  it  grapples  with  a  nation  its  first  step  is  to  seek 
to  control  the  common  education  of  the  people,  reducing  it 
to  a  minimum  of  secular  instruction  with  a  maximum  of 
ecclesiastical  instruction.  These  facts  are  patent  in  every 
country  where  Rome  has  had  absolute  sway.  In  America  we 
are  especially  interested  in  the  history  of  the  relation  of 
Romanism  to  that  country  which  furnishes  us  a  large  propor 
tion  of  our  office-holders  in  the  centers  of  the  population,  and 
the  would-be  rulers  of  the  republic. 


320  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ILL  the  century  succeeding  the  beneficent  work  of  St.  Patrick 
in  Ireland,  the  Irish  were  the  best-educated  people  in  the 
West  of  Europe.  The  larger  portion  of  the  island  for  ages 
has  been  given  over  by  the  Roman  Catholic  clergy  to  the 
most  degrading  ignorance,  despite  the  facts  that  the  British 
Parliament  has  furnished  ample  means  for  the  common  edu 
cation  of  the  people,  and  the  people  themselves  have  been 
hungry  for  education,  and  when  opportunity  is  presented, 
have  eagerly  grasped  it,  and  shown  a  readiness  for  learning 
characteristic  of  the  naturally  noble  race  to  which  they  be 
long.  The  contrast  in  educational  matters  between  the  north 
and  the  south  of  Ireland  needs  only  to  be  mentioned  ;  the 
causes  for  the  contrast  are  patent  to  the  most  superficial 
observer. 

Rome,  the  seat  of  the  world-wide  papal  power,  presents  in 
its  common  people  of  the  Roman  Catholic  population  a  condi 
tion  of  ignorance  so  discrediting  to  the  Roman  Church  as 
to  be  appalling  to  the  citizens  of  this  land,  where  the  same 
church  is  seeking  to  control  the  education  of  the  people. 

No  wonder  Rome  cherishes  an  uncompromising  hostility  to 
schools  that  are  not  completely  under  her  care.  She  would 
make  the  second  article  of  the  Concordat  ratified  between 
Spain  and  the  Holy  See,  in  1851,  the  educational  rule  for 
every  land  which  she  can  control.  It  reads  thus:  u  All  in 
struction  in  universities,  colleges,  seminaries,  and  public  and 
private  schools,  shall  he  conformable  to  Catholic  doctrine,  and 
no  impediment  shall  be  put  in  the  way  of  the  bishops,  etc., 
whose  duty  it  is  to  watch  over  the  purity  of  doctrine  and  of 
manners,  and  over  the  religious  education  of  youth,  even  in  the 
public  schools" 

In  every  English-speaking  nation  the  people  to-day  are 
engaged  in  a  controversy  with  Romanism  over  the  question  of 
public-school  education. 

Victor  Hugo  lias  this  to  say  about  Rome  as  an  educator: 

"Ah,   we  know  you!     We  know  the  clerical  party  ;  it  is 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  321 

an  old  party.  This  it  is  which  has  found  for  the  truth  those 
two  marvelous  supporters,  ignorance  and  error.  This  it  is 
which  forbids  to  science  and  genius  the  going  beyond  the 
missal,  and  which  wishes  to  cloister  thought  in  dogmas. 
Every  step  which  the  intelligence  of  Europe  has  taken  has 
been  in  spite  of  it.  Its  history  is  written  in  the  history  of 
human  progress,  but  it  is  written  on  the  back  of  the  leaf.  It 
is  opposed  to  all.  This  it  is  which  caused  Prinelli  to  be 
scourged  for  having  said  that  the  stars  would  not  fall.  This 
it  is  which  put  Campanella  seven  times  to  torture  for  saying 
that  the  number  of  worlds  was  infinite,  and  for  having  caught 
a  glimpse  at  the  secret  of  creation.  This  it  is  which  per 
secuted  Harvey  for  having  proved  the  circulation  of  the 
blood.  In  the  name  of  Jesus  it  shut  up  Galileo.  In  the 
name  of  St.  Paul  it  imprisoned  Christopher  Columbus. 

"  There  is  a  book — a  book  which  is  from  one  end  to  the 
other  an  emanation  from  above  ;  a  book  which  contains  all 
human  wisdom  illuminated  by  all  divine  wisdom — a  book 
which  the  veneration  of  the  people  call  the  Book — the  Bible ! 
Well,  your  censure  has  reached  even  that — unheard-of  thing  ! 
Popes  have  proscribed  the  Bible.  How  astonishing  to  wise 
spirits ;  how  overpowering  to  simple  hearts  to  see  the  finger 
of  Rome  placed  upon  the  Book  of  God  !  Now,  you  claim  the 
liberty  of  teaching.  Stop ;  let  us  see  your  pupils.  Let  us 
see  those  you  have  produced.  What  have  you  done  for  Italy  ? 
For  Spain  ?  The  one  in  ashes,  the  other  in  ruins." 

This  morsel  of  history  from  the  Roman  Catholic  standpoint 
will  fit  any  part  of  the  history  of  the  school  controversy : 

"Throughout  the  Northern  States  there  had  been  general 
progress,  but  the  close  of  the  war  was  a  signal  for  the  revival 
of  the  old  bitterness  against  the  Church.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  make  the  school  question  not  a  State  but  a  national 
matter.  General  Grant,  elected  President  in  1869,  showed 
a  disposition  to  unite  with  the  old  Know-Nothing  party,  and 
on  several  occasions  alluded  to  the  school  question,  taking 


3 '22  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ground,  however,  in  favor  of  absolutely  godless  schools.  The 
question  of  the  right  of  bigoted  Protestants  to  force  their 
erroneous  and  mutilated  translation  into  schools  as  being  the 
Bible,  came  before  the  courts  in  Ohio;  but  the  judiciary  there, 
as  in  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania,  listened  to 
prejudice,  and,  when  Catholic  cases  canie  up,  sought  to  warp 
the  law  so  as  to  annoy  the  Church. 

"  These  signs  induced  new  and  greater  exertion  to  expand 
our  system  of  parochial  schools,  so  as  to  avoid  any  necessity 
for  Catholics  to  send  their  children  to  the  public  schools,  which 
it  was  evident  must  soon  be  either  absolutely  Protestant  or 
utterly  infidel.  New  schools  were  established  in  many  parts, 
notably  in  New  England,  where  the  parochial  system  had  made 
little  progress.  The  teaching  orders  already  in  the  country 
spread,  and  were  aided  by  others  from  abroad,  like  the  Pres 
entation  Nuns,  the  Sisters  of  the  Holy  Child  Jesus,  the  Sis 
ters  of  Christian  Charity.  The  preparation  of  suitable  school 
books  received  greater  care,  and  not  only  readers,  but  series 
of  geographies  and  school  histories  were  prepared  equal  to 
any  published  for  use  in  the  public  schools.  Some  of  these 
were  mere  modifications  of  Protestant  works,  but  others  were 
intrinsically  Catholic." — Businger  and  Slieds  "Hist,  of  the 
Caff*.  Church,"  pi>.  40X-400. 

Under  the  requirements  and  dictation  of  the  Roman  hier 
archy,  the  Board  of  National  Education  of  Ireland  issued  a  re 
vised  edition  of  a  reading  book  to  be  used  in  the  schools.  From 
this  new  reading  book  the  articles  on  "  The  British  Constitu 
tion,'7  and  on  "  Political  Economy,"  by  the  late  Archbishop 
Whately  were  expunged,  and  in  their  place  were  five  articles 
by  Cardinal  Wiseman,  Mgr.  Molloy,  and  other  Catholic  writers. 
The  articles  by  such  authors  as  Humboldt,  Shakespeare,  Can 
ning,  Gray,  and  Shelley  were  replaced  by  poetry  from  Irish 
writers,  and  articles  by  Cardinal  Wiseman,  Rev.  Dr.  Healey, 
and  other  Romanists;  and  Scriptural  articles  were  also  excluded. 

The  articles  in  these  reconstructed  text-books  on  political 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  323 

economy,  money  and  exchange,  value  and  labor,  wages, 
security  of  property,  capital,  taxes,  rent,  etc.,  were  all 
changed,  and  inferior  articles  of  instruction  upon  these  varied 
subjects  were  substituted  for  them. 

Efforts  at  expurgating  editions  of  history  and  other  school 
books  in  the  interests  of  a  narrow  and  one-sided  Roman  Cath 
olic  instruction  have  been  made  in  schools  in  many  of  the 
States  in  America. 

Before  the  constitutions  of  certain  States  were  changed  to 
prohibit  the  division  of  the  school  fund  on  sectarian  lines, 
many  of  the  school  books  used  in  the  parochial  schools,  which 
were  paid  for  by  the  State,  were  perversions  of  American  his 
tory  and  assaults  upon  Protestantism. 

Reputable  publishers  of  standard  cyclopedias  have  per 
mitted  new  editions  of  their  works  to  be  rewritten  by  Roman 
Catholic  authors,  wherever  historic  articles  had  any  bearing  on 
the  Roman  Church. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Messenger  of  tlie  Sacred  Heart,  in  its 
protest  against  the  attendance  of  Catholic  students  upon  Prot 
estant  institutions,  says  :  "  Experience  shows  also  that  history 
has  never  been  understood  nor  taught,  and  cannot  be  taught 

O        /  o 

by  Protestants,  as  a  class.  Some  individuals  have  risen  above 
the  prejudices  of  Protestantism  ;  but  these  individuals  are  few, 
indeed,  and  far  between.  Thus  Catholic  students  in  Protestant 
institutions,  in  the  best  case,  are  deprived  of  the  best  elements 
in  education,  whether  religious  or  secular." 

Dr.  Philip  SchafFs  translation  of  the  "  Syllabus  Errorum  " 
(Pius  IX.,  1864)  and  other  acts  of  the  Popes,  gives  the  follow 
ing  affirmative  claims  concerning  education,  which  have  re 
ceived  papal  condemnation  as  errors : 

"  To  hold  that  any  method  of  instruction  of  youth,  purely 
secular,  may  be  approved. 

"To  hold  that  knoAvledge  of  things  Philosophical  and  Civil 
may  and  should  decline  to  be  guided  by  Divine  and  Ecclesi 
astical  authority." 


324  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Devare's  translation  of  Propositions  XLV.  and  XL VII.  of 

tlie  same  Syllabus,  condemning  secular  public  schools,  is  as  fol 
lows,  denying  that  : 

"  The  entire  direction  of  the  public  schools  in  which  the 
youth  of  any  Christian  country  is  taught,  can  and  must  be 
assigned  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  even  so  assigned  that 
under  no  circumstances  to  any  authority  should  the  right  be 
granted  to  mix  itself  in  the  discipline  of  the  schools,  in  the 
direction  of  the  studies,  in  the  conferring  of  degrees,  in  the 
selection  or  approbation  of  teachers. 

"The  best  interest  of  civil  society  demands  that  popular 
schools  which  are  open  to  all  children  of  any  class  of  the  peo 
ple,  also  public  institutions  as  a  whole  that  are  destined  to 
furnish  to  the  youth  the  higher  branches  of  discipline  and 
education,  should  be  removed  from  all  authority  of  the  Church 
be  it  of  moderative,  virtual,  or  obtrusive,  and  that  they  should 
be  subject  to  the  undisputed  judgment  of  civil  and  political 
authority  for  the  approval  and  meeting  the  level  of  the  pre 
vailing  and  more  common  opinions  of  the  age." 

Father  Hecker  writes : 

"  Catholics  say  that  it  is  no  necessary  part  of  the  function 
of  the  State  to  teach  and  educate  children.  The  education  of 
children  is  rather  a  parental  than  a  political  duty.  Besides, 
to  ascribe  all  this  function  to  the  State  is  anti-American. 

"  It  is  clear  that  the  chief  aim  of  the  advocates  of  the  pres 
ent  public-school  system  in  the  United  States  is  less  the  desire 
for  general  diffusion  of  knowledge  than  the  advancement  of  a 
pet  theory  of  education ;  and  they  insist  upon  its  exclusive 
adoption  because  they  imagine  that  its  spirit  and  tendency 
are  against  the  spread  and  progress  of  the  Catholic  faith. 
Thus  they  subordinate  education  to  a  sectarian  prejudice."- 
"  The  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States?  p.  10. 

As  American  citizens,  regardless  of  religious  or  political 
faiths,  it  becomes  us  to  examine  the  attitude  of  any  and  all,  real 
or  seeming,  foes  of  the  American  free  public-school  system  of 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  325 

education.  In  the  discussions  of  late  years  the  Roman  Catho 
lic  Church  has  come  into  great  prominence  on  this  question. 
Let  us  dispassionately  look  into  the  history  of  this  relation. 
Let  us  look  at  the  attitude  of  this  Church,  speaking  through 
its  highest  authorities.  Cardinal  Gibbous  in  1890,  in  his 
book,  "  Our  Christian  Heritage,"  insists  upon  religious  instruc 
tion  in  the  day  schools,  and,  recognizing  the  difficulties,  pro 
poses  the  following  remedy  :  "  The  remedy  for  these  defects 
would  be  supplied  if  the  denominational  system,  such  as  now 
obtains  in  Canada,  were  applied  in  our  public  schools."  This 
is  a  division  of  the  school  funds  on  denominational  lines,  or 
the  destruction  of  the  system. 

In  1882  the  Rev.  Thomas  J.  Jenkins  of  the  diocese  of  Louis 
ville,  Ky.,  issued  a  pamphlet  of  over  one  hundred  pages,  ad 
dressed  to  Catholic  parents,  entitled  "  The  Judges  of  Faith 
and  Godless  Schools :  A  compilation  of  evidence  against  secular 
schools  the  world  over,  especially  against  common  State  schools 
in  the  United  States  of  America,  wherever  entirely  withdrawn 
from  the  influence  of  the  authority  of  the  Catholic  Church." 
In  the  preface  appears  the  following : 

"  It  may  be  worthy  of  noting  that  these  pages  contain  the 
conciliar  or  single  rulings  of  no  less  than  250  judges  of  the 
faith  versus  Godless  schools ;  among  which,  seventeen  plenary 
and  provincial  councils;  two  or  three  diocesan  synods;  two 
or  three  Popes  (if  Pius  VII.  be  counted) ;  two  sacred  con 
gregations  of  some  twenty  cardinals  and  pontifical  officials; 
seven  single  cardinals ;  who,  with  thirty-three  archbishops, 
make  forty  primates  and  metropolitans ;  about  seventy  single 
bishops  and  archbishops,  deceased  or  living,  in  the  United 
States." 

The  pages  which  follow  authenticate  this  statement. 

From  the  decrees  of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore 
in  1889  we  have  the  official  statement  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  America  on  the  subject  of  education: 

"  We  direct  and  decree  : 


326  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"First. — That  near  every  church  where  no  school  now  ex 
ists  a  parochial  school  shall  be  erected  within  two  years  after 
the  promulgation  of  the  decrees  of  this  council,  and  perpetu 
ally  sustained,  unless  the  bishop,  on  account  of  special  gra\7e 
difficulty,  shall  decide  that  a  delay  may  be  allowed. 

*'  Second. — Any  priest,  who  by  his  own  blameworthy  neg 
lect  shall  hinder  the  erection  or  support  of  such  a  school,  or 
after  repeated  admonition  by  the  bishop  shall  not  cany  out 
this  law,  deserves  to  be  removed  from  his  church. 

u  Third. — Any  mission  or  parish  which  so  fails  to  aid  its 
priest  in  the  erection  and  support  of  the  school,  that  on  ac 
count  of  its  supine  neglect  a  school  cannot  exist,  must  be 
reproved  by  the  bishop,  and  by  whatever  more  efficacious  and 
prudent  methods  are  needed,  must  be  induced  to  provide  the 
necessary  aid. 

"  Fourth. — All  Catholic  parents  are  bound  to  send  their 
children  to  parochial  schools,  unless  they  provide  at  home  or 
in  other  Catholic  schools  sufficiently  and  evidently  for  the 
Christian  education  of  their  children  ;  or  for  any  sufficient 
cause  which  is  approved  by  the  bishop,  and  with  suitable 
safeguards  and  protection,  they  may  send  them  to  other 
schools  ;  but  it  is  the  province  of  the  bishop  to  decide  what 
is  a  Catholic  school." 

On  November  16,  1892,  Archbishop  Satolli  delivered  an 
address  to  the  archbishops  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  as 
sembled  in  New  York  City,  in  which  he  discussed  the  school 
question  as  follows : 

"  The  adoption  of  one  of  three  plans  is  recommended  ;  the 
choice  to  be  made  according  to  local  circumstances  in  the  dif 
ferent  States  and  various  personal  relations. 

'  The  first  exists  in  an  agreement  between  the  bishop  and 
the  members  of  the  school  board,  whereby  they,  in  a  spirit  of 
fairness  and  good  will,  allow  the  Catholic  children  to  be  as 
sembled  during  free  time  and  taught  the  Catechism;  it  would 
also  be  of  the  greatest  advantage  if  this  plan  were  not  cou- 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  327 

fined  to  primary  schools,  but  were  extended  likewise  to  the 
high  schools  and  colleges  in  the  form  of  a  free  lecture.  The 
second,  to  have  the  Catechism  class  outside  the  public-school 
building,  and  also  classes  of  higher  Christian  doctrine,  where, 
at  fixed  times,  the  Catholic  children  would  assemble  with  dili 
gence  and  pleasure ;  induced  thereto  by  the  authority  of  their 
parents,  the  persuasion  of  their  pastors,  and  the  hope  of  praise 
and  rewards.  The  third  plan  does  not  seem  at  first  sight  so 
suitable,  but  is  bound  up  more  intimately  with  the  duty  of 
parents  and  pastors.  Pastors  should  unceasingly  urge  the 
duty  imposed,  by  both  natural  and  divine  law,  of  bringing  up 
their  children  in  sound  morality  and  Catholic  faith.  Besides, 
the  instruction  of  children  appertains  to  the  very  essence  of 
the  pastoral  charge.  Let  the  pastor  of  souls  say  to  them  with 
the  apostle,  '  My  little  children,  of  whom  I  am  in  labor  again 
until  Christ  be  formed  in  you'  (Gal.  iv.  19).  Let  him  have 
classes  of  children  in  the  parish  schools,  as  have  been  estab 
lished  in  Rome  and  many  other  places,  and  even  in  churches 
in  this  country,  with  very  happy  results. 

"  Nor  let  him,  with  little  prudence,  show  less  love  for  the 
children  that  attend  the  public  schools  than  for  those  who  at 
tend  the  parochials ;  on  the  contrary,  stronger  marks  of  loving 
solicitude  are  to  be  shown  to  them ;  the  Sunday-school  and 
the  hour  for  catechism  should  be  devoted  to  them  in  a  special 
manner.  And  to  cultivate  this  field,  let  the  pastor  call  to  his 
aid  other  priests  and  even  suitable  members  of  the  laity,  in 
order  that  what  is  supremely  necessary  be  wanting  to  no  child." 

At  this  same  meeting  of  the  archbishops  at  which  Satolli 
delivered  his  address  as  the  representative  of  the  Pope  the 
following  action  was  taken  : 

"  First. — Resolved,  To  promote  the  erection  of  Catholic 
schools,  so  that  there  may  be  accommodation  in  them  for 
more,  and,  if  possible,  for  all  our  Catholic  children,  accord 
ing  to  the  decree  of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore 
and  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See. 


328  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"Second. — Resolved,  That  as  to  children  who  at  present 
do  not  attend  Catholic  schools,  we  direct,  in  addition,  that 
provision  be  made  for  them  by  Sunday-schools,  and  also  by 
instruction  on  some  other  day  or  days  of  the  week,  and  by 
urging  parents  to  teach  their  children  the  Christian  doctrine 
in  their  homes.  These  Sunday  and  week-day  schools  should 
be  under  the  direct  supervision  of  the  clergy,  aided  by  intelli 
gent  lay  teachers,  and,  when  possible,  members  of  religious 
teaching  orders." 

The  Pope,  recognizing  the  fact  that  there  was  lack  of  con 
sistency  between  the  deliverances  on  the  school  question  of 
the  Plenary  Council  and  Satolli's  address  to  the  archbishops, 
and  halted  by  the  action  of  the  archbishops,  on  June  1,  1893, 
sent  a  letter  to  the  American  prelates,  in  which  he  said  of 
Satolli : 

"  But  his  legation  had  this  also  for  its  purpose :  That  our 
presence  should  be  made,  as  it  were,  perpetual  among  you  by 
the  permanent  establishment  of  an  apostolic  delegation  at 
Washington" 

And  of  Satolli's  school  proposition  he  said  : 

"  For  the  principal  propositions  offered  by  him  were  drawn 
from  the  decrees  of  the  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore, 
and  especially  declare  that  Catholic  schools  are  to  be  most 
sedulously  promoted,  and  that  it  is  to  be  left  to  the  judgment 
and  conscience  of  the  ordinary  to  decide,  according  to  the  cir 
cumstances,  when  it  is  lawful  and  when  unlawful  to  attend 
the  public  schools." 

In  February,  1893,  at  the  instigation  of  several  priests, 
under  the  leadership  of  the  late  Father  Corrigan  of  Iloboken, 
a  bill  styled  "A  Parochial  Free  School  Bill,"  was  introduced 
into  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey.  It  was  a 
bold  and  explicit  demand  for  the  division  of  the  public-school 
funds  on  sectarian  lines.  The  bill  was  not  pressed  for  pass 
age,  because  the  Attorney  General  pronounced  an  advance 
judgment  that,  as  worded,  it  was  unconstitutional. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  329 

Father  Corrigan  asserted  that  lie  Lad  the  approval  of  Arch 
bishop  Satolli  in  this  movement. 

In  October,  1891,  Father  Corcoran,  priest  of  St.  Joseph's 
Roman  Catholic  Church  at  Still  water,  Miun.,  accompanied 
by  some  of  his  principal  laymen,  appeared  before  the  School 
Board  and  presented  a  written  proposition  to  lease  to  said 
board  the  St.  Joseph's  parochial  school  building  for  the  school 
year,  for  the  nominal  sum  of  one  dollar.  This  constituted  the 
substance  of  the  written  proposition  ;  but  accompanying  it 
was  an  oral  request  that  the  Sisters  be  retained  as  teachers, 
provided  they  should  pass  the  required  examinations.  The 
written  proposition  was  accepted,  and  the  oral  request  com 
plied  with.  Some  Sisters  were  brought  from  St.  Paul  who 
passed  the  examinations  well.  Tims  the  business  wras  con 
summated,  and  the  school,  designated  by  the  board  the  "  Hill 
School,"  was  ostensibly  placed  under  its  control,  although  the 
issue  proved  that  this  was  a  sectarian  school  supported  by 
public  money.  The  school  district  boundaries  were  totally 
disregarded.  Roman  Catholic  scholars  were  taken  from  all 
parts  of  the  city  and  put  into  the  Hill  School,  which,  as 
before,  had  Sisters  for  teachers,  dressed  in  the  garb  of  their 
order.  Prayers,  catechism,  and  other  religious  services  and 
instructions  were  offered  and  given  before  and  after  the  regu 
lar  school  hours. 

The  situation  at  Still  water  presented  some  features  not 
encountered  at  Faribault.  In  Faribault  there  were  more 
divisions,  and  the  children  of  Roman  Catholic  parents  were 
permitted  to  go  to  the  same  school  from  all  parts  of  the  city 
without  violating  any  of  the  regulations  of  the  board.  In 
Stillwater  there  were  ward  boundaries  and  graded  schools, 
and  teachers  and  children  were  subject  to  transfer  from  one 
school  to  another.  That  involved  transferring  teachers  dressed 
in  the  uniform  of  a  Roman  Catholic  order  to  the  public  schools, 
and  the  transfer  of  children  of  Protestant  parents  to  the  school 
where  the  teachers  were  a  constant  object-lesson  for  the  benefit 


330  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  their  Church.  As  we  have  seen,  this  system  cannot  be 
made  to  work  satisfactorily,  and  this  attempt  to  get  the  State 
to  support  a  sectarian  parochial  school  has  signally  and  legiti 
mately  failed. 

The  Faribault  plan  was  the  device  of  Archbishop  Ireland, 
who  submitted  it  to  the  Pope,  and  by  so  doing  raised  a  violent 
controversy  among  the  high  dignitaries  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church.  The  plan  was  not  entirely  satisfactory  to  either  zeal 
ous  Catholics  or  to  good  Americans  ;  but  the  Vatican  decided 
that  it  might  be  "  tolerated  "  under  exceptional  circumstances. 
Americans  are  tolerating,  but  not  approving  it.  It  Avas  com 
promising  for  peace's  sake  on  a  matter  of  principle  in  excep 
tional  cases  then,  and  therefore  can  never  become  satisfactory 
to  either  Americans  or  Catholics. 

The  so-called  "  Faribault  plan,"  in  the  city  of  that  name  in 
Minnesota,  was  brought  as  an  issue  to  the  polls  in  the  election 
of  a  school  board.  The  candidates  favoring  the  American 
free  common-school  system  and  opposed  to  the  compromise 
plan  of  partial  surrender  to  sectarian  demands  were  elected 
by  200  majority  in  a  total  vote  of  1000. 

In  making  his  plea  to  the  Pope  for  "  toleration  "  for  his 
compromise  school  plan  at  Faribault  and  Stillwater,  in  Minne 
sota,  Archbishop  Ireland  says : 

u  I  say  that  the  transaction  of  Faribault  does  not  form  a 
part  of  any  system  whatever,  but  that  it  constitutes  simply  an 
honest  attempt  on  my  part  to  obtain,  with  the  aid  of  the  State, 
a  Catholic  education  for  our  children  in  the  two  above  men 
tioned  places,  in  which,  without  such  aid,  that  education  was 
impossible.  Furthermore,  I  make  the  observation  that  the 
objection  is  in  full  contradiction  to  the  organization  of  the 
church  as  well  as  of  the  Republic,  because  no  one  diocese,  no 
one  State,  has  the  power  to  make  laws  and  systems  for  other 
dioceses  or  other  States. 

"  Finding  it  impossible  to  maintain  a  suitable  parochial 
school  in  this  parish  with  the  contributions  of  the  poor  faith- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Roman  ism .  331 

ful,  I  have  made  a  compromise  by  which,  through  an  agree 
ment  entered  into  with  the  School  Commissioner,  I  obtained 
the  aid  of  the  State  for  our  school. " 

Temporary  toleration  was  granted,  but  it  was  toleration  for 
a  dangerous  compromise,  so  far  as  the  public  schools  are  con 
cerned,  and  not  a  recognition  of,  or  tribute  to,  the  value  and 
character  of  the  schools  for  the  training  of  citizenship. 

On  Sunday,  November  19,  1893,  in  the  Sunday  Democrat, 
a  weekly  family  journal  devoted  to  Irish  Home  Rule,  litera 
ture,  politics,  etc.,  published  in  New  York  City,  there  appeared 
the  text  of  a  proposed  law  to  be  introduced  into  the  legisla 
ture  of  the  State  of  New  York,  which  had  for  its  undisguised 
purpose  the  division  of  the  public-school  funds  on  sectarian 
lines. 

In  November,  1892  and  1893,  a  circular  on  the  school  ques 
tion  was  issued  by  the  Roman  Catholics  in  Baltimore,  the 
purpose  of  which  was  to  create  sentiment  in  favor  of  the 
apportionment  of  State  school  funds  by  different  State  legis 
latures  to  Catholic  schools.  The  circular  advocated  "the 
system  of  education  in  England,  Ireland  and  in  the  Canadas, 
which  combines  State  and  denominational  schools  supported 
by  the  public  purse." 

While  certain  high  functionaries  of  the  one  church  which 
seeks  a  division  of  the  public-school  funds  on  sectarian  lines 
have  denied  personal  responsibility,  none  have  repudiated  the 
principles  and  purposes  embodied  in  the  proposed  legislation. 

Dr.  Michael  AValsh,  editor  Sunday  Democrat,  in  which 
paper  the  proposed  school  bill  for  New  York  State  was  first 
published,  said  : 

"  I  may  say  that  the  bill  has  been  approved  at  Rome ; 
where  my  ideas  on  the  subject  have  been  approved  by  the 
cardinals  and  clergy  ;  by  the  leading  bishops  in  England, 
Ireland,  and  all  English-speaking  countries,  as  wrell  as  by 
some  of  the  most  noted  prelates  of  France  and  Germany.  It 
has  also  been  submitted  to  and  practically  approved  by  the 


332  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

leading  clergy  and  the  most  prominent  men  in  the  Catholic 
Church  iu  this  country." 

On  December  13,  1893,  the  daily  papers  contained  the 
following: 

"  BALTIMORE,  December  12. — The  Catholics  in  this  diocese 
will  not  pi-ess  the  demand  for  a  share  in  the  public-school 
funds.  A  meeting  of  the  clergy  was  held  at  the  residence 
of  the  Vicar-General  to-day,  at  which  Cardinal  Gibbons 
presided. 

"  While  all  the  priests,  including  the  Cardinal,  were  favor 
ably  inclined  to  the  proposition,  it  was  thought  best,  owing  to 
the  decided  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  laymen  and  Prot 
estants  generally,  not  to  ask  for  the  passage  of  the  bill  by 
the  next  legislature.  So  the  matter  rests  for  the  present." 

On  November  30,  1893,  at  a  time  when  the  American 
people  were  aroused  as  never  before  in  reference  to  the 
hostile  attitude  of  Roman  Catholic  authorities  toward  the 
public  schools,  Archbishop  Satolli  delivered  an  educational 
address  in  Washington,  in  which  he  avoided  any  reference  to 
the  public  schools,  but  did  say : 

"  I  will  say  that  whoever  seriously  meditates  on  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  American  Constitution,  whoever  is  acquainted 
with  the  present  conditions  of  the  American  Republic,  should 
be  persuaded  and  agree  with  us  that  the  action  of  the  Cath 
olic  faith  and  morality  is  favorable  in  every  way  to  the  direc 
tion  in  which  the  Constitution  turns.  For  the  more  public 
opinion  and  the  Government  favor  the  Catholic  schools,  the 
more  and  more  will  the  welfare  of  the  commonwealth  be  ad 
vanced.  The  Catholic  education  is  the  surest  safeguard  of  the 
permanence  throughout  the  centuries  of  the  Constitution,  and 
the  best  guide  of  the  Republic  in  civil  progress.  From  this 
source  the  Constitution  will  gather  on  that  assimilation  so 
necessary  for  the  perfect  organization  of  that  great  progressive 
body  which  is  the  American  Republic." 

In  June,  1894,  the  following  letter  was  sent  out  to  Roman 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  333 

Catholic  archbishops  and  bishops  by  the  editor  of  The  Inde 
pendent,  of  New  York,  to  which  about  thirty  responses  were 
received  and  published  : 

"  Dear  Sir:  In  view  of  the  interest  taken  by  the  public  just 
now  in  reports  that  the  representatives  of  the  Catholic  Church 
propose  to  ask  for  a  division  of  the  public-school  funds  in 
various  States,  will  you  be  kind  enough  to  inform  me  whether 
it  is  the  policy  of  your  church  to  obtain  such  a  division,  and 
whether  you  would  give  your  countenance  to  a  movement  in 
your  diocese  with  such  an  object  in  view." 

Referring  to  this  the  Pilot,  a  Roman  Catholic  paper 
published  in  Boston,  says: 

"These  archbishops  and  bishops  represent  numerically 
more  than  one-third  of  the  episcopate  of  the  United  States, 
territorially  almost  every  one  of  the  fifteen  provinces." 

In  their  replies  not  a  single  eminent  functionary,  represent 
ing  the  most  influential  and  densely  populated  "  provinces," 
speaks  a  word  in  commendation  of  the  public  schools  as  they 
are,  or  repudiates  the  principle  embodied  in  the  explicit  and 
repeated  demand  for  a  division  of  the  school  fund  on  sec 
tarian  lines. 

The  American  people  understand  the  English  language 
measurably  well.  Why  not  stop  this  trifling,  and  give  us  a 
few  plain  sentences  in  English,  repudiating  any  present  or 
future  purpose  of  tampering  with  the  public  schools  ?  We 
are  sure  that  American  patriotism  would  make  very  short 
work  of  any  of  the  Protestant  denominations  which  should 
dare  to  practice  duplicity  in  reference  to  loyalty  to  any  of 
our  cherished  American  institutions. 

Wherever  the  public-school  funds  in  any  of  the  States  are 
divided  on  sectarian  lines,  or  attempts  are  made  at  fusion  of 
public  and  parochial  schools,  the  Roman  Catholics  are  found 
to  be  the  chief  aggressors  and  beneficiaries. 

In  1892  a  pamphlet  was  published  by  the  Rev.  Thomas 
Bouquillon,  D.  D.,  Professor  of  Moral  Theology  in  the  Roman 


334  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Catholic  University  in  Washington,  on  the  subject,   "  Educa 
tion  :  To  whom  does  it  belong?  " 

He  says  he  "  has  written  this  pamphlet  at  the  request  of 
ecclesiastical  superiors.  They  deemed  that  a  clear  exposition 
of  the  principles  underlying  the  school  question  would  be 
both  useful  and  opportune  at  this  hour,  when  the  practical 
difficulties  in  which  it  is  involved  have  become  national 


concerns." 


The  Professor  claims  to  discuss  the  subject  from  the 
Catholic  standpoint,  and  the  literature  of  the  assaults  upon 
his  attitude  would  make  volumes,  and  the  sources  of  most  of 
these  assaults  in  the  United  States,  Canada,  and  Europe  are 
Jesuit  Fathers. 

The  Professor  writes : 

"  We  reduce  the  subject-matter  of  our  paper  to  the  follow 
ing  four  questions :  right  to  educate,  mission  to  educate, 
authority  over  education,  liberty  of  education.  .  . 

"  We  will  examine  these  four  questions  from  the  point  of 
view  of  the  individual,  the  family,  the  state,  the  church.  .  . 

"  As  to  principles,  we  acknowledge  that  they  are  to  be 
found  best  exposed  in  the  more  recent  publicists,  rather  than 
in  the  older  writers,  who  lived  before  the  modern  era  of  the 
separation  of  church  and  state." 

Under  the  head  of  the  Right  of  the  State  to  Educate,  on 
the  point  which  most  concerns  us,  he  says : 

"  These  considerations  being  premised  to  obviate  all  equiv 
ocation,  we  affirm  unhesitatingly,  and  in  accord,  as  we  think, 
with  the  principles  of  sound  theology  and  philosophy,  and 
with  the  testimony  of  the  tradition  of  the  Church,  that  it  must 
be  admitted,  as  the  larger  number  of  theologians  do  admit, 
that  the  state  has  the  right  to  educate. 

"Civil  authority  has  the  right  to  use  all  legitimate  temporal 
means  it  judges  necessary  for  the  attainment  of  the  temporal 
common  welfare,  which  is  the  end  of  civil  society.  Now, 
among  the  most  necessary  means  for  the  attainment  of  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  335 

temporal  welfare  of  the  commonwealth  is  the  diffusion  of 
human  knowledge.  Therefore,  civil  authority  has  the  right 
to  use  the  means  necessary  for  the  diffusion  of  such  knowl 
edge,  that  is  to  say,  to  teach  it,  or  rather  to  have  it  taught  by 
capable  agents.  .  . 

"  If  you  would  have  a  people  instructed,  you  must  look  to 
its  instruction,  and,  if  need  be,  establish  and  direct  it.  We 
look  upon  this  conclusion  as  impregnable.  .  . 

u  After  studying  the  documents  we  have  cited — and  many 
more  of  a  like  tenor  might  be  added — no  one  need  wonder 
that  the  best  and  most  serious  publicists  of  our  day  explicitly 
acknowledge  the  right  of  the  state  to  educate.  .  . 

"At  times  we  have  heard  serious  men  deny  to  the  state 
the  right  to  educate  under  the  pretext  that  the  state  might 
abuse  that  right.  This  is  bad  reasoning.  The  abuse  that 
authority  may  make  of  a  right  cannot  destroy  the  right. 

"You  would  not  deny  to  the  state  the  right  of  making  laws, 
of  declaring  wars,  because  it  may  make  bad  laws,  or  lead  the 
nation  into  unjust  wars.  .  . 

"  The  opinion  we  are  criticising  will  never  prevent  civi 
lized  nations  from  having  public  or  governmental  schools; 
but  it  will  furnish  the  evil-minded  a  pretext  for  affirming  that 
the  church  is  hostile  to  the  prerogatives  of  the  state ;  it  will 
prevent  Catholics,  when  in  power,  from  using  a  means  that 
would  be  in  their  hands  a  powerful  agent  for  good.  .  . 

"  It  is  plain  that  the  right  of  the  state  in  education  is  not 
an  unlimited  right.  The  state,  just  as  individuals  or  the 
family,  cannot  teach  error  and  vice,  cannot  set  up  schools  that 
are  atheistic  or  agnostic.  Neither  is  this  right  an  exclusive 
one ;  it  cannot  destroy  the  rights  of  individuals  and  of  par 
ents,  it  supplements  these ;  all  these  rights  co-exist  and 
should  be  exercised  harmoniously.  Our  conclusion,  then,  is 
this  :  the  state  has  been  endowed  by  God  with  the  right  of 
founding  the  schools  that  contribute  to  its  welfare. 

"  The  state  has  authority  to  see  to  it  that  parents  fulfill 


336  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

their  duty  of  educating  their  children,  to  compel  them,  if 
need  be,  and  to  substitute  itself  for  them  in  the  fulfillment  of 
this  duty  in  certain  cases.  In  the  use  of  this  authority  the 
state  does  but  lend  a  hand  to  the  execution  of  the  natural 
la\v.  It  forces  the  parents  to  fulfill  a  duty  that  binds  them 
most  strictly,  it  protects  the  child  and  safeguards  his  future, 
it  removes  from  society  most  serious  perils." 

The  pamphlet  had  the  approval  of  Cardinal  Gibbous.  It 
was  designed  to  be  a  liberal  departure  for  American  Roman 
Catholics.  The  Pope  was  disposed  to  favor  this  view  of 
a  concession  to  republican  institutions,  but  the  Jesuits  pro 
tested,  and  the  whole  policy  was  reversed,  the  principles 
enumerated  in  the  pamphlet  condemned,  and  Leo  XIII.  was 
scared  into  taking  part  in  a  new  crusade  against  the  public- 
school  system  of  national  education,  as  evinced  by  his  pro- 
nunciamento  on  the  Canadian  school  question  and  by  the 
attitude  of  the  Paulist  Fathers'  Child-Study  Congress.  The 
Baltimore  Council  was  radical  against  the  public  schools. 
Satolli  tried  to  utter  contrary  and  liberal  views.  The  Pope 
who  commissioned  Satolli  has  deserted  and  checked  the 
so-called  Liberals  and  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits,  who 
have  been  his  masters  since  his  school  days,  and  politicians 
continue  to  ask  patriotic  American  citizens  to  dance  attend 
ance  on  this  alien  power  in  our  politics. 

At  the  hearing  on  June  20,  1894,  given  to  the  opponents 
of  the  proposed  amendment  to  the  New  York  State  Consti 
tution  to  protect  the  public-school  funds  and  to  prohibit 
sectarian  appropriations,  before  the  committees  of  the  Consti 
tutional  Convention,  Mr.  Frederic  R.  Coudert,  representing 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  in  the  following  language  made 
the  official  surrender  and  withdrew  the  opposition  of  that 
Church  to  that  part  of  the  amendment  which  protected  the 
public  schools  : 

"Now,  I  allude  to  the  attempt  by  this  amendment  to  make 
it  impossible,  for  years  to  come,  that  school  moneys  should  be 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  337 

diverted  from  the  common-school  system,  as  we  all  understand 
that  expression,  to  aid  denominational  schools. 

"  My  friends  on  the  other  side  unanimously  speak  of  the 
common-school  system  as  the  palladium  of  our  liberties,  as 
the  corner-stone  of  our  institutions,  etc.  This  language  is 
very  fine,  and  I  am  quite  willing  to  indorse  it,  and  I  shall  not 
to-day  say  one  word  in  opposition  to  this  plan  of  amendment 
so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  common  schools.  Let  it  be  under 
stood  that  the  system  shall  remain  intact — that  it  shall  be 
unsectarian — that  public  opinion  will  not  tolerate  a  diversion 
of  any  public  moneys  from  their  lawful  object,  to  encourage 
denominational  education.  Put  it,  if  you  are  so  inclined,  into 
our  Constitution. 

"  The  Catholic  Church  of  New  York  will  continue  to  labor 
under  a  burden  the  magnitude  of  which  those  outside  of  her 
limits  have  no  conception  of ;  yet  she  is  willing  to  incur 
the  cost,  to  sustain  the  burden,  and  to  meet  the  exigencies  of 
the  situation  at  the  expense  of  her  own  flock.  The  tax  is 
a  heavy  one ;  it  would  be  intolerable  for  any  body  of  men 
whose  hearts  were  not  in  the  work.  But  it  is  an  idle  effort 
to  resist  public  opinion,  and  public  opinion,  our  common  mas 
ter,  will  not  favor  any  such  distribution  as  has  been  asked  for 
by  Catholics. 

"  Whether  the  second  thought  of  the  people  will,  in  the 
lapse  of  years,  reach  the  conclusion  that  the  Catholics  were 
right  in  principle,  and  that  the  injection  of  religion  into 
education  was  a  sound  piece  of  statesmanship,  as  well  as  of 
religious  faith,  is  a  question  that  none  of  us  may  decide. 

"  All  that  I  have  to  say  on  the  subject  is  that  neither  my 
associate  [Colonel  George  Bliss]  nor  myself  is  instructed 
to  oppose  this  amendment,  so  far  as  it  relates  to  the  common 
schools,  and  that  the  arguments  of  our  learned  friends  on  the 
other  side  will  not  be  answered  by  us.  I  do  not  wish  to 
be  understood  as  intimating  in  the  slightest  degree  that  what 
the  Catholics  of  New  York  considered  just  and  fair  thirty 


338  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

years  ago  has  ceased  to  be  fair  and  just  to-day,  but  justice 
must  sometimes  wait." 

The  Committee  on  Education  of  the  Constitutional  Con 
vention  of  New  York  State  decided  to  report  the  following 
form  of  amendment  bearing  on  the  school  question,  which 
was  adopted  by  the  Convention  and  ratified  by  the  people  at 
the  polls,  November,  1894  : 

"Neither  the  State  nor  any  subdivision  thereof  shall  use  its 
property,  or  credit,  or  any  public  money,  or  authorize  or 
permit  either  to  be  used,  directly  or  indirectly,  in  aid  or 
maintenance,  other  than  for  examination  or  inspection,  of  any 
school  or  institution  of  learning,  wholly  or  in  part  under  the 
control  or  direction  of  any  religious  denomination,  or  in  which 
any  denominational  tenet  or  doctrine  is  taught." 

Hon.  William  T.  Harris,  United  States  Commissioner  of 
Education,  in  "  Morality  in  the  Schools,"  says  : 

"  Another  important  discrimination  relates  to  the  definition 
of  the  province  of  the  school  as  compared  with  other  educa 
tional  instrumentalities;  namely,  the  family,  the  church,  the 
State,  and  civil  society.  It  is  tacitly  assumed  by  some  of  the 
advocates  of  religious  instruction  in  the  public  schools  that 
the  school  is  the  only  educative  institution. 

"  It  cannot,  however,  take  the  place  of  the  family,  or  the 
state,  or  the  Church,  and  do  their  work  for  them,  no  matter 
how  important  that  work  is,  nor  how  sadly  it  is  neglected  by 
them.  The  responsibility  must  be  placed  where  it  belongs. 
If  there  is  irreligion,  practical  atheism  in  the  community,  the 
Church  is  not  as  efficient  as  it  ought  to  be,  and  the  family 
is  also  derelict.  If  the  school  secures  good  behavior  and 
a  knowledge  of  letters  and  science,  it  has  contributed  its 
share. 

"  The  separation  of  church  and  state  involves  the  separa 
tion  of  the  church  and  the  public  school. 

"The  classification  of  pupils  in  accordance  with  their 
religious  belief  has  a  positively  immoral  effect.  Great  stress 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  339 

is  laid  OD  the  religious  differences  in  the  religious  instruction 
given  in  separate  schools  in  order  to  justify  such  separation, 
and  to  guard  the  youth  against  the  contamination  of  other 
bodies  of  believers. 

"  As  a  plan  of  settling  this  question,  one  may  remark  that 
the  complete  secularization  of  the  school  is  the  truly  feasible 
one. 

"  The  spirit  of  our  civilization  is  to  separate  the  Church 
from  secular  institutions  wider  and  wider.  But  such  separa 
tion  does  not  make  them  godless  nor  the  Church  less  power 
ful,  but  quite  the  contrary." 

In  December,  1897,  a  Child-Study  Congress  was  held  under 
the  auspices  of  the  Paulist  Fathers  in  New  York  City. 
The  entire  trend  of  discussion  was  to  establish  the  neces 
sity  for  Roman  Catholic  religious  instruction  in  our  primary 
schools  where  the  character  of  childhood  is  being  shaped. 
The  work  of  the  Congress  was  substantially  the  opening 
of  a  new  crusade,  based  upon  scientific  principles,  against  the 
public  schools.  A  few  earnest  protests  against  the  assaults 
upon  the  public  schools  and  the  defense  of  church  schools 
were  made  by  loyal  American  Roman  Catholic  teachers  in 
the  discussion,  but  the  opposition  was  soon  suppressed,  and 
the  Congress  moved  on  with  steady  tread  toward  the  con 
summation  it  had  in  view. 

With  appropriate  logical  and  chronological  relations  to  the 
Child-Study  Congress  there  came,  in  January,  1898,  the 
Encyclical  of  Pope  Leo  XIII.  on  the  Manitoba  school  law. 
The  Pope  says  :  "  By  this  latter  law  a  grave  injury  was 
inflicted,  for  it  is  not  lawful  for  our  citizens  to  seek  the 
benefits  of  education  in  schools  in  which  the  Catholic  religion 
is  ignored  or  actively  combated ;  all  schools  of  this  kind  have 
been  condemned  by  the  Church  because  there  can  be  nothing 
more  pernicious  or  more  fitted  to  injure  the  integrity  of  faith 
and  turn  away  the  tender  minds  of  youth  from  the  truth." 

In  the  Encyclical  the  Pope  enlarges  upon  the  necessity  of 


340  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

religions  teaching  and  the  inherent  right  of  parents  to  decide 
who  shall  teach  their  children  morality  and  when  they  shall 
be  taught.  He  urges  unity  of  political  action  to  bring  about 
the  overthrow  of  the  school  law,  and  until  that  can  be  effected 
hea  dvises  Roman  Catholics  not  to  refuse,  but  to  accept  any 
partial  concession  to  their  claim  within  their  reach,  and  also 
exhorts  them  to  increased  liberality  for  the  support  of  their 
schools. 

Precisely  the  same  principle  is  involved  in  the  Manitoba 
school  question  as  in  the  public-school  question  of  the  United 
States,  and  yet  we  are  told  that  the  Roman  Church,  of  which 
Leo  XIII.  is  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  is  not  opposed  to  the 
public-school  system  of  the  United  States. 

In  his  address  before  the  National  Educational  Association 
at  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  in  1890,  Archbishop  Ireland  said  : 

"  I  am  the  friend  and  advocate  of  the  state  school,"  and 
again :  "  I  protest  with  all  the  energy  of  my  soul  against  the 
charge  that  the  schools  of  the  nation  have  their  enemies  among 
the  Catholics." 

The  value  of  this  Rev.  Archbishop's  combined  advocacy  and 
protestation  may  be  estimated  from  the  subjoined  statement 
of  facts : 

Just  two  years  prior  to  his  Grace's  declaration  of  fealty  to 
the  American  public  school,  quoted  above,  a  new  and  revised 
edition  of  a  book,  originally  published  some  years  earlier,  en 
titled,  "  Public  School  Education,"  by  Rev.  Michael  Muller, 
C.  SS.  R.,  was  issued  and  copyrighted,  bearing  within  its  covers 
the  following  indorsement,  addressed  to  the  author,  over  the 
signature  of  "  John  Ireland,  Pastor  of  Cathedral,"  St.  Paul, 
Minn. : 

"  Your  book  is  so  well-timed,  its  doctrines  so  correct  and 
precise,  the  arguments  you  employ  so  cogent,  that  I  am  confi 
dent  it  will,  under  God's  Providence,  do  a  great  deal  of  good. 
May  your  book  be  found  especially  in  the  hands  of  every  priest 
in  the  laud." 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  341 

So  foul,  violent,  and  scurrilous,  in  its  abuse  and  denuncia 
tion  of  the  American  public  schools,  is  the  book  thus  indorsed, 
that  portions  of  it  are  unfit  for  these  pages.  The  following 
quotations  will  sufficiently  indicate  its  character : 

(1)  "  Were  you  given  to  see  a  devil  and  the  soul  of  an  infi 
del  at  the  same  time,  you  would  find  the  sight  of  the  devil 
more  bearable  than  that  of  the  infidel.     For  St.  James  the 
Apostle  tells  us  that  '  the  devil  believes  and  trembles  '  (chap, 
ii.  19.)     Now,  the  Public  School  System  was  invented  and  in 
troduced  into  this  country  to  turn  the  rising  generation  into 
men  of  the  above  description. 

(2)  "We  may,  then,  confidently  assert  that  the  defenders 
and   upholders   of   Public  Schools  without  religion  seek  in 
America,  as  well  as  in  Europe,  to  turn  the  people  into  refined 
Pagans. 

(3)  "The  object,  then,  of  these  godless  irreligious  Public 
Schools  is  to  spread  among  the  people  the  worst  of  religions, 
the    no  religion,  the  religion  which  pleases  most  hardened 
adulterers  and  criminals — the  religion  of  irrational  animals. 

(4)  "  The  moral  character  of  the  Public  Schools  in  many  of 
our  cities  has  sunk   so  low,  that  even  courtesans  have  dis 
guised  themselves  as  school  girls  in  order  the  more  surely  to 
ply  their  foul  vocation." 

Is  the  man  who,  at  any  time  or  under  any  circumstances, 
could  give  indorsement  to  such  flagrant  and  filthy  libeling,  as 
being  "  well-timed,"  "correct,"  "  precise,"  and  "  cogent,"  fit  to 
pose  as  the  champion  of  the  American  free  public  school  ? 

That  we  may  do  no  injustice  to  the  sincerity  of  his  guileless 
Grace  of  St.  Paul,  let  us  look  a  little  further  into  his  attitude 
as  a  defender  of  the  public  schools. 

Three  years  after  proclaiming  himself,  at  Minneapolis,  the 
friend  and  advocate  of  the  Public  Schools,  he  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Pope  (New  York  Herald,  February  26,  1893),  explaining 
and  defending  his  futile  effort  at  Faribault  and  Stillwater,  to 
Romanize  the  public  schools.  Referring  in  this  letter  to  his 


342  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Minneapolis  address  of  1890,  lie  lets  us  into  the  secret  cause  of 
his  professions  of  loyalty  to  the  public  schools  in  the  follow 
ing  significant  sentence : 

,  "  My  adversaries  [in  his  own  Church]  have  tried  to  put  in 
a  bad  light  this  discourse,  as  though  I  had  wished  to  put  en 
tirely  on  one  side  the  parochial  schools.  Anybody  who  will 
read  it  will  see  at  once  that  such  an  idea  is  not  tenable." 

Then  he  turns  the  light  on  : 

"  I  spoke  to  an  audience  composed  almost  entirely  of  Prot 
estants,  about  six  thousand  in  number,  ardent  advocates  of 
the  state  schools  which  are  actually  organized." 

Why,  of  course,  his  Holiness  could  not  expect  his  wise  and 
wily  Archbishop  to  antagonize  to  their  faces  "  six  thousand 
.  .  .  ardent  advocates  of  the  state  schools." 

A  little  farther  on  in  the  same  letter  to  the  Pope,  he,  with 
great  candor,  states  his  purpose  in  this  Faribault  plan,  viz.: 
"  to  save  our  parochial  schools  by  means  of  a  satisfactory 
arrangement  with  the  State,"  and  "given  the  existing  laws 
against  denominational  instruction,  to  procure  a  part  of  the 
public  money  for  the  Catholic  parochial  school." 

His  Grace  then  with  great  blandness  reveals  to  his  Holiness 
his  peculiar  methods  in  overcoming  such  trifling  difficulties  as 
legal  and  constitutional  provisions  in  the  way  of  his  scheme. 
The  quotation  is  so  rich  that  we  give  it  in  full : 

"They  say  the  concessions  made  to  the  Church  are  illegal, 
contrary  to  the  provisions  of  law,  and  they  were  granted  for 
personal  reasons.  What  I  have  said  shows  clearly  that  the 
concessions  granted  by  the  school  committee  to  the  Church 
are  very  important,  but  why  blame  me  for  this  ?  I  admit  that 
the  concessions  may  have  been  granted  for  personal  reasons, 
and  that  the  contract  may  be  revoked  at  the  end  of  the  year, 
but  I  do  not  see  any  harm  in  this,  on  the  contrary  there  is  an 
advantage — it  leaves  me  always  free  to  control  the  situation. 

"Mr.  Kiehle,  superintendent  of  the  public  schools  of  Min 
nesota,  has  said  that  the  State  cannot  be  bound  by  law  to  take 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  343 

account  of  religious  ideas  in  selecting  the  teachers  or  in  the 
distribution  of  the  classes.  Certainly  it  cannot  do  so  officially. 
But  Mr.  Kiehle  is  a  friend  of  mine  and  many  things  are  done 
and  in  practice  are  allowed  in  my  favor,  through  one  kind  of 
influence  and  another,  which,  though  they  cannot  be  said  to  be 
lawful  in  the  exact  meaning  of  the  word,  are  at  the  same  time 
and  according  to  all  appearances  within  the  letter  of  the  law. 
If  the  school  commission  could  lawfully  take  into  considera 
tion  religious  opinions,  it  would  be  obliged  to  recognize  the 
religion  of  the  majority,  that  is,  Protestantism.  All  the  gen 
tlemen  with  whom  I  have  dealt  are  my  personal  friends. 

"  When  Archbishop  Katzer,  at  the  meeting  of  Archbishops 
in  St.  Louis,  raised  the  objection  provoked  by  Mr.  Kiehle's 
words,  Archbishop  Williams  answered : 

" '  Monsignor,  can  you  not  read  between  the  lines  ?  It  is  not 
a  right,  it  is  politics.' ' 

Bishop  Purcell  of  Cincinnati,  some  years  ago,  took  the  same 
deceptive  attitude  on  the  school  question  which  Archbishop 
Ireland  has  more  recently  taken.  To  the  people  of  Cincin 
nati  he  claimed  to  be  a  zealous  friend  of  the  public  schools, 
while  at  the  same  time  he  denounced  them  to  Rome  as  dan 
gerous  and  pernicious. 

Archbishop  Corrigau,  when  celebrating  in  1898  the  twenty- 
fifth  anniversary  of  his  consecration  as  bishop,  emphasizes  his 
preference  for  parochial  schools  and  his  hostility  to  the  public 
schools  with  a  great  demonstration  in  the  Cathedral  in  the  in 
terests  of  the  children.  Only  children  of  the  parochial  schools 
were  invited  or  permitted  to  be  present  on  that  occasion,  al 
though  they  represented  only  a  comparatively  small  fraction 
of  the  children  of  Roman  Catholic  parents  in  the  city.  The 
public-school  children  were  not  only  not  invited,  but  in  the 
services  and  addresses  the  only  reference  made  to  the  public 
schools,  even  by  inference,  was  contained  in  the  following  sen 
tence  from  the  Archbishop's  address :  "  We  wish  not  only  to 
imbue  your  minds  with  a  certain  amount  of  knowledge,  which 


344  Pacing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

you  iniglit  obtain  elsewhere,  but  what  we  have  in  mind  is  the 
saving  of  your  immortal  souls." 

Of  parochial  schools  the  eminent  Roman  Catholic  scholar, 
Dr.  Browusou,  says : 

"These  schools  must  be  taught  chiefly  by  foreigners,  or,  if 
not  by  foreigners,  at  least  by  those  whose  sympathies  and 
connections,  tastes  and  habits  are  un-American ;  because  what 
is  wanted  by  their  founders  and  supporters  is  not  simply  the 
preservation  of  orthodoxy,  but  tlie  perpetuation  of  the  foreign - 
i*m  hitherto  associated  ivitli  it.  Schools  which  should  asso 
ciate  real  Americans  with  orthodoxy  would  be  hardly  less 
offensive  or  more  acceptable  than  the  public  schools  them 
selves.  .  .  It  is  only  by  breaking  the  old  associations  and  form 
ing  the  ne\v  in  good  faith,  as  we  are,  in  fact,  required  to  do  by 
orthodoxy  itself,  that  Catholics  can  cease  to  be  in  this  country 
an  isolated  foreign  colony,  or  a  band  of  emigrants  encamped 
for  the  night  and  ready  to  strike  their  tents  and  take  up  their 
line  of  march  on  the  morrow  for  some  other  place. 

"These  are  some  of  the  reasons  which  have  led  many  of  our 
most  intelligent,  most  earnest  and  devout,  Catholics  to  form 

o  " 

their  unfavorable  judgment  of  Catholic  schools  and  Catholic 
education,  as  they  now  are  and  for  some  time  are  likely  to  be 
in  the  United  States." 

The  solid  arguments  so  forcibly  presented  by  Brownsou 
against  the  narrow,  un-American,  and  anti- American  policy ; 
against  the  stunted  education  of  an  age  that  happily  has 
passed  away,  unfitting  the  pupils  for  American  life;  against 
its  corruption  of  American  politics,  and  its  malign  influence 
in  lowering  the  standard  of  our  civilization,  have  been  re-en 
forced  by  earnest  warnings  from  those  whose  knowledge  of 
the  results  of  the  policy  in  this  and  other  lauds  adds  force  to 
their  wise  and  fearless  counsel. 

Thomas  F.  Byron,  a  Roman  Catholic  layman  of  Lowell, 
Mass.,  writes  thus : 

44 1   have    read   with  interest  the  editorial  summary  of  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  345 

opinions  of  the  Catholic  press  and  hierarchy  of  the  country 
upon  the  school  question,  recently  elicited  by  the  New  York 
Independent.  As  one  Catholic  who  is  fairly  acquainted  with 
the  Catholic  sentiment  on  this  subject,  not  only  in  this  local 
ity,  but  in  several  States  in  the  West,  as  a  result  of  personal 
inquiry  extending  over  seventy  years,  I  concur  in  the  opinion 
quoted  from  the  Catholic  Citizen  of  Milwaukee  to  the  effect 
that,  were  a  vote  taken,  the  millions  of  Catholics  in  the  States 
would  be  found  to  be  practically  unanimous  in  favor  of  the 
public  schools. 

"  For  the  parochial  school  was  never  desired  by  the  Ameri 
can  Catholic  people,  neither  were  they  even  so  much  as  asked 
to  say  whether  they  wanted  it  or  not,  nor  do  they  for  the  most 
part  regard  it  with  any  feeling  but  that  of  irksomeness  now. 
The  thinking  class  of  Catholics  would  be  but  too  glad  to  get 
rid  of  it,  if  this  could  only  be  done  quietly  and  without  public 
scandal. 

"  To  the  minds  of  nine  Catholics  out  of  every  ten,  the  paro 
chial  school  was  no  more  needed  in  this  country  than  a  fifth 
wheel  for  a  coach. 

"  The  parochial  school  is  an  antiquated  institution  ;  similar 
in  purpose  and  spirit  to  the  claim  of  the  divine  right  to  rule 
politically,  and  now  thrust  without  ceremony  upon  the  en 
lightened  Catholic  laity  of  this  country  as  an  engine  of  eccle- 
siasticism,  floated  across  on  a  raft  of  foreign  cardinals'  hats 
from  Italy." 

On  February  24,  1889,  Dr.  McGlynn  said :  "  I  assert  that  it 
is  a  calumny  and  an  outrage  to  denounce  the  public  schools  of 
America  as  immoral  and  godless.  It  is  a  notorious  fact,  which 
will  be  cheerfully  acknowledged  by  hundreds  of  priests  who 
are  compelled  in  spite  of  themselves  to  get  up  parochial 
schools,  that  the  teaching  in  the  parochial  schools  is  alto 
gether  inferior  to  that  of  the  public  schools. 

"  If  I  could  reach  the  mind  and  the  heart  of  the  whole  of 
the  American  people  I  would  say :  Cherish  your  public 


346  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

schools ;  listen  not  to  their  enemies,  no  matter  whence  they 
come.  Make  them  as  complete  and  perfect  as  you  can.  Show 
no  favor  to  any  rival  system.  If  you  will  not  exercise  the 
right  to  forbid  rival  systems  altogether,  at  least  do  not  be 
guilty  of  the  incredible  folly  of  nursing  and  fostering,  and 
actually,  by  appropriations  and  tax  exemptions,  encouraging 
rival  systems.  The  rival  systems,  as  a  rule,  are  promoted  by 
those  who  are  not  friendly  to  your  institutions  ;  by  those  who, 
educated  in  foreign  lands,  are  but  half  republican  or  but  half 
democratic.  Never  be  guilty  of  the  folly  of  dividing  your 
school  fund  among  the  various  churches  and  sects.  You,  in 
such  a  case,  would  be  guilty  of  destroying  one  of  the  greatest 
and  most  potent  instruments  for  building  up  and  maintaining 
one  great,  free,  common  nationality. 

"  O  American  people,  protect  the  poorest,  the  weakest  of 
the  children  of  the  nation,  the  children  of  the  poor,  the  chil 
dren  of  the  emigrant,  from  the  cruel  injustice  their  parents, 
under  the  coercion  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  would  in 
flict  upon  them  by  depriving  them  of  the  magnificent  advan 
tages  of  a  common-school  education.  They  are  compelled  to 
accept  the  utterly  inferior  so-called  education  that  is  given  in 
these  sham  parochial  schools.  A  large  part  of  the  zeal  for 
maintaining  these  church  schools  comes  from  the  clannishness 
of  foreign  nationalities  that  wish  to  perpetuate  themselves 
here  as  if  in  hostility  to  our  American  nationality. 

"  Don't  be  so  foolish,  O  American  people,  as  to  tolerate  such 
an  attempt  against  the  unity  of  our  nation.  You  have  the 
right — I  say  you  have  the  duty — to  insist  that  the  people  of 
this  country,  the  children  born  in  this  country,  and  those  who 
would  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage  in  this  country,  shall 
speak  the  language  of  this  country." 

During  the  year  1895  the  local  school  board  in  Watervliet 
or  West  Troy,  N.  Y.,  rented  from  the  Roman  Catholic  authori 
ties,  at  a  nominal  rental  of  one  dollar  per  month,  St.  Bridget's 
Parochial  School  building,  occupied  it  as  a  public  school,  and 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  347 

employed  six  teachers  therein  who  were  known  as  "Sisters" 
and  wore  the  distinctive  garb  of  the  religious  order  to  which 
they  belonged.  This  was  objected  to  by  the  citizens  at  large, 
and  an  active  committee  of  representative  citizens  was  chosen, 
who  prepared  an  appeal  to  Hon.  Charles  K.  Skinner,  the  State 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  and  applied  to  The  Na 
tional  League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions  for 
counsel  and  guidance. 

Full  details  of  the  case  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  emi 
nent  legal  counsel,  who  had  repeated  interviews  with  Super 
intendent  Skinner. 

They  held  that  the  hiring  of  the  parochial  school  building 
was  in  direct  contravention  of  the  provision  in  the  revised 
State  Constitution  already  quoted  in  this  discussion. 

On  November  25,  1896,  the  State  Superintendent  rendered 
his  decision  against  the  board  as  follows  : 

"I  decide  that  the  action  of  the  respondents  herein,  in  hir 
ing  the  rooms  in  St.  Bridget's  parochial  school  building  in 
which  to  conduct  a  public  school  with  the  right  of  the  control 
of  the  rooms  during  the  school  hours  only  of  each  day,  in 
which  a  school  under  the  direction  of  the  respondents  is  main 
tained,  and  consenting  and  giving  to  the  lessors,  complete  con 
trol  of  the  rooms  at  all  times  other  than  during  school  hours, 
and  the  continuation  of  such  lease  beyond  the  period  of  emer 
gency  contemplated  by  the  statute,  was  without  legal  authority 
on  the  part  of  the  respondents. 

"  I  also  decide  that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  respondents  to  re 
quire  the  teachers  employed  by  them  to  discontinue  the  use  in 
the  public  schoolroom  of  the  distinguishing  dress  or  garb  of 
the  religious  order  to  which  they  belong." 

Various  protests  were  made  to  the  superintendent  by  mem 
bers  of  the  local  board  and  others  against  this  ruling,  but  he 
steadfastly  adhered  to  it,  and  issued  an  order  forbidding  a  re 
newal  of  the  lease  of  the  building  and  directing  the  discharge 
of  all  teachers  who  refused  to  discontinue  wearing  the  objec- 


348  Facing  tht  Twentieth  Century. 

tionable  garb.  Finally,  after  much  delay,  and  on  the  superin 
tendent's  threatening  to  withhold  the  city's  apportionment  of 
the  State  school  funds,  his  order  was  complied  with,  the  teach 
ers  were  discharged,  and  the  lease  was  not  renewed. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  school  year  for  1897,  when  con 
tracts  with  teachers,  janitors,  etc.,  should  have  been  renewed 
for  the  year  as  required  by  law,  the  local  board,  composed  of 
two  members  of  each  of  the  two  leading  political  parties  (the 
Mayor  being  a  fifth,  but  having  no  vote),  was  deadlocked,  and 
in  consequence  no  public  school  in  that  important  city  could 
be  opened  at  the  close  of  the  summer  vacation.  After  several 
fruitless  efforts  to  compel  the  local  board  to  perform  its  duties, 
the  State  Superintendent  appointed  a  corps  of  qualified  teach 
ers,  janitors,  and  employees,  under  the  temporal1}'  superintend 
ence  of  an  officer  of  the  State  School  Department,  and  shortly 
after  October  1,  the  schools  were  opened  and  put  in  full 
operation. 

Two  members  of  the  local  board  applied  for  an  injunction, 
claiming  that  the  superintendent  had  no  right  to  open  the 
schools,  which  was  denied  by  Justice  Chester,  and  Superin 
tendent  Skinner  and  the  Constitution  of  the  State  were  both 
upheld. 

Since  this  decision  was  rendered,  State  Superintendent 
Skinner  has,  with  equal  courage  and  fairness,  compelled  the 
local  authorities  to  perform  their  duties  in  accordance  with 
the  law,  and,  although  repeated  efforts  have  been  made  to 
evade  these  provisions  and  embarrass  him  in  his  work,  the 
Watervliet  schools  are  conducted  in  a  legal  and  •  orderly 
manner. 

Despite  the  explicit  commands  of  the  new  State  Constitu 
tion,  the  Roman  Catholics  made  their  assaults  on  the  schools 
and  school  funds  at  Poughkeepsie,  Kondout,  Lima,  Suspen 
sion  Bridge,  Corning,  and  other  places  where,  previous  to  the 
adoption  of  the  new  Constitution,  they  had  shared  in  the 
school  moneys  ;  but  they  were  met  with  the  uncompromising 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  349 

resistance  of  the  patriotic  superintendent,  who  believed  it  to 
be  his  duty  to  keep  and  not  break  his  oath  of  office. 

As  in  other  States,  so  in  New  York,  Roman  Catholic  legis 
lators  and  other  officials  opposed  the  Biennial  School  Census 
Bill,  because  the  census  proposed  would  expose  the  needs  and 
places  where  new  public  school  appliances  were  demanded, 
and  that  would  deprive  them  of  the  excuse  for  extend 
ing  the  parochial  school  system  to  meet  the  needs  which 
New  York  City  and  other  large  cities  did  not  supply, 
and  of  course,  if  they  did  the  work  of  educating  for  the 
municipalities  and  the  State,  the  public  must  in  justice  pay 
the  bills. 

It  is  capable  of  official  demonstration  that  the  educational 
work  done  by  Romanism,  chiefly  at  the  expense  of  the  general 
government,  among  the  Indians  has  been  of  the  most  inefficient 
character,  contributing  little  toward  civilizing  and  Christian 
izing,  by  cultivating  a  superstitious  fear  of  ecclesiastical 
power  instead  of  an  intelligent  loyalty  to  the  United  States 
Government. 

Roman  Catholic  Indian  chiefs  have  often  made  complaints 
to  the  Indian  Department  in  Washington,  concerning  the 
character  of  the  instruction  in  Roman  Catholic  schools,  that 
"  so  much  time  was  devoted  to  catechism  and  prayers,  that 
their  children  were  not  learning  much  to  fit  them  for  the 
business  of  life." 

In  September,  1897,  one  Crowley,  a  priest  working  among 
the  Indians  at  the  Government  expense,  caused  to  be  printed 
in  Ojibway,  at  Harbor  Springs,  Mich.,  an  appeal  to  Indian 
parents  which  was  an  assault  upon  schools  other  than  Roman 
Catholic,  and  especially  upon  our  noble  Indian  school  at 
Carlisle.  Here  are  a  few  extracts  from  the  writings  of  this 
self -sacrificing  civilizer : 

"  There  are  many  Catholic  schools  all  over  where  the  chil 
dren  have  learned  how  to  read,  write,  and  use  figures.  They 
know  more  in  these  Catholic  schools ;  they  also  know  how  to 


350  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

love  the  Lord,  and  they  go  to  heaven  when  they  die.  Foolish 
parents,  only,  let  their  children  go  to  other  schools. 

"  I  myself  have  said  this  many,  many  a  time.  Other  priests 
have  said  so,  and  the  high  priests  are  teaching  this. 

"  Some  Indians  seem  to  have  this  opinion  of  themselves,  '  I 
am  wiser  than  the  priest ;  positively  I  am  wiser  than  God,' 
but  let  them  and  the  devil  think  so.  Let  them  be  wise  al 
though  they  are  burning  in  hell. 

"  Those  parents  who  let  their  children  go  to  other  schools 
shall  associate  with  the  devil  who  is  very  stylish  in  the  ever 
lasting  fire,  but  the  priest  shall  enjoy  the  everlasting  life  in 
heaven. 

"  This  doctrine  Carlisle  School  is  teaching  is  the  very  worst 
kind  in  the  land  of  Big  Knife  [United  States].  This  is  the 
place  where  they  are  taught  everything  contrary  to  the 
Catholic  religion,  they  are  led  to  despise  the  church,  priests 
and  nuns.  This  thing  is  all  falsehood. 

"  One  Menominee  boy  went  to  Carlisle  Institute.  Before  he 
went  he  used  to  make  his  usual  confessions.  lie  came  home 
after  three  years  and  hated  confession.  He  said  confession  is 
nothing  but  a  fraud.  This  is  what  he  learnt  at  Carlisle. 

"  Carlisle  is  a  very  bad  place.  This  young  man  had  a  fight 
with  other  Indian  boys  and  one  was  killed.  He  was  also 
attending  the  school. 

"He did  not  like  confession  like  other  rascals,  also  the  devil 
hated  confession,  and  this  is  the  reason  the  devil  does  not  like 
the  Catholic  religion. 

"The  man  that  gives  his  children  away  to  other  schools 
does  not  love  them  as  much  as  he  does  his  chickens,  cows  and 
horses. 

"  Indians,  I  tell  you  not  to.  If  the  boys  and  girls  who  are 
growing  up  do  not  know  God  and  his  commandments  the 
same  as  you  do  they  will  go  to  the  devil,  and  you  shall  also 
go  with  them  to  be  burnt  in  hell  fire  for  your  sins. 

"  God  said   to  the  priests  to  preach,  unto  you  to  listen  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  351 

them  only,  and  why  do  you  listen  to  others  who  come  to  your 
homes  and  steal  your  children. 

"  Some  parents  are  very  foolish  in  selling  their  children  to 
other  schools  for  only  a  small  sum  of  two  dollars;  they  are 
doing  just  as  Judas  did  who  sold  Jesus." 

The  American  Congress  is  asked  to  continue  to  appropriate 
the  people's  money  for  the  propagation  of  such  paganism  as 
this  among  the  Indians,  and  the  nation  is  expected  to  go  on 
attempting  to  solve  the  Indian  problem,  while  malicious 
fanatics,  of  whom  this  priest  is  a  specimen,  are  permitted  to 
forage  on  both  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  and  on  the 
Indian  reservations. 

After  extended  quotations  from  an  address  delivered  by  the 
writer  in  1886  on  "  Religion  and  the  State"  before  the  Con 
gregational  Club  of  New  York  and  vicinity,  in  which  we  took 
the  attitude  that  the  state  assuming  to  give  an  education 
designed  to  fit  the  youth  for  citizenship  in  a  Christian  nation 
ought  to  inculcate  the  principles  of  Christian  morality,  which 
we  then  believed  and  now  believe,  Father  Young,  in  his 
volume  "  Catholic  and  Protestant  countries  compared,"  gives 
that  address  the  following  indorsement : 

"  He  has  furnished  us  with  a  clear,  definite,  and  powerful 
exposition  of  the  principles  of  education,  every  sentence  of 
which  is  fully  indorsed  by  Catholics,  and  they  ought  to 
be  as  fully  indorsed  by  all  Protestants  calling  themselves 
Christians"  (p.  299). 

We  will  now  state  that  the  reason  of  our  change  of  attitude 
upon  this  question  is  both  humiliating  to  us  and  disgraceful  to 
Roman  Catholicism.  The  portion  of  our  argument  extensively 
quoted  by  Father  Young  concludes  as  follows : 

"  And  not  only  must  we  insist  upon  the  common  schools 
teaching  Christian  morality,  but  when  the  state  (as  with  us) 
enters  upon  the  questionable  work  of  higher  education,  and 
seeks  to  prepare  teachers  for  their  work  in  the  common  or 
higher  schools,  then  we  must  put  the  salt  of  Christian  morality 


352  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

in  at  these  fountain -heads,  or  make  up  our  minds  to  forfeit  the 
respect  both  of  God  and  of  good  men,  and  invite  a  reign  of 
irresponsibility  and  immorality. 

u  We  are  told  that  history  and  precedent  have  nothing  to 
do  with  this  question  in  its  present  demands  for  solution. 
As  well  might  the  individual  say  that  birth  and  educational 
opportunity  have  nothing  to  do  with  determining  present  duty. 
We  are  told  that  we  must  keep  retreating  until  we  reach  ten 
able  ground.  This  is  the  cry  of  the  enemies  of  righteous 
government  and  of  humanity,  and  it  ought  not  to  be  echoed 
by  the  lovers  of  goodness  and  of  God. 

"  Is  it  not  time  for  the  populations  that  give  character  to  our 
civilization  and  stability  to  our  government  to  assert  them 
selves  ?  Is  it  not  time  to  return  to  the  foundation  principles 
upon  which  our  liberties  and  integrity  as  a  nation  rest?  Is  it 
not  time  to  banish  this  sickly  sentimentality  that  under  the 
hypocritical  concession  to  religious  freedom  retreats  in  the 
presence  of  secularism,  of  Jesuitism,  and  of  atheism  ? " 

The  author  of  these  sentiments,  who  again  declares  that  he 
believed  them  when  uttered  and  believes  them  still,  with  the 
other  friends  of  our  public  schools  in  this  country  has  been 
obliged  to  consent  to  secularize  the  public  schools  in  order  to 
save  them  from  destruction;  the  chief  assailants  being  the 
three  mentioned  in  the  closing  sentence  quoted  from  the 
address  in  question  delivered  in  1886  :  namely,  secularism, 
Jesuitism,  and  atheism.  Roman  Catholicism  controlled  by 
Jesuitism  joined  these  other  forces  in  demanding  that  the 
Bible  and  instruction  in  the  fundamentals  of  Christian  morality 
should  be  expelled  from  the  schools,  and  then  when  they  had 
largely  succeeded  called  them  "  godless,"  and  declared  that 
therefore  they  ought  not  to  be  patronized  by  a  Christian  church. 
Father  Young  can  accept  either  horn  of  this  dilemma  and  ex 
tract  all  the  comfort  from  his  opposition  that  his  burning  sec 
tarian  zeal  will  permit.  Of  course  the  blindest  citizen  can  see 
what  the  purpose  of  the  attitude  of  Romanism  on  the  school 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  353 

question  was.  First,  they  called  the  reading  of  the  Bible  and 
the  teaching  of  the  elements  of  Christian  morality  sectarianism  ; 
of  course  the  principle  of  religious  liberty  in  a  free  country 
would  not  unjustly  force  sectarianism  upon  the  followers  of 
Rome.  Secondly,  when  the  triumvirate  had  succeeded  in 
making  the  schools  largely  secular,  then  of  course  a  Christian 
church  could  not  patronize  "  godless "  schools.  This  all 
meant  that  Romanism  must  have  its  own  private  parochial 
schools  for  the  education  of  its  children  supported  by  moneys 
from  the  taxes  of  the  people. 

When  this  controversy  first  started  some  candid  citizens 
gave  credit  to  Romanism  for  honesty  of  purpose,  but  it  would 
now  be  difficult  to  find  any  citizen,  not  under  papal  domina 
tion,  so  benighted  as  to  believe  that  there  has  ever  been  any 
thing  in  the  movement  in  opposition  to  the  public-school 
system  of  the  United  States  except  Jesuitical  trickery. 

That  we  are  not  resting  upon  doubtful  authority  in  our 
representation  of  the  attitude  of  the  Roman  Catholic  authori 
ties  concerning  the  Bible  in  the  public  schools,  will  be  seen 
from  the  following  quotation  from  the  letter  of  Archbishop 
Ireland  to  the  Pope  in  1893  : 

"  On  account  of  the  great  diversity  and  the  number  of  the 
religious  beliefs  in  America,  there  is  a  common  law  for  all  the 
States  which  prohibits  the  teaching  of  any  particular  form  of 
religion  in  the  public  schools.  This  is  a  necessary  measure  to 
promote  peace,  and  was  brought  about  principally  by  the 
remonstrances  of  the  Catholics,  to  satisfy  whose  demands  the 
Bible  itself  lias  been  excluded  from  the  Public  Schools" 

The  conclusions  on  the  relations  of  politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism  to  the  school  question  may  be  summed  up  as 
follows : 

First. — The  general  assumption  that  Roman  Catholic  re 
ligious  education  is  indispensable,  not  only  to  the  training  of 
individual  character,  but  to  the  perpetuation  of  constitutional 
government,  is  antagonistic  to  the  American  theory  ;  it  is 


354  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the  function  and  duty  of  the  state  to  furnish  elementary 
secular  instruction,  and  that  religious  instruction  is  the  func 
tion  and  duty  of  the  family  and  the  church. 

Second. — Historic  statement  proves  beyond  rational  ques 
tion  that  the  consensus  of  opinion  among  the  controlling 
authorities  of  the  Roman  Catholic  hierarchy  and  priesthood 
in  the  United  States — undoubtedly  sanctioned  by  the  Pope, 
and  in  harmony  with  his  explicit  commands  in  Canada  and  in 
other  countries  where  the  same  public-school  issue  has  been 
presented — has  been,  and  is,  violently  against  the  American 
free  common  schools,  claiming  that  they  are  "  godless."  They 
never  were  subject  to  the  charge  of  being  "  godless "  until 
Romanism  and  atheism  demanded  the  expulsion  of  the  Bible 
and  all  religious  teaching  from  them. 

Third. — Cardinal,  Archbishops,  and  Bishops,  when  ques 
tioned,  have  spoken  no  word  of  commendation  for  public 
schools,  but  have  dilated  upon  the  necessity  of  religious 
education  for  youth,  and  have  protested  against  what  they 
fallaciously  call  unjust  double  taxation  because  their  people 
are  obliged  to  support  their  parochial  schools,  and  also  pay 
the  public-school  tax.  This  claim  does  not  come  with  very 
good  grace  from  a  class  of  our  citizens  who  contribute  so 
small  an  amount  of  the  total  of  the  taxes,  but  who,  through 
their  multitudinous  office-holders,  dispense  such  enormous 
amounts  of  other  people's  money. 

Fourth. — Almost  all  of  the  demands  made  upon  State 
legislatures  for  enactments  for  a  division  of  the  public-school 
funds  on  sectarian  lines  have  been  made  by  Roman  Catholics. 
Almost  every  assault  upon  the  character  of  these  schools  has 
emanated  from  the  same  source. 

Fifth. — Every  compromise  proposed  by  the  Roman  Catho 
lics  between  their  parochial  schools  and  the  public  schools 
has  involved  a  surrender  of  some  vital  principal  of  public- 
school  instruction  and  discipline,  but  has  always  preserved 
the  sectarian  essentials  of  the  parochial  schools. 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  355 

Sixth. — Appeals  to  the  Pope  to  "  tolerate  "  some  com 
promise  have  been  based  upon  the  poverty  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  churches  in  the  given  localities  where  they  were  un 
able  to  support  parochial  schools  without  State  aid,  and  no 
word  of  commendation  has  been  spoken  of  the  public  schools. 
The  argument  has  been  :  "  Tolerate  "  a  compromise  system, 
in  which  the  compromise  is  on  the  part  of  the  public  schools, 
and  permit  us  by  this  ruse  to  get  State  money  for  the  support 
of  our  poverty-stricken  parochial  schools. 

Seventh. — All  attempts  at  compromise  have  been  deceptive 
and  essentially  dishonest,  and  have  proceeded  from  the  same 
ecclesiastical  source,  and  have  only  been  effective  because  of 
the  political  power  back  of  them. 

Eighth. — Such  a  storm  of  resentment  against  the  bold  and 
audacious  Roman  Catholic  assaults  upon  the  public  schools 
arose  in  1893  that  candid  assailants  were  called  off  for  the 
time  being  by  the  diplomats  of  that  church,  and  an  official 
statement,  coupled  with  an  evil  prophecy  and  an  assertion  of 
the  justice  of  their  claim,  was  made  in  1894  at  Albany,  before 
committees  of  the  Constitutional  Covention,  saying  in  sub 
stance  that  they  were  convinced  that  public  sentiment  would 
not  now  permit  any  tampering  with  the  public  schools.  The 
surrender  and  the  prophecy  were  both  confessions  of  un 
doubted  but  discreet  antagonism. 

Ninth. — From  intercourse  with  many  prominent  priests  and 
laymen  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  we  are  convinced  that 
the  ultimate  purpose  of  the  hierarchy  still  is  to  secure  a  divi 
sion  of  the  public-school  funds  on  sectarian  lines. 

Tenth. — Occasionally  a  Roman  Catholic  priest  is  rash 
enough  to  express  his  honest  convictions  in  favor  of  the 
public  schools.  But  he  is  soon  silenced. 

Eleventh. — Many  priests  have  said  to  us  that  they  were  in 
favor  of  the  public  schools,  but  they  dared  not  assert  their 
belief. 

Twelfth. — The  rank  and  file  of  the  lay  members  of  the 


356  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Roman  Catholic  Church  not  only  prefer  the  public  schools  for 
their  children  but  patronize  them;  believing  that  their 
children  must  be  educated  side  by  side  with  other  American 
youth,  if  they  are  to  compete  with  them  for  the  successes  and 
prizes  of  this  life.  Many  of  these  laymen  have  said  to  us : 
"  Give  us  a  chance  to  vote  for  a  constitutional  amendment 
and  we  will  show  you  where  we  stand."  And  they  have 
shown  us  where  they  stand,  by  aiding  in  the  passage  of  con 
stitutional  amendments  protecting  the  public  schools,  which 
have  been  submitted  to  the  vote  of  the  people. 

Thirteenth. — In  the  face  of  these  facts  the  American  people 
are  not  called  upon  to  express  their  gratitude  to  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  because  through  its  Pope  or  any  of  its  repre 
sentatives  it  consents  to  "  tolerate  "  the  American  free  public- 
school  system,  but  they  are  called  upon  to  assert  their  self- 
respect  and  strike  any  power,  religious  or  political,  that 
assaults  this  distinctively  American  institution. 

The  practice  of  nations  in  the  support  of  schools  where  the 
union  of  church  and  state  prevails  furnishes  no  precedent 
for  the  United  States.  We  are  not  looking  to  monarchies  for 
instruction  concerning  the  best  training  of  youth  to  fit  them 
for  citizenship  in  the  republic. 

Popular  suffrage  here  rests  for  its  safe  exercise  upon  the 
character  and  intelligence  of  all  classes  of  the  people.  The 
States  for  their  own  preservation  have  established,  and  must 
insist  upon  maintaining,  the  American  free  common-school 
system  of  education. 

It  must  be  maintained  without  compromise.  It  is  the  only 
institution  capable  of  converting  the  dangerously  heteroge 
neous  elements  of  our  population  into  a  safely  homogeneous 
citizenship. 

The  tax  for  the  maintenance  of  public  schools  levied  upon 
all  citizens,  whether  they  have  children  to  educate  or  not,  is 
for  i\\Q  public  good  and  not  to? private  benefit. 

The  state  opens  its  schools  with  equal  advantages  to  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  357 

children  of  all  its  citizens.  Its  laws  make  no  distinction  as  to 
the  creed  of  the  individual  in  the  choice  of  its  teachers. 

The  state  does  not  deny  the  right  to  parents,  organizations, 
or  churches,  to  establish  and  maintain  private  or  parochial 
schools  at  their  own  expense. 

The  movement,  with  audacious  demands  and  specious  claims, 
for  the  division  of  the  public-school  funds  on  sectarian  lines,  is 
a  common  programme  for  all  the  States. 

That  this  has  mainly  in  view  selfish  and  not  public  ends  is 
shown  by  the  fact  that  the  movement  is  being  pushed  almost 
exclusively  by  Romanism,  which  for  many  years,  as  we  have 
seen,  by  its  chief  authorities,  has  been  assaulting  the  public- 
school  system.  A  few  of  its  more  liberal  representatives  have 
tolerated  the  system,  and  have  sought  in  many  ways  to  con 
trol  it.  Every  compromise,  however,  between  sectarian  and 
public  schools  which  has  previously  been  tried,  has  invariably 
resulted  in  the  humiliating  surrender  of  some  vital  principle  of 
public-school  education. 

It  is  auspicious  for  the  republic  that  the  demands  made  are 
now  plainly  and  officially  set  forth,  and  clearly  defined. 

There  is  now  no  opportunity  for  the  compromising  citizen 
or  politician  to  evade  responsibility. 

The  question  is  not,  Are  these  common  schools  capable  of 
improvement?  They  should  and  will  be  improved. 

The  questions  presented  and  which  demand  an  answer  are : 

1.  Shall  the  whole  principle  upon  which  the  common  schools 
rest,  i.  e.,  the  right  and  duty  of  the  state  to  educate  imparti 
ally  its  own  children  for  intelligent  citizenship,  be  surrendered 
to  its  enemies  ? 

2.  Shall  the  common  schools  be  disintegrated  and  destroyed 
by  the  dispersion  and  use  of  their  funds  for  sectarian  ends  ? 

3.  Are  our  citizens  in  favor  of  the  union  of  church  and  state 
in  the  most  dangerous  possible  feature  of  such  union,  viz.:  in 
the  fundamental  and  elementary  education  of  future  citizens  ? 

These   questions  demand  an  answer  and  must  be  perma- 


358  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

neiitly  settled  for  weal  or  woe.  We  believe  they  will  be 
settled  in  the  interests  of  the  whole  people,  and  not  in  the  in 
terests  of  any  one  class  of  our  citizens,  however  specious  their 
claims  or  urgent  their  demands. 

Not  only  the  consensus  of  opinion  of  the  highest  ecclesiasti 
cal  authorities  of  Romanism  from  the  Pope  down,  but  the  con 
sistent  and  persistent  assaults  of  these  ecclesiastics  proves 
that  the  opposition  to  the  American  free  common-school 
system  of  education  is  unchanged  and  unchangeable.  They 
are  aware  of  the  fact  that  they  are  engaged  in  a  losing  con 
test,  and  that  they  cannot  control  their  own  people  in  this 
matter,  and  that  to  attempt  to  compel  them  to  decline  to 
patronize  the  public  schools  and  send  their  children  to  the 
parochial  schools  will  result  in  driving  them  out  of  the 
communion  of  a  Church  which  dares  to  exercise  such  tyranny 
against  individual  rights. 

TO    THE    PRESS    AND    LITERATURE. 

Rome  in  history  has  always  opposed  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  Her  arguments  have  been  the  policeman,  the  inquisi 
tor,  the  prison,  the  rack,  the  flames,  the  ax,  the  halter,  and 
confiscation.  The  legates  of  the  Holy  See  introduced  in  the 
Council  of  Trent  the  legislation  against  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  The  subject  was  styled  :  "The  Business  of  the  Books, 
Censures,  and  Index."  The  Council  enacted  ten  rules  on  pro 
hibited  books  which  remain  as  the  unrepealed  laws  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church.  Strictly  carried  out,  these  rules 
make  sure  of  a  condition  of  ignorance  on  the  part  of  its  sub 
jects  that  unfits  them  to  understand  what  civil  and  religious 
liberty  means,  and  that  would,  if  universally  obeyed,  turn  civil 
ization  back  to  the  darkness,  ignorance,  and  tyranny  of  the 
Middle  Ages. 

The  following  is  a  digest  of  the  rules  in  question,  which 
from  time  to  time  have  been  particularized  in  legislation  but 
never  repealed  in  their  scope : 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  359 

The  first  rule  condemns  all  books  censured  by  Popes  or 
councils  before  A.  D.  1515. 

The  second  condemns  the  works  of  all  arch-heretics  and 
minor  errorists  since  A.  D.  1515;  it,  however,  permits  books  of 
the  latter  class  of  authors  on  secular  subjects,  and  books  of 
Catholic  writers  who  have  fallen  into  heresy,  after  examina 
tion  by  a  Romish  university  or  general  inquisition,  to  be 
read. 

The  third  permits  the  Old  Testament,  at  the  discretion  of 
the  bishop,  to  learned  and  pious  men.  But  versions  of  the  New 
Testament  made  by  authors  of  the  first  class  of  this  Index 
shall  be  permitted  to  no  one. 

The  fourth  prohibits  the  reading  of  the  Bible  in  the  vulgar 
tongue  (no  matter  in  what  version),  unless  when  a  bishop  or 
inquisitor,  on  the  recommendation  of  a  confessor,  grants  the 
privilege ;  and  it  ordains  heavy  penalties  against  those  who 
sell  or  read  it.  Even  monks  must  not  search  the  Scriptures 
without  the  permission  of  their  superiors. 

The  fifth  permits  lexicons,  and  similar  works,  from  heretical 
authors,  after  being  duly  expurgated,  to  be  read. 

The  sixth  permits  books  on  practical  religion  to  be  read  by 
the  faithful  in  their  own  tongue  ;  but  forbids  the  perusal  of 
controversial  books,  except  when  permitted  by  a  bishop  or 
inquisitor  on  the  advice  of  a  confessor. 

The  seventh  forbids  the  use  of  all  indecent  books,  except 
the  ancient  classics,  and  it  permits  these  with  restrictions. 

The  eighth  permits  the  use  of  books  whose  general  senti 
ment  is  good,  after  purification  by  the  Catholic  authorities. 

The  ninth  forbids  the  use  of  all  books  on  magic,  necromancy, 
and  kindred  subjects. 

The  tenth  aims  at  the  destruction  of  the  liberty  of  the  press 
throughout  Christendom. 

The  Index  down  to  1754  embraced  20,000  titles.  It  was 
true,  up  to  a  comparatively  recent  period,  that  the  condemna 
tion  of  standard  literary  works  was  so  sweeping  that  no  per- 


300  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

son  who  obeyed  aiid  abstained  from  reading  the  condemned 
works  could  be  styled  a  liberally  educated  person.  The  vast 
multiplication  of  printed  books  now  renders  impossible  a  uni 
versal  censorship.  The  condemnation  in  the  recent  sup 
plements  to  the  Index  is  largely,  necessarily  confined  to 
conspicuous  and  dangerous  attacks  upon  the  doctrines,  disci 
pline,  claims,  or  privileges  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church. 
The  Index  is  especially  watchful  against  any  liberal  tenden 
cies  on  the  part  of  Roman  Catholic  writers.  George  P.  Marsh 
says :  "  In  the  earlier  centuries  the  prohibitions  of  the  Index 
controlled  the  intellectual  culture  of  the  Catholic  world,  and 
they  incidentally  caused  the  destruction  of  great  numbers  of 
works  of  more  or  less  importance  in  ecclesiastical  literature. 
Confessors  deny  absolution  to  penitents  who  refuse  to  deliver 
up  books  expressly  or  impliedly  forbidden,  and  these,  when 
surrendered,  are  generally  burnt  and  so  mutilated  as  to  be 
illegible.  This  explains  the  rarity  of  many  old  books  for 
merly  widely  read." 

The  Roman  Catholic  New  York  Sunday  Democrat  of  July 
24,  1898,  says  concerning  the  Index: 

"  As  the  guardian  of  faith  and  morals  the  Church  forbids 
the  reading  of  such  books  as  endanger  the  faith  or  morals. 
In  January,  1897,  the  Holy  See  was  pleased  to  simplify  and 
in  many  respects  to  modify  the  provisions  of  the  Index,  and 
issued  a  constitution  to  that  effect.  Like  all  legislation  of  a 
general  kind,  it  was  issued  to  the  Church  as  a  whole. 

"  Probably  out  of  every  hundred  Americans  who  rail  against 
the  restrictions  of  the  Index,  not  a  tithe  has  any  direct  ac 
quaintance  with,  or  takes  any  due  account  of,  the  flood  of 
bitterly  anti-Christian  literature,  often  infidel,  immoral,  and 
blasphemous,  and  almost  always  insidiously  polemical,  which 
is  poured  over  Italy  and  the  continent  of  Europe  generally  by 
the  Masonic  and  anti-clerical  press.  It  is  in  great  measure 
this  degrading  abuse  of  one  of  the  noblest  of  the  faculties  of 
civilized  society,  and  the  need  of  duly  protecting  the  minds  of 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  361 

the  masses  from  its  ravages,  that  the  provisions  of  the  Index 
are  specially  designed  to  meet. 

"However  much  we  may  feel  that  in  times  like  our  own, 
when  our  best  triumphs  promise  to  be  gained  by  guiding, 
rather  than  by  limiting,  human  liberty,  and  when  necessarily 
much  must  be  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  conscientious  indi 
vidual,  the  practical  application  of  the  principle  is  a  matter 
which  calls  for  the  exercise  of  that  generous  and  tactful  deli 
cacy  which  the  Catholic  Church  knows  so  well  how  to  use  in 
dealing  with  her  children." 

In  a  Sunday  issue  of  the  New  York  Herald  in  1894  ap 
peared  the  following: 

"  In  order  that  they  may  testify,  individually  and  collectively, 
in  their  own  behalf  and  in  behalf  of  the  several  publications 
they  represent,  their  unqualified  and  complete  fidelity  to  the 
Holy  See,  the  editors  of  the  Roman  Catholic  periodicals  and 
newspapers  in  the  United  States  have  prepared  a  memorial  to 
be  presented  to  Pope  Leo  XIII. 

"  Following  is  a  copy  of  its  translation : 
"  '  To  His  Holiness,  Pope  Leo  XIII. : 

"  '  MOST  HOLY  FATHER  :  Prostrate  at  the  feet  of  your  Holi 
ness,  we,  the  editors  of  the  Catholic  press  of  the  United  States 
of  America,  taking  the  occasion  of  the  presence  of  your  apos 
tolic  delegate,  whose  residence  we  regard  as  a  special  mark  of 
your  favor,  beg  to  present  through  him  the  expression  of  our 
filial  devotion  and  steadfast  loyalty  to  the  person  and  policy 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  the  vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth,  and  at 
the  same  time  profess  ourselves  filled  with  a  determination 
not  only  to  vindicate  the  inalienable  rights  of  the  See  of  Peter, 
but  to  advance,  as  far  as  in  us  lies,  the  welfare  of  the  Holy 
Church  in  the  United  States. 

"  '  Your  Holiness  is  well  aware  of,  and  has  given  expression 
in  many  briefs  and  apostolic  letters  to,  the  vast  importance  of 
a  sound  and  loyal  Catholic  press,  and  of  the  paramount  neces 
sity  of  having  enlisted  in  the  cause  of  truth  so  mighty  an 


36*2  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

agency  for  its  dissemination.  As  workers  in  a  ministry  of 
special  importance,  we  endeavor  to  prosecute  our  labors  in  the 
spirit  of  a  sacred  apostolate,  and  to  bring  to  our  work  a  spirit 
of  obedience  and  reverence  for  the  mandates  of  the  holy 
mother  church,  as  expressed  by  the  chosen  shepherds  of  the 
flock.  AVe  pledge  ourselves  to  renewed  zeal  in  vindicating 
the  cause  of  God's  holy  truth  as  expressed  by  Christ's  vicar  on 
earth. 

"  '  Quickened,  therefore,  by  your  salutary  words,  and  stimu 
lated  by  a  profound  belief  in  the  noble  mission  of  the  Catho 
lic  press  and  its  untold  possibilities  for  good,  we,  who  by  the 
providence  of  God  have  been  permitted  to  serve  under  this 
banner,  consecrate  to  the  work  not  only  the  loyal  service  of 
the  tried  soldier,  but  the  filial  love  of  the  dutiful  child. 

"  l  Begging  upon  us  and  our  labors  in  this  sacred  work, 
which  makes  us  one  in  mind  and  heart,  your  apostolic  bless 
ing,  we  are,  most  holy  father,  the  editors  of  the  Catholic  press 
in  the  United  States  of  America.' ' 

Then  follow  the  names  of  the  editors  of  fifty-two  Catholic 
magazines  and  newspapers,  with  the  names  of  the  publications. 

Some  time  previous  to  the  issuing  of  the  above  memorial 
to  the  Pope  the  American  Roman  hierarchy  sent  a  warning 
to  the  Roman  Catholic  papers  against  criticising  the  bishops, 
which  said  : 

"  And  lest  the  present  evil,  a  daily  growing  source  of  scan 
dal  to  Catholics  and  others,  should  continue  to  flourish,  we 
judge  well  to  meet  it,  not  by  cautions  and  advices  merely, 
but  also  by  ecclesiastical  penalties.  AVherefore,  for  the  fu 
ture,  laymen  or  clerics  who  through  themselves  or  through 
others  associated  or  encouraged  by  them,  in  public  print  assail 
by  wanton  words,  ill-natured  utterances,  raileries,  those  in 
authority — much  more  if  they  presume  to  carp  at  or  condemn 
a  bishop's  methods  of  administration — all  those,  principals, 
partners,  and  abettors,  disturbers,  contemuers,  and  enemies 
of  ecclesiastical  discipline,  as  they  are,  we  declare  guilty  of 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Homanism .  363 

gravest  scandal,  and  thereby,  their  fault  being  proved,  deserv 
ing  of  censure." 

The  attention  of  the  hierarchy  is  called  to  the  following 
news  item  appearing  in  the  New  York  .Evening  Sun  of  Fri 
day,  September  9,  1898,  as  witnessing  to  the  delicate  recogni 
tion  of  church  and  ecclesiastical  claims  upon  Roman  Catholic 
political  editors : 

"The  editors  of  Democratic  newspapers  published  in  the 
smaller  cities  and  towns  of  the  State  are  to  be  entertained  at 
dinner  to-night  in  the  Hoffman  House  by  Senator  Patrick  H. 
McCarren  and  the  members  of  his  campaign  committee.  The 
members  of  the  committee  were  worried  or  amused,  according 
to  their  point  of  view,  to-day  when  they  discovered  that  seven 
out  of  ten  of  the  editors  do  not  eat  meat  on  Friday.  The 
order  of  the  dinner  was  changed  in  a  hurry  this  morning. 

"  The  meat  courses  were  reduced  in  number  and  quantity, 
while  the  fish  and  oyster  courses  were  extended  as  far  as  the 
season  would  permit.  There  is  to  be  no  limit  to  the  extent 
and  variety  of  the  wines  served,  and  the  members  of  the  com 
mittee  are  hopeful  that  the  editors  will  be  convinced  before 
the  finish  that  Friday  is  just  as  great  a  day  as  any  for  a  har 
mony  feast." 

While  the  political  power  of  Romanism  muzzles  the  secular 
and  political  press,  its  own  people  do  not  largely  patronize  its 
religious  papers. 

The  Catholic  Review,  in  1885,  published  a  statement  by 
Bishop  Cosgrove  of  Davenport,  la.,  in  which,  complaining  of 
the  small  support  given  by  Catholics  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
papers,  he  says : 

"  We  find  that  about  one  Catholic  in  forty  is  a  subscriber  to 
one  of  them  ;  we  find  the  combined  circulation  of  all  the  Cath 
olic  papers  of  the  country  to  be  less  than  that  of  some  single 
issue  of  The  Police  Gazette;  we  find  it  less  by  thousands  than 
that  of  the  journal  (The  Christian  Advocate)  published  by 
another  single  establishment,  the  Methodist  Book  Concern. 


364  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Protestant  exchanges  charge  that  our  people  are  ignorant; 
that  they  lack  intelligence,  .  .  .  and  usually  they  have  de 
cidedly  the  best  of  the  argument,  for  the  facts  are  very  stern 
and  hard  to  face." 

The  editor  of  the  Review,  in  introducing  the  bishop's  re- 
i narks,  said  : 

"  It  is  with  reluctance  that  we  publish  the  well-founded 
complaints  that  are  frequently  made  of  those  Catholics  who, 
though  blessed  with  the  Catholic  faith,  have  little  relish  for 
reading  of  Catholic  affairs  and  no  love  for  the  Catholic 
press." 

The  attempts  of  the  political  power  of  Rome  to  control  the 
press  of  Paris  have  produced  a  revulsion  of  sentiment  amount 
ing  to  a  revolution. 

Le  Bulletin  de  la  Presse,  Paris,  March  10,  1897,  in  an  arti 
cle  on  "  The  French  Catholic  Press,"  says :  "  After  most 
recent  researches  we  find  there  exist  in  Paris  2291  journals, 
but  out  of  this  number  only  163  are  political,  the  rest  are  on 
special  matters. 

"  The  classification  established  of  the  preceding  163  journals 
is  10  neutral,  31  favorable  to  the  Catholic  religion,  and  122 
unfavorable." 

In  1870  there  was  not  a  journal  in  Paris  which  was  openly 
unfavorable  to  Romanism. 

In  any  land  wherever  papal  authority  is  dominant  freedom 
of  the  press  is  not  only  not  permitted,  but  the  reverse  is  also 
true,  that  wherever  the  press  is  free  the  papal  power  is  re 
stricted  in  its  tyrannical  practices  if  not  in  its  pretenses.  Pre 
vious  to  1870,  when  the  Pope  possessed  temporal  power,  he 
absolutely  controlled  the  press  within  his  domains.  Criticism 
upon  the  Church  or  upon  any  papal  subject  was  not  only  not 
allowed,  but  favorable  comments  upon  persons  or  associations 
not  in  sympathy  with  the  Vatican  authorities,  or  any  pub 
lished  evidence  of  lack  of  reverence  for  church  institutions, 
wan  adequate  reason  for  the  suppression  of  a  paper.  The 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  365 

action  was  even  more  rigid  in  reference  to  books.  The  same 
censorship  is  now  exercised  over  books  under  Vatican  control, 
and  absence  of  opportunity  furnishes  the  reason  for  its  not 
being  extended  over  papers  as  formerly.  In  fact,  the  Italian 
press  exercises  its  liberty  in  discussing  and  criticising  papal 
pretensions  more  freely  and  fearlessly  than  the  American 
press.  Censorship  seems  to  have  landed  on  our  shores  with 
papal  immigration. 

We  are  authentically  informed  that  many,  if  not  most,  of  the 
political  daily  papers  in  this  country  are  under  Roman  censor 
ship,  either  by  the  power  of  political  fear,  or  by  the  presence 
on  the  editorial  staff  of  some  astute  and  watchful  Roman 
sentinel.  The  news  companies  are  largely  under  the  same 
control  and  block  the  avenues  of  communication  with  the 
people. 

How  is  it  that  the  hour  anything  occurs  in  current  events 
that  in  any  way  touches  the  Romanism  of  the  past  or  present, 
no  matter  how  mild  the  indictment  or  how  iniquitous  the 
facts,  the  account  falls  into  the  hands  of  some  Roman  editorial 
sentinel  on  the  press  and  is  either  suppressed  or  editorially 
assaulted  ?  The  guards  and  pickets  seem  to  have  been  care 
fully  stationed  at  these  avenues  of  communication  with  the 
people.  And  yet  we  have  freedom  of  the  press  in  this 
republic !  What  indignant  protests  would  make  editorial 
columns  lurid  if  other  religious  or  ecclesiastical  organizations 
should  insist  upon  having  a  censor  stationed  at  managing 
editors'  elbows.  But  these  organizations  do  not  control  a 
massable  vote. 

The  political  press  as  a  rule,  and  largely  the  religious  press, 
cannot  be  depended  upon  to  discuss  Roman  Catholic  affairs 
even  as  matters  of  news  in  case  anything  discreditable  to  either 
religious  or  political  Romanism  occurs  ;  while  at  the  same 
time,  scandals  and  heresies  in  all  branches  of  Protestantism 
are  voluminously  discussed.  Why  is  this  ? 

If  individuals  or  organizations  expressed  themselves  upon 


366  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the  impertinent  interference  of  the  Pope  or  his  representatives 
in  the  affairs  of  this  country  in  her  relations  to  Spain,  all  the 
compromising  editors  and  correspondents  of  both  secular  and 
religious  papers  commenced  deprecating  debate  and  excusing 
Romanism,  and  usually  they  turned  their  batteries  on  the  im 
pudent  individuals  and  organizations  who  ventured  to  tell  the 
truth.  The  very  thought  of  defending  the  political  aggres 
sions  of  Rome  seems  to  breed  cowardice  and  blunt  moral 
sense. 

Within  the  memory  of  the  present  generation,  several 
papers  in  New  York  and  in  other  cities  have  evinced  candor 
and  courage  in  their  news  and  editorial  departments  in  dis 
cussing  the  assaults  of  Romanism  upon  our  institutions. 
Loss  of  circulation  causing  a  depleted  treasury  has  forced  the 
editors  and  proprietors  of  some  of  these  papers  to  seek  finan 
cial  aid,  and  Roman  Catholic  capitalists  or  rich  Roman  Catholic 
party  bosses  coming  to  the  rescue,  the  papers  have  been  tided 
over  the  bar,  but  when  they  floated  their  columns  were  locked 
against  news  or  discussion  which  would  contest  the  propriety 
of  the  flag  flying  at  the  masthead  bearing  the  symbol  of  the 
keys  of  the  modern  Peter. 

The  Standard,  New  York,  Saturday,  April  23,  1887,  con 
tained  the  following  item,  which  is  germane  to  our  discussion 
of  the  relation  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  the 
press  : 

ARCHBISHOP  CORRIGAN  SENDS  A  THREATENING 
LETTER  TO  THE  "  CATHOLIC  HERALD." 

The  following  interesting  and  characteristic  document  by  a  strange 
series  of  accidents,  unnecessary  to  describe,  came  into  our  hands.  Its 
publication  will  surprise  no  one  more  than  the  gentlemen  to  whom  it  is 
addressed.  We  do  not  feel  bound  by  the  obligations  of  secrecy  which 
the  writer  seeks  to  impose  on  those  gentlemen.  We  sincerely  hope  that 
he  will  not  excommunicate  the  editor  and  the  proprietor  of  the  Catholic 
Herald  for  our  publication  of  the  letter,  and  we  hardly  think  he  will 
deem  it  worth  his  while  to  excommunicate  us. 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  367 

"  452  MADISON  AVENUE, 
"  NEW  YORK,  April  13,  1887. 
"  To  the  Editor  and  Proprietor  of  the  Catholic  Herald  : 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  Ity  this  note,  which  is  entirely  private  and  not  to  be 
published,  I  wish  to  call  your  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  third  plenary 
council  of  Baltimore,  following  the  leadership  of  Pope  Leo  XIII. ,  has 
pointed  out  the  duties  of  the  Catholic  press,  and  denounced  the  abuses 
of  which  journals  styling  themselves  Catholic  are  sometimes  guilty. 
*  That  paper  alone,'  says  the  council  (decree  No.  228),  '  is  to  be  regarded 
as  Catholic  that  is  prepared  to  submit  in  all  things  to  ecclesiastical  au 
thority.'  Later  on  it  warns  all  Catholic  writers  against  presuming  to 
attack  publicly  the  manner  in  which  a  bishop  rules  his  diocese,  affirming 
that  those  who  so  presume,  as  well  as  their  approvers  and  abettors,  are 
not  only  guilty  of  very  grievous  scandals,  but  deserve  moreover,  to  be 
dealt  with  by  canonical  censures. 

"  For  some  time  past  the  utterances  of  the  Catholic  Herald  have  been 
shockingly  scandalous.  As  this  newspaper  is  published  in  this  diocese,  I 
hereby  warn  you  that  if  you  continue  in  this  course  of  conduct  it  will  be 
at  your  peril.  I  am,  gentlemen,  yours  truly, 

"  M.   A.  CORRIGAN, 
"  Archbishop  of  New  York." 

The  Western  Watchman  is  a  representative  Roman  Catho 
lic  weekly  journal,  published  in  St.  Louis,  Mo.,  and  was  estab 
lished  in  1865.  Rev.  D.  S.  Phelan,  Pastor  of  the  Church  of 
Our  Lady  of  Mount  Carmel,  in  the  Archdiocese  and  city  of 
St.  Louis,  is  the  editor  of  this  paper  and  claims  to  be  its 
owner. 

With  a  temerity  refreshing  because  of  its  rarity  in  the 
ranks  of  the  faithful,  this  paper  has  from  time  to  time  com 
mented  with  great  freedom  upon  the  attitude  and  methods  of 
the  high  authorities  of  the  church  it  represents,  in  reference 
to  the  public-school  question  and  to  the  use  of  public  funds 
for  sectarian  purposes.  Two  quotations  will  sufficiently  indi 
cate  the  efforts  of  this  "  hereditary  bondsman  "  to  be  free. 

In  December,  1893,  when  the  entire  country  was  agitated 
on  the  school  question,  Father  Phelan  says : 

"  There  is  to  be  a  new  aligment  on  the  school  question. 
The  Faribault  plan  is  no  longer  under  discussion.  The  rally- 


368  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ing  cry  is  now  '  Denominational  Education.'  Archbishop 
Ryan,  Archbishop  Corrigan,  Cardinal  (ribbons,  and  Bishop 
Keane  are  the  leaders  in  this  new  movement.  Petitions  have 
been  prepared  for  submission  to  several  State  legislatures, 
asking  for  a  pro  rata  distribution  of  the  school  fund  among 
all  denominations,  and  a  system  of  school  supervision  and  sup 
port  similar  to  the  one  now  in  vogue  in  England  and  Canada. 
This  may  be  briefly  described  as  '  Faribault  with  fringes.' 
We  are  glad  to  see  these  doughty  champions  of  the  faith,  who 
have  been  fighting  against  each  other  so  long,  once  more  united 
under  one  banner  and  standing  shoulder  to  shoulder  against 
the  common  foe.  These  are  the  strongest  men  in  the  Ameri 
can  hierarchy,  and  it  is  a  pity  they  ever  divided  their  tre 
mendous  strength.  We  do  not  know  just  where  Archbishop 
Ireland  will  be  found  in  the  coming  struggle,  but  if  there  is 
any  merit  in  his  plan,  there  must  be  still  more  in  the  New 
York-Baltimore  proposition,  and  he  would  naturally  take  sides 
with  his  four  distinguished  brethren. 

"  In  this  conflict  which  is  now  upon  us  the  Watchman 
must  stand  alone.  We  are  unalterably  of  the  conviction  that 
the  denominational  system  is  the  very  worst  that  could  be  de 
vised  for  our  country.  We  have  no  hesitancy  in  stating  that 
the  present  purely  secular  system  is  the  very  best  that  could 
be  adopted  for  our  heterogeneous  mass  of  believers  and  un 
believers. 

"  We  are  so  convinced  of  the  truth  and  wisdom  of  our  posi 
tion  that  we  would  not  hesitate  to  come  out  against  all  our 
former  friends  to  defend  it.  We  are  well  aware  that  the  Holy 
Father  and  his  august  representative  in  this  country  are  par 
tial  to  the  denominational  system  ;  but  it  shall  not  be  our 
fault  if  they  are  not  made  aware  of  the  ruinous  disadvantages 
of  the  arrangement.  We  have  spoken  to  those  in  authority 
on  the  subject  before,  and  the  readers  of  this  paper  know  our 
views  on  the  subject,  for  they  are  not  new.  We  hope  and 
pray  that  God  wrill  enlighten  the  minds  of  the  chiefs  of  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  369 

Christian  fold  to  enable  them  to  see  the  calamities  that  lurk 
under  the  fair  exterior  of  a  system  that  is  born  of  Catholic 
slavery,  and  is  by  nature  formed  to  generate  Catholic  slaves." 

In  a  subsequent  issue  of  this  paper,  in  discussing  the  ques 
tion  of  State  aid  to  Catholic  institutions,  this  editor  says : 

"  For  years  we  have  opposed  doing  good  at  the  cost  of  the 
public  treasury.  As  we  grow  older  and  see  more  of  the 
results  of  this  insidious  attempt  to  unite  church  and  state, 
we  are  more  convinced  of  the  unwisdom  of  such  a  policy. 

"  The  best  policy  is  for  us  to  conduct  our  own  charities  ; 
pay  as  we  go,  and  grow  as  we  can  without  artificial  forcing. 
God  will  bless  what  we  do  ourselves  for  love  of  Him. 

"We  would  like  that  the  announcement  were  made  in 
clarion  notes  from  the  Lakes  to  the  Gulf,  that  the  Catholics 
of  the  United  States  wanted  no  more  State  money.  It  would 
settle  this  miserable  controversy  once  and  forever." 

From  the  American  point  of  view  it  might  reasonably  be 
expected  that  the  man  who  possessed  sufficient  courage  to 
voice  honest  conviction  in  language  so  unmistakable  in  its 
purport,  and  so  creditable  to  his  judgment  as  a  citizen  of  this 
free  republic,  would  be  somewhat  beyond  the  reach  of  ecclesi 
astical  intimidation.  But  what  are  the  facts?  About  the 
time  during  which  he  was  uttering  these  sentiments  above 
quoted,  this  editor  took  occasion  to  print  in  his  paper  some 
rather  severe  strictures  on  the  actions  of  the  bishops  of  the 
Church.  He  was  ordered  into  the  presence  of  his  ecclesiasti 
cal  superior,  Archbishop  Kain  of  St.  Louis,  and  an  humble 
apology  was  presented  to  him,  with  the  demand  that  he  print 
it  in  the  columns  of  his  newspaper,  which  he  agreed  to  do. 

On  leaving  the  awful  presence  of  "  His  Grace,"  however, 
his  courage  returned,  and  he  determined  not  to  do  it,  and 
announced  such  determination  in  his  paper  on  March  15, 
1894,  in  the  following  vigorous  language: 

"  As  to  my  resistance  of  Archbishop  Kaiii's  assumption  of 
authority,  I  will  state  that  I  do  not  publish  the  Watchman, 


370  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

but  I  own  it,  and  have  paid  for  every  type  that  prints  it.  I 
own  the  paper.  Now,  let  me  say  to  Archbishop  Kain,  no  man 
owns  me.  He  comes  from  an  ex-slave  State,  and  he  knows 
what  that  means.  No  man  owns  me.  I  will  go  farther  and 
say  no  man  owns  my  pen.  I  shall  allow  no  man  born  to  dic 
tate  how  I  shall  write  or  what  I  shall  write.  I  would  not  be 
a  legitimate  child  of  the  Catholic  Church,  the  mother  of  indi 
vidual  rights  and  liberty,  if  I  feared  to  assert  my  God-given 
prerogatives,  as  a  man  and  priest,  in  the  face  of  any  man  under 
the  stars." 

The  resources  of  the  Church  against  this  contumacious 
editor  were,  however,  by  no  means  exhausted.  Under  cover 
of  authority  vested  in  his  office  by  the  decrees  of  the  Third 
Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  Archbishop  Kain  prepared 
a  circular  letter,  which  Father  Phelan,  in  common  with  all 
the  clergy  of  the  archdiocese,  was  compelled  to  read  before 
his  congregation.  This  letter  denounced  the  Western  Watch 
man  as  "a  most  unfit  paper  to  be  introduced  into  our  Catho 
lic  families,"  and  warns  Catholics  against  its  "  baneful  influ 
ence,"  and  entreats  them  "not  to  give  it  their  support  or 
encouragement." 

This  happy  application  of  the  ecclesiastical  boycott,  which 
is  always  effectual  in  the  ranks  of  the  faithful  and  frequently 
outside  of  them,  accomplished  its  purpose  in  this  case,  for  on 
March  30,  1894,  there  appeared  in  the  Western  Watchman 
this  contrite  recantation : 

"  Rev.  D.  S.  Phelan,  editor  of  the  Western,  Watchman,  also 
of  the  Sunday  Watchman,  hereby  publicly  disavows  every 
utterance  which  I  have  published  or  permitted  to  be  pub 
lished  in  said  papers,  derogatory  to  the  person  or  sacred  office 
of  any  bishop  of  the  Church,  and  I  herel)y  recall  any  reflection 
upon  the  Most  Rev.  Administrator  of  this  diocese,  which  has 
appeared  in  the  columns  of  these  papers,  and  I  promise  to 
prevent  any  such  publications  in  the  future  in  the  papers 
under  my  control.  I  also  retract  the  false  position  assumed  in 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  371 

the  article  (March  15),  entitled  Address  of  the  Editor,  and 
fully  acknowledge  the  right  given  to  the  bishops  over 
the  papers  that  claim  to  be  the  exponents  of  Catholic 
thought.'7 

Is  there  need  for  further  comment  ? 

We  frequently  see  this  editor  quoted  as  a  type  of  "  liberal " 
American  Roman  Catholicism.  Let  us  quote  from  his  paper 
of  February  17,  1898,  on  the  destruction  of  the  Maine : 

"  Fitting  out  expeditions  to  prey  upon  a  neighboring  nation 
with  which  we  are  at  peace  is  a  crime.  We  shall  soon  dispute 
with  England  the  title  of  the  most  unprincipled  nation  on  the 
face  of  the  earth.  Our  brutal  bluff  lies  at  the  bottom  of  the 
Spanish  Main." 

God  guard  our  land  against  all  such  types ! 

TO     CHARITABLE,    KEFOKMATOKY,     AND    PENAL   INSTITUTIONS. 

Political  Romanism's  assault  upon  all  charitable,  reforma 
tory,  and  penal  institutions  which  it  does  not  absolutely 
control  has  for  many  years,  in  many  States,  been  most  persist 
ent,  un-American,  and  cruel. 

The  contest  over  so-called  Freedom  of  Worship  bills  in 
different  States  startlingly  reveals  what  Romanism  means  by 
religious  liberty.  The  contest  in  New  York  State  presents 
the  best  illustration  of  the  general  line  of  attack  consistently 
waged  in  that  and  in  other  States,  on  every  incorporated  or 
unincorporated  society  for  the  reformation  of  its  inmates,  as 
well  as  houses  of  refuge,  penitentiaries,  protectories,  reforma 
tories  or  other  penal  institutions,  continuing  to  receive  for 
their  use,  either  public  moneys,  or  a  per  capita  sum  from 
any  municipality  for  the  support  of  inmates. 

The  following  text  of  a  so-called  Freedom  of  Worship 
bill  plainly  represents  the  numerous  succession  of  such  pro 
posed  measures,  and  because  of  its  origin  may  be  considered 
authoritative : 


372  Facing  ike  Twentieth  Century. 


AN    ACT    WITH    REFERENCE    TO    THE    PAYMENT    OF     MONEYS    OF    THE 

STATE    TO     INCORPORATED    INSTITUTIONS,  SOCIETIES     AND 

ASSOCIATIONS. 

The  people  of  the  State  of  New  York,  represented  in  Senate  and 
Assembly,  do  enact  as  follows: 

SECTION  1.  It  shall  not  be  lawful  for  any  officer  of  the  State  to  pay 
to,  or  for  any  incorporated  institution,  society  or  association,  nor  to  the 
managers,  agents,  or  officers  thereof,  any  moneys  of  the  State  whatever, 
unless  the  free  exercise  and  enjoyment  of  religious  profession  and  wor 
ship,  without  discrimination  or  preference,  as  guaranteed  by  the  third 
section  of  the  first  article  of  the  Constitution  of  the  State,  is  in  good 
faith  allowed  to  all  inmates  of  such  institution  or  beneficiaries  of  such 
society  or  association.  The  governor  or  comptroller  may,  from  time  to 
time  take  measures  and  prescribe  rules  to  ascertain  whether  the  provi 
sions  of  this  act  are  complied  with  in  and  by  the  managers  and  officers 
of  such  institutions  and  societies  to  which  appropriations  of  moneys  of 
the  State  may  be  made.  This  act  shall  apply  to  all  appropriations  made 
to  take  effect  after  the  first  day  of  July,  eighteen  hundred  and  ninety- 
one,  unless  in  the  act  making  the  same  it  is  otherwise  specially  provided. 
Any  tax-payer  may  apply  to  the  attorney-general  to  take  measures  to 
prevent  the  payment  of  any  funds  of  the  State  in  violation  of  this  act, 
and  if  the  attorney-general  shall  refuse  or  neglect  so  to  do,  such  tax 
payer,  on  notice  to  the  attorney-general,  may  apply  to  the  Supreme 
Court  to  authorize  him  to  bring  an  action  to  prevent  such  payments.  If 
the  court  shall  grant  such  authority,  which  it  is  hereby  authorized  to  do, 
such  tax-payer  may  bring  such  action  with  the  same  force  and  effect  that 
tax-payers  are  now  authorized  to  bring  actions  to  prevent  the  waste  of 
city,  county  or  village  funds. 

The  late  Colonel  George  Bliss  prepared  this  bill  under  the 
direction  and  with  the  approval  of  Archbishop  Corrigan,  and 
it,  thus  became,  both  in  origin  and  in  purpose,  a  measure  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  hierarchy,  and  in  the  interests  of  a  religious 
denomination  then  and  now  drawing  more  money  from  the 
State,  municipal,  and  excise  funds  than  all  other  denomina 
tions  put  together. 

This  was  primarily  a  sectarian  movement  for  the  purpose 
of  gaining  political  power  through  the  intimidation  of  law- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  373 

makers  by  the  use  of  "  political  damnation  "  ;  and  the  second 
ary  purpose  was  "  for  revenue  only." 

The  object  of  the  bill  pure  and  simple  was  to  open  the 
doors  of  all  institutions  which  received  State  aid,  and  were  of 
a  benevolent  and  unsectarian  character,  to  the  entrance  of 
Roman  Catholic  teaching  and  forms  of  worship,  on  the 
assumption  that  everything  which  is  not  Roman  Catholic  is 
sectarian,  and  to  commit  the  State  to  this  un-American 
theory. 

This  was  a  demand  of  the  Roman  hierarchy,  which  in  its 
highest  authorities  denies  that  the  right  of  freedom  of  wor 
ship  can  exist,  but  which,  to  deceive  the  people  of  a  re 
publican  State  by  appealing  to  their  sense  of  fairness,  came  to 
the  front  as  the  pretended  champion  of  freedom  of  worship. 

Substantially  the  same  bill  had  been  introduced  into  most 
of  the  sessions  of  the  legislature  of  the  State  of  New  York 
since  1880;  had  been  discussed,  protested  against,  and 
defeated  in  either  house  or  by  executive  veto.  Its  objects, 
promoters,  and  purposes  were  well  known,  not  only  to  the 
politicians,  but  also  to  the  people  of  the  State.  Under 
the  guise  of  contending  for  individual  religious  freedom, 
which  no  one  challenged,  it  aimed  to  introduce  the  ecclesias 
tical  machine  of  one  denomination  into  every  institution  which 
received  any  financial  support  from  the  State.  This  would 
secure  and  publish  a  practical  league  between  the  ecclesiastics 
of  that  church  who  appeared  as  the  sole  promoters  of  the  bill, 
and  the  civil  government  in  the  State,  which  is  directly  at 
variance  with  the  letter  and  spirit  of  both  the  National  and 
State  Constitutions,  both  of  which  virtually  declare  the 
principle  that  each  church  should  work  out  its  own  destiny 
without  governmental  interference  or  aid. 

Finally  after  twelve  years  of  controversy,  this  politico- 
ecclesiastical  power  styled  Romanism,  secured  in  1892  a  sub 
servient  legislature  which  passed  the  measure  in  an  emasculated 
form  and  Governor  Flower  signed  it,  giving  as  the  reason  for 


374  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

his  action  to  the  opponents  of  the  bill  the  sage  and  statesman 
like  utterance :  "  You  have  robbed  the  bill  of  all  its  worst 
features,  and  now  I  will  sign  it  to  please  the  boys."  So  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  serious  and  broad-minded  statesmen  are 
not  all  dead. 

Freedom  of  worship,  according  to  the  American  idea,  is  that 
the  state  protects  its  citizens  in  the  right  of  public  assemblage 
for  religious  worship,  and  protects  them  from  any  loss  of  civil 
rights  and  privileges  on  account  of  their  religious  faith. 

The  individual  rights  of  citizens,  however,  in  many  respects, 
are  restricted  and  qualified  when,  by  virtue  of  their  own 
crime,  they  are  committed  to  any  of  the  penal  institutions  of 
the  State — they  lose  the  right  to  vote,  the  right  of  liberty  of 
person,  and  the  right  of  free  and  unrestricted  correspondence. 
When  children  of  the  poor  and  thriftless,  no  longer  receiving 
the  protection  and  support  of  their  natural  guardians,  are 
taken  charge  of  by  benevolent  and  charitable  institutions,  the 
managers  of  these  institutions  assume  for  the  time  being  the 
position  and  responsibilities  of  parents  and  guardians,  and 
should  be  left  free  to  exercise  it  without  interference  by  the 
State,  the  attitude  of  which  should  be  strictly  impartial,  and 
with  regard  to  the  contending  forms  of  religious  belief  should 
exercise  its  functions  "  without  discrimination  or  preference." 

Unless  we  have  a  state  religion,  the  fact  that  the  state 
contributes  in  some  measure  toward  the  support  of  such  in 
stitutions,  partly  relieving  them  from  the  total  charge  of  sup 
porting  these  waifs,  gives  the  state  no  right  whatsoever  to 
interfere  with  the  religious  teaching  which  may  be  provided 
or  authorized  by  the  managers  of  such  institutions. 

The  other  idea  of  freedom  of  worship  which  is  adopted  by 
the  advocates  of  such  measures  is  found  in  the  Syllabus  of 
Pope  Pius  IX.  as  follows :  No.  77.  It  is  an  error  to  believe 
that  "in  the  present  day  it  is  no  longer  expedient  that  the 
|  Roman  |  Catholic  religion  shall  be  held  as  the  only  religion 
of  the  state,  to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  modes  of  worship." 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  375 

No.  24.  It  is  an  error  to  believe  that  "  the  Church  has  not 
the  power  of  availing  herself  of  force,  or  any  direct  or  indirect 
temporal  power." 

Pope  Leo  XIIL,  in  a  recent  encylical  letter,  says  as  follows : 

"  To  treat  in  the  same  way  different  forms  of  religion  is  un 
lawful  for  individuals,  unlawful  for  states." 

The  intent  and  aim  of  these  so-called  Freedom  of  Wor 
ship  bills  has  been,  through  political  organization  and 
threats,  to  compel  the  state  to  turn  aside  from  the  impartiality 
with  which  in  the  past  it  has  treated  the  various  religious 
bodies,  and  cause  it  to  show  a  decided  preference  for  the 
Church  to  which  the  advocates  of  such  measures  belong.  They 
put  the  machinery  of  the  Supreme  Court  (which  heretofore 
has  ignored  questions  of  dogma,  except  so  far  as  they  were  in 
cidentally  considered  in  deciding  questions  of  rights  of  prop 
erty)  in  operation  in  deciding  what  forms  of  religious  service 
must  be  provided  in  institutions  within  the  State  which 
receive  any  allowance  from  public  money  toward  their  sup 
port,  and  in  enforcing  their  decisions. 

The  so-called  Freedom  of  Worship  Bill  contest,  involv 
ing  in  many  States  so  many  features  of  the  principle  of  reli 
gious  toleration  and  liberty  as  understood  and  advocated  by 
Romanists,  demands  careful  study  and  ample  discussion.  At 
the  various  hearings  before  legislative  committees  in  New  York 
and  other  States,  the  Romanists  revealed  their  estimate  of  the 
importance  of  the  issue  by  employing  their  ablest  lawyers  to 
make  arguments,  and  by  crowding  the  rooms  where  the  hear 
ings  were  held  with  their  priests  and  prominent  laymen.  The 
intolerant  conduct  and  unmanly  behavior  of  these  Roman 
legions  on  more  than  one  occasion  elicited  stern  rebuke  from 
the  officer  presiding  at  the  hearings.  One  eminent  counsel 
eloquently  declared  that  Romanism  was  always  tolerant.  His 
assertion  was  received  by  most  of  his  auditors  as  a  piece 
of  humor,  although  he  protested  his  seriousness. 

There  is  no  intelligent  man  so  ignorant  of  history  that  he 


376  Pacing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

does  not  know  that  religious  toleration  is  unknown  where 
Roman  Catholicism  has  absolute  power. 

Pope  Leo  XIII.,  addressing  his  cardinals,  sent  the  following 
toleration  Christmas  present  in  1884  to  the  Christian  world  : 
4i  It  is  with  deep  regret  and  profound  anguish  that  we  behold 
the  impiety  with  which  Protestants  propagate  freely,  and 
with  impunity,  their  heretical  doctrines,  attacking  the  most 
august  and  the  most  sacred  dogmas  of  our  very  holy  religion, 
even  here  at  Rome,  the  center  of  the  faith  and  the  seat  of  the 
universal  and  infallible  teacher  of  the  church ;  here,  where 
the  integrity  of  the  faith  should  be  protected,  and  the  honor  of 
the  only  true  religion  should  be  secured  by  the  most  efficient 
means. 

"  It  is  with  sorrow  of  heart  that  I  see  the  temples  of  hetero 
doxy  multiplying  under  protection  of  the  laws,  and  liberty 
given  in  Rome  to  destroy  the  most  beautiful  and  most  pre 
cious  unity  of  the  Italians,  their  religious  unity,  by  the  mad 
efforts  of  those  who  arrogate  to  themselves  the  impious  mis 
sion  of  establishing  a  new  church  in  Italy,  not  based  on  the 
stone  placed  by  Jesus  Christ  as  the  indestructible  foundation 
of  his  heavenly  edifice." 

These  so-called  freedom  of  worship  bills  always  provide 
for  a  sectarian  classification  of  the  inmates  of  the  institutions 
in  question,  who  are  mostly  juvenile  delinquents  of  tender 
years  and  immature  judgment,  according  to  the  denominations 
which  they  prefer,  or  to  which  they  have  belonged,  and  for 
the  admission  of  clergymen  of  various  denominations  or 
churches,  who  are  to  bring  their  "  spiritual  advice  and  minis 
trations  "  to  the  said  classified  inmates.  The  legislatures 
beyond  question  have  no  constitutional  right  to  divide  the 
inmates  of  the  said  institutions  into  religious  or  sectarian 
classes,  or  to  delegate  such  power  of  classification,  or  to 
establish  rules  for  the  religious  teaching  of  the  sectarian 
classes  thus  provided  for ;  and  the  rule  laid  down  by  these 
acts  for  the  denominational  classification  of  the  inmates  by  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  377 

managers  is  in  disregard  of  the  plain  meaning  and  intent  of 
constitutional  provisions  securing  freedom  of  profession  and 
worship  ;  they  subject  the  inmates,  during  their  temporary 
confinement  by  the  authority  of  the  state,  to  the  visitation 
and  "private  ministrations"  of  religious  sectarians,  prose- 
lytists,  and  propagandists,  thus  exposing  them  to  insidious 
attacks  and  open  assaults  upon  their  religious  liberty  ;  per 
mitting,  encouraging,  and  intensifying  the  dangers  from  which 
they  should  be  most  carefully  guarded  by  the  state  during 
the  period  of  their  duress. 

The  proposed  assumption  by  the  state  of  the  power  to 
arrange  the  juvenile  paupers  or  offenders  who  may  be  con 
fined  by  its  authority  into  classes  of  religionists,  to  be  in 
structed  and  disciplined  by  sectarian  teachers,  who  are  to  be 
admitted  by  the  State  into  its  institutions,  would  not  only 
be  a  departure  from  the  ancient  principles  so  sacredly  cher 
ished  by  our  fathers,  of  an  entire  separation  of  church  and 
state,  but  a  fundamental  and  revolutionary  change  in  our 
institutions. 

The  pretexts  offered  to  justify  the  state  in  distributing 
the  children  in  sectarian  classes  and  subjecting  them  to 
denominational  teachings,  ceremonies,  and  ministrations,  add 
strength  and  clearness  to  the  view  that  the  scheme  is  foreign 
and  Jesuitical,  subversive  of  religious  liberty,  absolutely  un- 
American,  and  utterly  unconstitutional. 

They  treat  all  inmates  of  these  institutions  as  if  they  were 
adults  who  were  fitted  to  decide  for  themselves  which  Church 
or  denomination  they  would  prefer,  or  who  already  belonged 
to  some  Church  or  denomination ;  and  who,  as  selecting  a 
denomination,  or  as  having  belonged  to  a  denomination, 
should  be  allowed  "  spiritual  advice  and  ministration  from 
some  recognized  clergyman  of  such  denomination  or  Church," 
whereas  it  is,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  true  that  a  large  proportion 
of  these  inmates  are  children,  who  are  not  yet  come  to  years 
of  discretion,  and  who,  from  their  immature  judgment  as  well 


378  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

as  from  lack  of  mental  and  moral  training,  and  of  intelligent 
study  and  reflection  upon  so  grave  a  question,  are  incapable 
of  exercising  the  freedom  of  profession  and  worship  secured 
to  them  by  the  Constitution  ;  and  who  have  not,  prior  to 
their  commitment  to  such  institutions,  belonged  to  any 
Church,  in  a  sense  that  entitles  the  state  to  allot  them  to 
a  religious  class  or  to  subject  them  to  sectarian  advice  or 
ministration. 

The  claim  that  the  wishes  of  the  guardians  or  parents 
should  be  considered  is  disposed  of  by  the  rule  of  law  and  of 
justice  and  of  common  sense,  that  the  state  is  bound  to  give 
the  children,  during  their  temporary  detention,  such  Christian 
teaching  as  it  may  deem  proper,  under  the  established  princi 
ple,  declared  by  Kent  and  Webster  and  our  highest  judicial 
tribunals,  that  Christianity  is  a  part  of  the  law  of  the  laud. 
How  the  Christian  morals  revealed  in  the  Bible  and  rec 
ognized  by  all  Christians  shall  be  taught  in  the  state  institu 
tions  rests  in  the  supreme  discretion  of  the  state,  under  the 
constitutional  restriction  that  the  right  of  all  to  freedom  of 
worship,  which  all  will  be  entitled  to  enjoy  without  restric 
tion  on  being  released  by  the  state,  shall  not  be  impaired  by 
subjecting  them  to  sectarian  teaching  while  in  confinement. 
But  on  no  point  of  religious  teaching  is  the  state  bound  to 
consult  the  wishes  of  the  parents  or  guardians,  for  the  rea 
son  that  "  by  the  conviction  and  imprisonment  of  the  children 
the  parents  and  guardians  have  lost  the  right  of  control.'7 

Most  of  these  bills  provide  for  the  division  of  the 
inmates  of  these  institutions  into  religious  classes,  subject 
ing  each  inmate  to  the  public  and  private  spiritual  ministra 
tion  of  some  recognized  clergyman  of  "  the  denomination  or 
Church  which  said  inmates  may  respectively  prefer,  or  to 
which  they  may  have  belonged  prior  to  their  being  confined 
in  such  institutions." 

The  tender  age  of  the  inmates  unfits  them  for  a  decision  on 
the  point  as  to  which  Church  they  would  adopt,  and  to  meet 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  379 

this  fact  the  Roman  Catholic  promoters  of  these  bills  have 
made  these  two  points : 

1.  "  That  the  infant  having  been  baptized  is  Catholic. 

2.  "  That  his  rights  should  be  determined  by  the  Church  of 
which  he  is  a  member." 

The  bearing  of  the  first  point  upon  the  destiny  of  the  infant 
inmates  of  an  institution  who  have  been  baptized,  and  its  bear 
ing  also  on  the  question  how  far  the  distribution  of  the  chil 
dren,  in  accordance  with  this  proposition,  among  the  various 
Churches  or  denominations,  will  contribute  to  their  harmony 
and  good  will  are  worth  considering,  when  the  well-known 
rule  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  regard  to  baptism  is 
recalled.  The  rule  of  the  Fourth  Canon  of  the  Council  of 
Trent,  in  the  sixteenth  century,  and  alluded  to  by  the  late 
Pope  Pius  IX.,  when  he  wrote  from  the  Vatican,  August  7, 
1873,  to  the  Emperor  of  Germany,  that  everyone  who  had 
been  baptized  belonged  to  the  Pope,  provides  that  baptism 
administered  by  heretics  or  Protestants  is  true  baptism. 

The  Eighth  Canon  affirms  that  baptized  persons  are  bound 
by  all  precepts  of  the  Church  of  Rome,  and  that  they  are 
obliged  to  observe  them  whether  willing  or  unwilling,  and 
the  Fourteenth  Canon  affirms  that,  when  they  grow  to  matu 
rity,  they  are  not  to  be  left  to  their  own  choice,  but  are  to  be 
compelled  to  lead  a  Christian  life  by  punishment.  The  Con 
stitution  of  Benedict  XIV.  declares,  "  that  he  who  receives 
baptism  from  a  heretic  becomes  a  member  of  the  Catholic 
Church,"  and  adds  that  "  if  they  come  to  that  age  in  which 
they  can  of  themselves  distinguish  good  from  evil,  but  adhere 
to  the  errors  of  their  baptizer,  they  are  to  be  repelled  from  the 
unity  of  the  Church,  "but  they  are  not  to  be  freed  from  its 
authority  or  its  laws." 

While  no  other  denomination  can  claim,  perhaps,  as  the 
promoters  of  these  bills  have  done,  for  their  denomination, 
that  more  than  half  the  inmates  of  the  institutions  affected  by 
these  bills  belong  to  them, — a  claim  which,  if  correct,  confirms 


380  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

the  rule  established  by  the  statistics  of  our  own  country  and 
of  Europe,  that  the  Jesuit  teaching  produces  a  very  large  and 
undue  proportion  of  ignorance  and  pauperism,  vagrancy,  and 
crime, — a  new  significance  is  added  to  the  point  of  baptism 
by  the  further  assumption  that,  the  baptized  infant  being 
Catholic,  his  rights  may  be  determined  by  the  Church  of 
which  he  is  a  member. 

This  proposition  invites  the  attention  of  legislators  to  the 
question,  how  far  the  rights  of  American  citizens,  and  espe 
cially  their  rights  to  religious  liberty,  freedom  of  conscience, 
and  freedom  of  worship,  which  are  guaranteed  by  the  Consti 
tutions  of  most  of  the  States  and  of  the  nation,  are  recognized 
and  protected  by  the  Church  and  Court  of  Rome. 

The  highest  authorities  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  deny 
that  the  right  of  freedom  of  worship  can  exist ;  nevertheless, 
to  deceive  the  people  of  a  republican  state  by  appealing  to 
their  sense  of  fairness,  the  Jesuits  now  come  to  the  front  as 
the  pretended  champions  of  freedom  of  worship.  This  atti 
tude,  though  specious,  will  not  deceive  any  but  thoughtless 
citizens  and  innocent  politicians.  They  are  so  zealous  for 
freedom  of  worship  that  they  have  threatened  from  time  to 
time  "  the  political  damnation  of  any  man  or  party "  that 
should  refuse  to  vote  for  measures  they  approve,  and  boast 
that  "we  have  already  marred  the  political  future  of  more 
than  one  biimt.  and  we  advise  all  others  to  note  the  fact." 

o         ' 

No  State  in  this  republican  nation  ought  to  intrust  the 
training  of  its  infant  wards  to  any  sect  or  church,  with  their 
"  services,  rules,  and  discipline,1'  and  in  this  era  of  civilization 
take  the  initiative  in  pronouncing  the  banns  of  the  "  union 
of  church  and  state."  It  would  be  a  dangerous  marriage 
that  not  even  law  could  make  sacred.  We  are  learning 
in  this  country  the  lesson,  long  since  learned  in  the  Old 
World,  to  distinguish  between  Jesuitism  or  political  Roman 
ism  and  religious  Roman  Catholicism.  We  wage  no  war  on 
the  equal  rights  of  Roman  Catholics  with  all  other  deuomiua- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  381 

tions  to  freedom  of  worship  and  religious  liberty,  nor  deny 
their  rights,  but  rather  would  vigorously  defend  these  rights, 
while  we  protect  our  own,  to  the  "  free  exercise  and  enjoy 
ment  of  religious  profession  and  worship."  But  we  will  war 
against  any  attempt  to  invade  with  sectarian  teachings 
our  absolutely  unsectarian  beneficiary  institutions,  whether 
they  be  the  public  schools  or  the  penal  and  reformatory 
institutions. 

All  bills  in  every  State  and  in  the  nation  of  the  specious 
character  of  so-called  Freedom  of  Worship  Bills,  ought  to  be 
defeated : 

Because  they  are  deceptive  in  their  purpose,  and  would  be 
destructive  of  the  interests  they  pretend  to  desire  to  promote 
in  their  enactment  and  enforcement. 

Because  they  attempt  to  accomplish  by  a  single  enactment 
a  change  in  State  or  national  policy  of  so  fundamental  a  char 
acter  that  it  amounts  to  a  constitutional  amendment. 

Because  it  is  impossible  to  classify  into  sects  juvenile  crim 
inals  and  delinquents,  the  children  of  criminal  or  neglectful 
parents. 

Because  no  other  denomination  except  the  Koman  Catholic 
asks  for  the  legal  privilege  of  proselyting. 

Because,  if  their  provisions  should  be  literally  carried  out, 
it  would  open,  for  the  admission  of  Jesuits,  Protestant  asylums 
chiefly  supported  by  private  beneficence,  and  threaten  every 
private  charitable  institution  with  a  similar  outrage. 

Because  they  are  not  designed  to  secure  freedom  of  worship, 
but  to  suppress  it. 

Such  bills  are  favored  by  the  Jesuits  or  political  Romanists 
and  their  adherents  alone,  and  assented  to  by  other  Roman 
Catholics,  who  in  many  instances  do  not  appreciate  their 
origin  or  understand  their  import. 

They  are  opposed  by  the  boards  of  management  of  the  insti 
tutions  liable  to  be  affected  by  their  provisions,  by  the  entire 
Protestant  community,  and  by  a  large  number  of  thoughtful 


382  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Roman  Catholics,  who  do  not  forget  that  they  are  American 
citizens. 

The  New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to 
Children  under  its  present  management  has,  by  legislation,  so 
thoroughly  intrenched  itself  that  it  possesses  autocratic  and 
all  but  omnipotent  power.  Its  history  for  years  has  shown  it 
to  be  certainly  in  collusion  and  apparently  in  copartnership 
with  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  It  seems  to  be  the  con 
stant  feeder  of  the  reformatories  under  the  control  of 
Romanism.  It  never  uses  its  power  to  place  children  in  the 
care  of  the  Children's  Aid  Society,  which,  in  its  noble  work, 
has  placed  thousands  of  neglected  children  in  homes  of  com 
fort.  The  New  York  State  Commissioners  of  Charities  and 
the  corresponding  Commissioners  in  other  States  furnish  many 
evidences  of  being  under  the  domination  of  Romanism,  even 
going  to  the  extent  of  seeking  legislation  to  prohibit  the  plac 
ing  out  in  homes  in  the  country  neglected  children,  by  the 
Children's  Aid  and  other  kindred  societies,  unless  these  chil 
dren  can  be  placed  in  families  of  the  faith  of  their  parents ;  as 
though  parents  who  have  neglected  and  cast  off  their  children, 
and  thus  proved  their  unfitness  to  rear  them,  had  any  right 
to  dictate  concerning  the  future  and  education  of  the  children 
thus  neglected.  Romanism  alone  demands  such  legislation. 

The  Superintendent  of  the  Poor  of  Westchester  County, 
N.  Y,  in  1898,  placed  fifty  Protestant  children  in  the  West- 
Chester  County  Roman  Catholic  Protectory,  expecting  that  they 
would  remain  there  temporarily,  and  that  he  would  be  able  to 
provide  for  them  elsewhere,  lie  finally  tried  to  place  these 
children  in  the  hands  of  the  Children's  Aid  Society  that  they 
might  be  located  in  comfortable  homes,  but  the  authorities  of 
the  Protectory  refused  to  give  up  the  children,  knowing  that 
they  were  Protestant.  Suppose  this  condition  of  things  had 
been  reversed,  what  howls  of  rage  would  have  emanated  from 
the  New  York  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to 
Children  and  all  the  other  allies  of  Romanism  in  Manhattan  ! 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  383 

The  relations  of  Roman  Catholic  charitable  institutions 
to  the  governments  from  which  they  receive  appropriations 
from  the  taxes  of  the  people  for  their  support,  find  an  in 
teresting  and  instructive  illustration  for  the  American  people 
to  study  in  the  report  of  1898  of  Herbert  W.  Lewis,  Super 
intendent  of  Charities,  District  of  Columbia,  to  the  Commis 
sioners  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  Let  it  be  remembered 
that  the  government  of  the  District  of  Columbia  is  under  the 
direct  control  of  Congress,  that  the  residents  of  the  district 
are  substantially  disfranchised,  and  are  without  responsibility 
for  the  affairs  of  the  district,  and  that  therefore  all  the  people 
of  the  United  States  are  partners  in  the  government  of  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and  are  responsible  for  it.  Superin 
tendent  Lewis'  report  reveals  a  condition  of  affairs  in  Wash 
ington  which  we  do  not  believe  the  American  people  can  look 
upon  without  being  aroused  to  disgust  and  loyal  indignation. 
In  reference  to  the  Roman  Catholic  institutions  which  receive 
public  funds,  he  gives  an  account  of  inefficiency,  of  sectarian 
bigotry  in  teaching,  of  dishonest  financial  dealing  with  the 
Government,  and  of  defiance  of  Government  authorities,  al 
most  incredible.  The  entire  report  of  Mr.  Lewis  is  worthy 
of  study,  but  we  can  here  only  give  two  sentences  of  his 
conclusions  : 

"The  support  of  private  and  religious  institutions  from 
public  funds  while  the  public  has  neither  voice  in  their  con 
trol  nor  power  to  select  their  beneficiaries,  the  policy  of  giv 
ing  such  institutions  legal  agency  for  the  performance  of  a 
public  duty  without  requiring  in  them  any  legal  respon 
sibility,  is  one  which  has  received  the  strongest  disapproval, 
and  has  never  been  seriously  defended  except  upon  grounds 
of  temporary  expediency. 

"  The  appropriations  for  their  support  are  held  to  be  com 
pensation  for  service,  but  when  one  asks  what  service,  and 
how  much  and  at  what  rate,  one  is  met  by  a  bewildering 
maze  of  sentimentality,  conflicting  notions,  statements  of  facts 


384  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  DO  consequence,  diversity  of  method,  and,  in  some  instances, 
a  disposition  to  consider  any  inquiry  an  impertinence." 

It  is  a  fact  of  great  historic  import  that  the  last  session  of 
the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  made  no  appropriations  for  the  sec 
tarian  institutions  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  announced 
the  future  policy  of  the  National  Government  to  be :  No  more 
appropriations  for  either  charities  or  education  under  sec 
tarian  control. 

The  Catholic  Club  of  the  City  of  New  York  conducted  the 
contest  for  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1894  against  the  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  who  sought  amendments  to  the  Constitu 
tion  to  protect  the  public  schools  and  prohibit  appropriations 
for  sectarian  charities.  The  Romanists  were  defeated  in  their 
assaults  upon  the  schools,  but  they  were  largely  successful  in 
retaining  and  tightening  their  grasp  on  the  funds  of  the  State 
and  of  the  municipalities  for  the  support  of  their  "  charitable  " 
institutions. 

The  history  of  this  victory  over  the  numerical  majority  of 
the  citizens  and  over  the  overwhelming  majority  of  those  who 
pay  the  bills  of  the  State,  by  a  numerical  minority  of  those 
who  pay  the  taxes,  but  who  furnish  a  majority  of  the  paupers 
and  criminals,  is  one  of  the  most  instructive  and  humiliating 
chapters  of  the  defeat  of  the  best  majority  sentiment  among 
the  people  in  the  annals  of  a  republican  form  of  government. 
By  autograph  and  organic  expression  of  opinion  an  actual 
majority  of  the  voters  of  the  State  made  their  appeal  to  the 
convention  for  the  passage  of  these  amendments.  A  very 
large  proportion  of  the  most  influential  members  of  the  Con 
vention  had  committed  themselves  to  the  amendments  pre 
vious  to  the  assembling.  Hearings  were  had  before  the  Joint 
Committee  composed  of  the  several  committees  having  the 
various  phases  of  the  amendments  in  charge.  The  hired  rep 
resentatives  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Club,  one  Jew,  who  mis 
represented  the  general  Jewish  sentiment,  and  the  President 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  385 

and  counsel  of  the  Society  which  constitutes  the  connecting 
link  between  the  committing  courts  and  the  Roman  Catholic 
institutions  in  New  York  City  appeared  in  argument  before 
the  Joint  Committee  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  representa 
tives  of  the  people  through  the  National  League  for  the  Pro 
tection  of  American  Institutions  on  the  other.  Members  of 
the  committee  made  a  junketing  tour  among  the  institutions 
in  question  and  superficially  inspected  them  while  on  dress 
parade,  and  accepted  of  their  hospitality  and  entertainment, 
and  were  thus  of  course  in  condition  to  pass  critical  judgment 
upon  the  State's  duty  to  its  wards  and  toward  these  institu 
tions  and  the  tax-payers.  This  performance  would  have  been 
counted  ludicrous,  if  the  people  had  ventured  to  call  any 
action  ludicrous  in  which  statesmen  elected  to  make  a  consti 
tution  took  part.  In  the  presentation  of  statistics  and  figures 
and  so-called  facts,  veracity  was  more  economically  displayed 
than  the  funds  of  the  State  in  the  support  of  these  Roman 
Catholic  "  charities." 

The  minds  of  so-called  statesmen  in  the  Convention  were 
supposed  to  be  confused  over  the  question  of  what  consti 
tuted  "  sectarian  "  control ;  at  least  their  conduct  indicated 
confusion  and  their  conclusions  produced  confusion,  which 
pained  the  friends  of  righteousness  and  gladdened  the  heart 
of  ecclesiastical  greed. 

The  proposed  amendment,  prohibiting  sectarian  appropria 
tions  in  its  application  to  certain  charities,  was  defeated  in 
the  Convention  by  the  following  powers : 

(1)  The   solid   front   audaciously    presented   by   politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  with  its  threat  of  political  death  to 
any  member  of  the  Convention  who  dared  favor  the  amend 
ment. 

(2)  The  plausibly  specious   arguments  presented  by  one 
astute  Roman  Catholic  Democratic  lawyer. 

(3)  The  political  plea  made  by  the  lawyer  of  the  Arch 
bishop  of  New  York,  a  new  convert  to  Romanism,  who  stayed 


386  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

in  the  Republican  party  that  his  church   might  keep  its  grip 
on  the  party  to  which  it  gives  few  votes. 

(4)  The  eloquent  and  pathetic  plea  of  the  factotum  of  the 
Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children. 

(5)  The  combination   for  revenue  of  the  Roman  Catholics 
with  a  section  of  the  Jews. 

(6)  The    political  ambitions    of  some  of  the  conspicuous 
members   of   the  Convention,  who  thought    to  conciliate  the 
Roman  Catholic  vote  in  its  solidarity. 

(7)  The  spiritless  and  unintelligent  character  of  the  patri 
otic  convictions  of  the  rank  and  file  of  the  members  of  the 
Convention. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  results  of  the  defeat  of  the 
amendment : 

(1)  Colonel  George  Bliss  spends  the  ensuing  weeks  in  an 
expensive  villa  in  Rome,  where  he   is  lionized  by  Pope  and 
Propaganda, 

(2)  The   Pope  confers  upon   him   the  distinction  of  Com 
mander   of   the    Order   of   St.  Gregory  as   a  reward  for  his 
services  in  defeating  the  will  of  the  people  in  New  York,  one 
of  the  sovereign  States  of  his  "  beloved  America,"  and  in 
fastening  the  hold  of  Roman  Catholic  charitable  institutions 
on  the  treasury  of  the  State. 

(3)  Colonel  Bliss  and  Mr.  Coudert  are  presented    with  a 
"loving  cup1'  by   the  Catholic   Club,  in    addition   to    their 
stipulated  fee  for  legal  services,  in  recognition  of  their  great 
services    to    the     financial    interests    of  politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism  in  New  York  and  in  the  country  at  large. 

(4)  The  doors  of  State  and  municipal  treasuries  in  New 
York  are  thrown  open,  with  no  feasible  chance  to  close  them 
by  constitutional  bolts  and  bars  for  twenty  years  to  come. 

An  issue  of  the  New  York  Sun,  in  March,  189fi,  contained 
an  interesting  account  of  a  meeting  of  the  New  York  Roman 
Catholic  Club.  It  said  : 

"  The  Catholic  Club  gave  a   reception  last  night  to  Colonel 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism  387 

George  Bliss  and  Frederic  K.  Coudert,  and  incidentally  the 
Committee  on  Catholic  Interests  presented  to  each  of  them  a 
silver  loving  cup,  in  recognition,  as  the  inscription  stated,  *  of 
valued  and  efficient  services  in  the  cause  of  the  Catholic 
charities  of  the  archdiocese  of  New  York  as  counsel  before 
the  Constitutional  Convention  of  the  State  of  New  York  held 
in  Albany  in  1894.' 

"  Judge  Joseph  F.  Daly  presided,  and  in  his  address  he 
sounded  the  praises  of  Colonel  Bliss  and  Mr.  Coudert  for  the 
service  they  rendered  on  behalf  of  the  religious  charities  of 
the  State.  '  The  result  of  these  services,7  said  the  speaker, 
*  was  the  passage  of  enactments  which,  it  is  hoped,  will  for 
ever  remove  the  ignorance  and  prevent  the  misrepresentation 
concerning  these  charities  which  were  so  conspicuous  when 
these  gentlemen  began  their  labors. 

"  '  Their  task  was  to  enlighten  an  ignorance  as  profound  as 
it  was  widespread,  and  to  refute  calumnies  as  adroit  as  they 
were  labored.' 

"  In  presenting  the  cups  on  behalf  of  the  Committee  on 
Catholic  Interests,  Judge  Morgan  J.  O'Brien  said : 

" '  You  will  recall  that  for  months  preceding  the  Constitu 
tional  Convention  the  air  was  rife  with  rumors  of  the  forma 
tion  of  what  were  regarded  as  the  two  most  formidable 
organizations  hostile  to  Catholicity  which  have  appeared  since 
the  era  of  Know-No thingism.  Of  these  the  most  blatant,  the 
most  bigoted,  and  the  most  extreme,  was  the  organization 
known  as  the  "  A.  P.  A."  which  was  avowedly  anti-Catholic 
and  was  engaged  in  the  attempt  not  only  to  destroy  Catholic 
churches  and  religion,  but  to  deprive  Catholic  citizens  of  their 
rights  to  vote  or  to  participate  in  any  way  in  political  life. 

" '  The  other  organization,  known  as  The  National  League 
for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions,  whose  promoters 
were  more  circumspect  and  judicious,  and  who  proceeded  to 
accomplish  their  objects  without  any  flourish  of  trumpets, 
succeeded  in  enlisting  not  only  those  who  from  pure  prejudice 


388  Pacing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

were  opposed  to  Catholicity,  but  obtained  the  support  of 
many  intelligent  and  well-meaning  men,  who,  without  going 
beneath  the  surface,  were  engaged  to  follow  and  to  lend  their 
names  and  influence  to  an  organization  whose  ostensible 
object  was  the  protection  of  American  interests.' 

"At  the  end  of  Judge  O'Brien's  speech  Colonel  Bliss 
advanced  to  the  stage  and  received  the  loving  cups.  About 
his  neck  he  wore  the  red  ribbon  and  medallion  of  the  Order 
of  St.  Gregory  which  was  recently  conferred  upon  him  by  the 
Pope. 

"  i  I  think  you  are  doing  me  too  much  honor,  and  I  will 
prove  it  to  you  before  I  get  through,'  he  said.  Colonel  Bliss 
then  went  on  to  state  that  all  the  figures  and  data  with  which 
he  demolished  the  Rev.  James  M.  King  and  William  Allen 
Butler,  in  the  argument  before  the  Committee  on  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  were  prepared  for  him  by  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Catholic  Club,  and  instead  of  being  work  his  part 
of  the  affair  was  fun." 

Juggling  with  figures  by  the  paid  agents  of  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  deceive  or  coerce  politicians  and 
unlock  the  treasuries  containing  the  moneys  of  the  tax-payers 
it  appears  is  considered  "  fun  "  by  a  new  convert  to  Romanism, 
and  it  is  also  considered  as  a  meritorious  act  by  Leo  XIII. 
worthy  of  reward  ;  for  Colonel  Bliss  on  the  occasion  above 
referred  to  "  about  his  neck  wore  the  red  ribbon  and  medal 
lion  of  the  Order  of  St.  Gregory  which  was  recently  conferred 
upon  him  by  the  Pope." 

Concerning  the  relation  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  to 
the  Charities  Amendment  defeated  in  the  New  York  State 
Constitutional  Convention,  and  over  which  the  Romanists 
were  so  jubilant,  the  New  York  Times  of  June  3,  1894  said  : 

"  The  plea  in  regard  to  these  charitable  institutions  is  not 
logically  different  from  that  in  regard  to  the  instruction  of 
children  in  schools.  Traditions  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  have  come  down  from  the  time  when  it  claimed  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  389 

right  to  control  secular  government  in  all  its  branches  and  to 
be  supported  by  public  revenues.  The  claim  was  based  upon 
the  plea  that  this  was  for  the  temporal  and  spiritual  well-being 
of  the  people.  It  is  still  the  plea  that  charitable  institutions 
and  schools  should  be  tinder  ecclesiastical  control  in  order 
that  the  inmates  and  pupils  should  be  subject  to  sound 
religious  nurture  for  the  good  of  their  souls.  Any  church  or 
religious  sect  is  entitled  to  maintain  charitable*  institutions 
and  schools  for  that  reason,  but  in  this  country  the  state  can 
not  do  it  or  pay  for  doing  it.  The  Roman  Catholic  doctrine 
of  the  past  is  at  war  with  the  American  doctrine  on  this 
entire  subject,  and  there  is  no  question  as  to  which  must 
prevail. 

"  It  would  be  much  better  for  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
and  its  adherents  in  this  country  to  cast  aside  their  traditions 
and  accept  the  American  doctrine,  which  is  fundamental  in  our 
institutions  and  ineradically  planted  in  the  convictions  of  our 
people.  It  is  a  doctrine  which  permeates  our  whole  system 
of  government  and  contributes  to  its  strength.  Church  and 
state  must  be  kept  apart,  religion  and  politics  must  be  kept 
separate,  if  our  institutions  are  to  live,  and  to  this  end  there 
must  be  no  mingling  of  public  and  ecclesiastical  functions, 
interests,  or  expenses.  The  resistance  of  Roman  Catholic 
authorities  to  the  American  doctrine  is  the  source  of  the 
prejudice  and  passion  which  bigots  seek  to  inflame.  Let 
them  once  accept  that  doctrine  and  give  over  all  effort  to 
obtain  public  funds  for  religious  purposes,  and  they  will  soon 
be  regarded  with  the  same  tolerance  and  liberality  that  are 
shown  toward  Protestant  sects." 

That  the  tendency  of  unnecessary  appropriations  in  the 
name  of  charity  is  to  encourage  pauperism,  and  to  increase  the 
burden  of  tax-payers,  has  been  shown  here  as  in  England  by 
the  effect  of  injudicious  legislation,  in  increasing  the  evils 
which  it  was  intended  to  correct. 

Official   statistics    confirm   the   conviction,  repeatedly    ex- 


390  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

pressed  by  experts,  that  our  system  of  public  charities  has 
offered  temptations  and  facilities  for  abuse  on  an  enormous 
scale. 

The  most  of  this  baleful  legislation  and  the  most  of  the 
abuses  practiced,  have  been  the  price  paid  by  politicians  for 
the  solid  Roman  Catholic  vote  which  has  placed  them  in 
power. 

The  Roman  Catholic  Foundling  Asylum  in  New  York  and 
the  Catholic  Protectory  received  from  the  city  funds  in  the 
years  1884  to  1893  inclusive  $5,103,498.  Many  of  the  so- 
called  "  orphans  "  have  both  parents  living,  and  the  church  is 
maintaining  them  at  the  expense  of  the  tax-payers  and  mak 
ing  an  enormous  profit,  the  appropriations  being  many  times 
in  excess  of  the  requirements  of  their  support. 

The  House  of  Refuge  on  Randall's  Island,  New  York  City, 
as  the  result  of  the  passage  of  the  so-called  Freedom  of 
Worship  Bill  under  Roman  Catholic  political  dictation  has 
become  substantially  a  sectarian  institution,  and  is  now  far 
removed  from  the  original  unsectarian  methods  of  its 
founders. 

Romanists  require  constant  watching  on  account  of  their 
persistent  raids  in  legislatures  and  Congress  on  the  treasuries 
which  hold  the  people's  taxes.  Every  political  device  by 
legislation  and  otherwise  to  escape  taxation  is  resorted  to,  and 
exemption  from  taxation  means  more  taxes  on  others,  and  all 
in  the  name  of  charity. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism,  by  its  assaults  upon  mu 
nicipal,  State,  and  national  treasuries,  has  corrupted  Protes 
tantism  by  putting  it  on  the  defensive  in  behalf  of  its  own 
educational  and  charitable  institutions,  and,  be  it  said  to  its 
discredit  in  many  instances,  it  has  through  its  varied  branches 
engaged  in  money-grabbing  from  the  people's  treasuries,  giv 
ing  as  its  excuse  that  if  Roman  Catholic  institutions  are  to 
be  supported  from  public  moneys,  it  proposes  to  get  its 
share,  thus  absolutely  ignoring  the  principle  involved. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  391 

Whenever  the  great  body  of  Protestantism,  including 
Judaism,  has  been  brought  to  see  the  situation  and  the 
danger,  it  has  promptly  withdrawn  from  the  copartnership 
with  the  state  at  the  treasury  point. 

A  single  instance  of  Protestant  interference  or  iniquity  in 
political  or  personal  ways  in  any  charitable  institution,  public 
or  private,  of  the  kind  which  is  both  normal  and  continuous 
with  Romanism,  notably  in  New  York,  would  arouse  the 
press  of  city  and  country  to  a  condition  of  excited  indigna 
tion  that  would  amount  to  editorial  hysterics,  and  would  fit 
many  an  editor  for  entertainment  at  the  Roman  Tammany 
hotel  on  Randall's  Island,  styled  the  Hospital  for  Incurables. 

A  competent  observer  has  said :  "  Go  where  you  will,  to 
prison,  penitentiary,  insane  asylum,  orphanage,  hospital,  you 
find  a  very  large  disproportion  of  the  money  which  the 
country  is  spending  for  the  indigent  and  criminal  classes  is 
spent  for  people  first  who  have  been  made  poor  by  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  in  other  countries  or  in  this  country, 
and  second,  for  people  who  are  now  kept  poor  in  its  com 


munion." 


Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  vaunts  itself  upon  the  care 
of  the  poor.  Admit  the  claim,  and  then  consider  the  fact 
that  the  poor  it  cares  for  are  chiefly  the  children  of  its  own 
faith,  and  that  in  our  laud  they  mostly  come  in  their  wretch 
edness  and  poverty  from  lands  where  Romanism  has  been 
in  control  and  has  shaped  the  conditions  under  which  the 
people  live. 

Why  has  Romanism  across  the  seas  made  so  many  danger 
ous  elements  of  our  population  as  are  represented  in  our 
pauper,  dependent,  and  criminal  classes  in  this  country  ?  And 
why  does  Romanism  claim  it  to  be  a  virtue  to  take  care  of 
them  here  in  their  "  charitable  "  institutions  largely  supported 
by  funds  taken  from  the  taxes  of  the  people  ?  Romanism 
failed  in  making  these  people,  before  they  came  here,  fit  in 
character  for  citizenship  in  the  republic.  Why  should  it  be 


392  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

permitted  to  continue  its  work  on  this  side?  Why  should 
not  the  Government  undertake  this  work  of  neutralizing  peril 
and  of  shaping  character  for  safety  ?  The  experience  of  States 
which  have  undertaken  their  own  charitable  and  reformatory 
work  adequately  vindicates  the  wisdom  of  such  a  course,  and 
lias  promoted  the  interests  of  both  religious  liberty  and  civic 
safety. 

Romanism  is  willing  to  admit  the  fact  that  the  pauper  and 
criminal  classes  are  chiefly  members  of  its  faith  if  it  can 
thereby  secure  money  from  the  taxes  of  the  people  for  their 
care.  Out  of  these  grants  for  charity  it  often  has  a  surplus 
to  be  devoted  to  such  sectarian  propaganda  as  it  may  elect. 

TO    LABOR    AND    OTHER     ORGANIZATIONS. 

While  no  fair-minded  citizen  will  deny  the  right  of  any  per 
son  to  secure  honest  employment  by  honest  means,  regardless 
of  sectarian  relations,  all  fair-minded  citizens  will  deny  the 
right  and  equity  of  movements  and  combinations  designed  to 
secure  employment  for  the  members  of  a  given  sect  to  the 
detriment  and  exclusion  of  those  of  other  religious  affiliations. 

It  is  notoriously  true  that  political  Romanism  has  systema 
tized  the  labor  question  to  an  extent  that  works  great  wrong 
to  laborers  who  are  not  Romanists.  Some  of  its  brotherhoods 
and  sisterhoods  are  recognized  by  corporations  and  politicians 
as  the  authoritative  agents  of  Romanism  for  the  placing  of 
employees.  For  years  a  letter  bearing  the  seal  and  cross  of 
one  of  the  religious  orders  has  been  the  condition  of  securing 
employment  in  a  great  municipal  department.  AVe  have  re 
peatedly  had  brought  to  our  attention  the  persistent  and  often 
audacious  demands  upon  politicians,  regardless  of  party 
affiliations,  by  high  Roman  Catholic  functionaries  for  even  the 
humblest  places  of  toil  for  their  following,  and  the  reason  as 
signed  was  that  they  were  Romanists. 

This  control  of  labor  by  Romanism,  and  then  forming  it  into 
organizations  officered  and  managed  by  Romanists,  adjusts 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  393 

affairs  in  such  convenient  style  for  presenting  an  imposing 
organized  array  of  voters  to  politicians,  that  the  demand  for 
places,  power,  and  appropriations  on  the  delivery  of  votes 
presents  a  persuasive  and  tempting  argument  which  the  virtue 
of  the  political  leader  finds  itself  unable  to  resist. 

With  rare  exceptions,  the  multiform  labor  organizations 
which  constitute  the  chief  avenues  to  toil  in  the  varied  de 
partments  of  human  industry  in  this  laud  to-day  are  in  the 
control  of  Romanists,  who  either  openly  boycott  or  secretly 
plot  against  the  equal  rights  to  remunerative  occupation  of 
their  fellow-citizens  of  the  Protestant  faith. 

Almost  any  pay  roll  of  the  administrative  departments  of 
the  National  Government,  and  of  the  varied  departments  of 
many  of  the  State  governments,  and  of  most  large  municipali 
ties  and  great  corporations,  will  verify  the  statement  that 
vastly  in  excess  of  their  rightful  ratio  based  upon  their  entire 
numbers  relative  to  the  entire  population,  Romanists  hold 
positions,  while  it  is  increasingly  difficult  for  Protestants  or 
those  of  other  faiths  to  secure  positions. 

It  has  come  to  be  true  that  most  labor  legislation  is  enacted 
because  the  labor  leaders,  being  Romanists,  make  demands  as 
Romanists  upon  the  party  leaders,  and  thus  intrench  them 
selves  in  power,  evidently  caring  little  for  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  laboring  men  whom  they  claim  to  represent.  These  agi 
tators,  who  are  petty  tyrants  and  who  hold  the  offices  and  live 
on  the  toil  of  others,  are  chiefly  responsible  for  the  antago 
nisms  between  capital  and  labor.  Their  stock  in  trade  is 
fomenting  discord  and  breeding  discontent. 

These  Romanist  labor  leaders  and  walking  delegates  have 
been  the  chief  instigators  of  riots  and  causeless  strikes.  Just 
laws,  designed  to  protect  the  rights  of  all  classes  without 
erecting  barriers  between  men,  would  dethrone  these  tyrants 
and  make  each  honest  man  in  every  rank  a  self -respecting  and 
thrifty  citizen. 

The  relations  of  capital  and  labor  are  difficult  to  adjust, 


394  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

because  frequently  when  the  laborer  passes  from  the  Roman 
ized  labor  organizations  into  the  capitalist  class  he  is  more 
tyrannical  than  the  capitalist  who  inherits  his  capital.  Neither 
class  legislation  nor  political  Romanism  can  cure  these  con 
flicts.  Genuine,  religious  Christianity  crystallized  in  law  and 
incarnated  in  life  can. 

Leo  XIII.,  in  his  Encyclical  of  January  6,  1895,  delivers 
himself  on  labor  organizations  thus  : 

"  Now,  with  regard  to  entering  societies,  extreme  care 
should  be  taken  not  to  be  ensnared  by  error,  and  we  wish  to 
be  understood  as  referring  in  a  special  manner  to  the  working 
classes,  who  assuredly  have  the  right  to  unite  in  associations 
for  the  promotion  of  their  interests  ;  a  right  acknowledged  by 
the  Church  and  unopposed  by  nature.  But  it  is  very  impor 
tant  to  take  heed  with  whom  they  are  to  associate  ;  else,  while 
seeking  aids  for  the  improvement  of  their  condition,  they  may 
be  imperiling  far  weightier  interests. 

"  Let  this  conclusion,  therefore,  remain  firm — to  shun  not 
only  these  associations  which  have  been  openly  condemned  by 
the  judgment  of  the  Church,  but  those  also  which,  in  the 
opinion  of  intelligent  men,  and  especially  of  the  bishops,  are 
regarded  as  suspicious  and  dangerous. 

"  Nay,  rather,  unless  forced  by  necessity  to  do  otherwise, 
Catholics  ought  to  prefer  to  associate  with  Catholics ;  a  course 
which  will  be  very  conducive  to  the  safeguarding  of  their 

J  O  O 

faith.  As  presidents  of  societies  thus  formed  among  them 
selves,  it  would  be  well  to  appoint  either  priests  or  upright 
laymen  of  weight  and  character,  guided  by  whose  counsel 
they  should  endeavor  peacefully  to  adopt  and  carry  into  effect 
such  measures  as  may  seem  most  advantageous  to  their  inter 
ests,  keeping  in  view  the  rules  laid  down  by  us  in  our  ency 
clical  Rerum  Nova/rum" 

Romanism  puts  a  ban  upon  secret  societies,  but  organizes 
its  own,  and  seeks  by  them  to  control,  by  political  solidarity, 
industrial,  civic,  and  educational  affairs. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  395 

It  stations  the  representatives  of  the  secret  societies  of  its 
church  on  pay  day  at  government  and  corporation  depart 
ments,  and  by  the  garb  of  these  secret  orders  advertises  the 
creed  and  the  ecclesiastical  connection,  and  collects  the  first 
installment  of  money  from  the  toilers'  wearily-earned  wages 
in  advance  of  the  first  claims  of  the  wives  and  families. 

The  -  claim  often  made  by  Romanism's  political  power  is 
that  it  arrays  itself  on  the  side  of  social  order  and  frequently 
suppresses  among  its  people  socialistic,  anarchistic,  and  riot 
ous  tendencies.  The  claim  is  a  confession  that  its  fundamen 
tal  teachings  have  not  prohibited  these  tendencies,  otherwise 
it  would  not  be  obliged  to  resist  them  when  developed. 

The  New  York  Tribune,  February  27, 1898,  said  :  "  It  is  true 
that  there  are  turbulent  and  lawless  elements  in  the  popula 
tion  of  the  United  States,  largely  derived  from  the  older  civ 
ilization  of  Europe,  which  occasionally  antagonize  the  rights 
of  property  and  array  themselves  against  the  law." 

The  Columbian  Order  was  the  name  given  to  the  Tammany 
Society  when  it  was  originally  instituted  as  a  patriotic  organ 
ization.  The  Columbian  Order  has  been  converted  to  politi 
cal  Romanism,  and  now  the  principles  of  converted  Tammany 
are  being  extended  throughout  the  country  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  secret  society  styled  the  "Knights  of  Columbus," 
which  has  made  tremendous  strides  in  organization  and  devel 
opment  during  the  past  few  years.  Its  members,  in  speaking 
of  its  purpose  to  outsiders,  call  it  a  benevolent  society,  but 
we  have  ascertained  from  the  most  authentic  sources  that 
benevolence  is  only  an  incidental  feature,  and  that  its  purpose 
is  primarily  and  essentially  political.  In  the  city  of  New 
York  and  vicinity  it  is  definitely  an  adjunct  of  Tammany 
Hall  in  its  political  workings  and  purposes,  and  it  reports 
nearly  one  hundred  lodges  in  flourishing  condition. 

In  some  portions  of  the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  New 
York  and  elsewhere  its  membership  claims  to  be  made  up 
largely  of  Republicans,  but  it  matters  not  whether  the  mem- 


390  NIC  ing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

bership  are  professedly  Democrats  or  Republicans,  the  one 
predetermined  object  of  the  multiplication  of  these  secret  or 
ganizations  is  to  mass  in  secret  oath-bound  organized  form  the 

o  o 

male  Roman  Catholics  of  the  city  and  State  and  country,  with 
a  view,  at  no  distant  day,  of  making  the  organization  the 
basis  and  structure  of  a  distinct  Roman  Catholic  political 
party,  to  be  openly  announced,  as  in  Germany,  when  the 
originators  and  promoters  of  the  movement  shall  judge  that 
it  has  gained  sufficient  strength,  and  that  the  times  are  ripe 
for  its  announcement.  This  organization  has  its  chapters  and 
ramifications  not  only  throughout  the  churches,  but  within 
the  police  and  fire  and  other  administrative  departments  of 
municipal  governments.  Blanks,  to  be  filled  out  with  appli 
cations  for  membership,  are  placed  in  the  hands  of  govern 
ment  officials  and  others  to  secure  names,  and  the  number  of 
names  filling  those  blanks,  when  reported,  has  determined  in 
many  instances  the  claims  of  the  men  who  have  circulated  the 
blanks  to  political  preferment  and  promotion.  In  more  than 
one  instance  coming  within  our  knowledge,  men  who  have 
sought  clerical  positions  in  some  department  of  government 
have  been  told  that  to  secure  their  position,  or  to  retain  it 
when  secured,  they  must  join  either  Tammany  Hall  or  the 
Knights  of  Columbus.  In  the  various  labor  organizations, 
where  the  Roman  Catholics  by  their  superior  numbers  are 
not  in  absolute  control,  chapters  of  the  Knights  of  Columbus 
are  formed,  that  they  may  be  able  to  use  their  united  vote  to 
best  advantage  until  they  get  control  of  the  organization. 

The  following  extracts  from  an  application  blank  for  asso 
ciate  membership  in  "The  Order  of  Knights  of  Columbus," 
circulated  among  the  employees  in  the  different  departments 
of  the  politico-ecclesiastical  Tammany  Roman  Catholic  gov 
ernment  of  the  City  of  New  York,  furnish  another  link  in  the 
chain  which  binds  the  ecclesiastical  and  political  power  of 
Tammany  by  an  indissoluble  bond. 

Being  desirous  <>f  In-coming  an  associate  member  of  tlie  Order  of  the 
Knights  of  Columbus,  a  body  corporate,  organized  and  existing  by 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  397 

special  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State,  through  -  -  Council, 
No. a  Subordinate  Council  of  said  Order,  do  declare  and  say: 

That  I  am  a  practical  Roman  Catholic. 

That  I  will  remain  and  continue  to  be  a  practical  Roman  Catholic,  or 
upon  failure  so  to  remain  and  continue,  forfeit  my  membership  in  said 
Order,  and  all  advantages  accruing  from  membership  of  said  Order. 

That  I  agree  to  ipso  facto  forfeiture  of  membership,  if  hereafter  I 
engage  in  the  manufacture  or  sale  of  intoxicating  liquors  as  a  beverage, 
except  as  may  be  provided  by  law. 

That  I  will  conform  to  and  abide  by  the  Constitution,  By-Laws,  Rules 
and  Regulations,  of  said  Order,  and  of  any  Council  thereof,  of  which  I 
may  at  any  time  be  a  member,  which  may  now  be  in  force,  or  which 
may  at  any  time  hereafter  be  adopted  by  the  proper  authorities,  or  sub 
mit  to  the  penalty  now  or  hereafter  provided  for  the  breach  or  violation 
of  such  Constitution,  By-Laws,  Rules  or  Regulations. 

That  I  will  abide  by  the  decision  of  the  Board  of  Directors  of  said 
Order,  or  their  successors,  in  all  matters  of  difference  or  dispute  between 
said  Order,  or  any  Council  thereof  and  myself,  relative  to  membership  or 
the  obligations  thereof.  And  I  hereby  waive  and  surrender  any  right 
which  I  may  or  might  otherwise  have,  to  bring,  institute  and  prosecute 
any  suit  against  said  Order  or  any  Council  thereof,  in  any  Court,  of 
Law,  or  Equity,  in  this  or  any  other  State  in  the  United  States. 

The  papal  power  is  violently  opposed  to  such  secret  socie 
ties  as  it  cannot  control,  but  has  always  employed  secret 
organizations  and  conclaves  as  its  mightiest  cohesive  power 
and  as  its  instrument  for  offense  and  defense. 

The  following  is  in  part  the  text  of  the  Encyclical  against 
the  Freemasons,  sent  out  by  the  Pope  in  December,  1892.  It 
was  printed  in  all  the  Roman  Catholic  papers  in  this  country. 
We  have  been  accustomed  to  look  upon  Masons  in  America 
as  a  highly  respectable  and  patriotic  class  of  citizens.  But 
what  a  wicked  and  pestilential  institution  Masonry  must  be  ! 
And  yet,  such  is  the  perversity  of  human  nature  that  the 
organization  persists  in  living  despite  the  papal  anathema. 

"  Permit  us  then,  in  addressing  you,  to  point  to  Masonry  as 
an  enemy  at  once  of  God,  the  Church,  and  our  country.  Once 
for  all,  recognize  it  practically  as  such  and  guard  yourselves 
against  such  a  formidable  enemy  with  all  the  arms  that  reason, 


398  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

conscience,  and  faith  place  in  your  hands.  Let  no  one  be  de 
ceived  by  its  fair  appearance,  enticed  by  its  promises,  seduced 
by  its  flatteries,  or  alarmed  by  its  menaces.  Remember  that 
Freemasonry  and  Christianity  are  essentially  irreconcilable,  so 
that  to  join  one  is  to  be  entirely  separated  from  the  other. 
The  incompatibility  between  the  creed  of  a  Catholic  and  that 
of  a  Mason,  you  cannot,  dear  children,  be  ignorant  of.  Our 
predecessors  openly  warned  you  of  it,  and  in  the  same  way, 
We  emphatically  repeat  the  warning  to  you. 

"  Let  those,  then,  who  to  their  great  misfortune  have  given 
their  names  to  any  of  these  societies  of  perdition,  know  that 
they  are  strictly  bound  to  separate  themselves  from  it  if  they 
do  not  wish  to  remain  cut  off  from  the  Christian  communion 
and  to  lose  their  souls  in  time  and  eternity.  Let  parents  also, 
and  teachers,  and  employers,  and  all  those  who  have  charge  of 
the  interests  of  others,  understand  that  a  rigorous  obligation 
binds  them  to  do  all  that  is  possible  to  prevent  those  who 
depend  on  them  from  joining  this  wicked  sect,  and  from  re 
maining  in  it  if  they  have  actually  joined  it. 

"  Let  not  women  readily  join  philanthropic  societies  of  which 
they  do  not  quite  know  the  nature  and  the  object  without  first 
consulting  prudent  and  experienced  persons,  because  this 
mountebank  philanthropy,  so  pompously  contrasted  with  Chris 
tian  charity,  often  serves  as  a  passport  to  Masonic  intercourse. 
Let  everyone  avoid  having  ties  of  friendship  and  familiarity 
with  people  suspected  of  belonging  to  Freemasonry  or  with  the 
societies  affiliated  to  it;  recognize  them  by  their  fruits  and 
eschew  them. 

"Since  we  are  dealing  with  a  sect  which  has  spread  itself 
everywhere,  it  is  not  enough  to  be  on  the  defensive  towards 
it,  but  we  must  go  courageously  into  the  arena  and  meet  it,  as 
you  will  do,  dear  children,  by  opposing  press  to  press,  school 
to  school,  association  to  association,  congress  to  congress,  ac 
tion  to  action." 

When  the  trial  of  Sheriff  Martin  and  his  deputies  for  sup- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  399 

pressing  violent  rioters,  some  of  whom  were  killed  at  Latti- 
mer  in  Pennsylvania,  was  in  progress,  the  combination  between 
priests  and  labor  demagogues  appeared  as  usual.  Ex- Attorney 
General  Henry  W.  Palmer,  in  his  eloquent  defense  of  the 
heroic  men  who  risked  their  lives  to  preserve  the  lives  and 
protect  the  property  of  others,  said  : 

"  In  all  my  practice  I  have  never  before  heard  of  a  prose 
cuting  committee.  Its  presence  in  court  is  a  great  injustice 
to  eighty-four  men  under  indictment  for  murder.  It  has  no 
standing  in  court.  It  is  composed  of  two  priests,  a  whisky- 
seller,  and  a  worn-out  politician.  It  is  the  business  of  a  priest 
to  send  souls  to  heaven ;  of  a  whisky-seller  to  send  souls  to 
hell,  and  of  such  a  politician  to  lie  and  deceive." 

He  then  alluded  to  Gompers  and  Fahey,  who  organized  the 
Miners'  unions,  as  vultures  who  were  feeding  upon  the  quar 
ters  which  had  been  paid  in  dues  by  the  dead  men,  while  the 
bullets  were  flying  at  Lattimer.  "  God  help  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor,"  he  exclaimed,  "  if  it  depends  upon  the 
counsels  of  such  birds  of  prey." 

On  December  12,  1897,  in  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral  in  New 
York,  Eev.  Daniel  C.  Cunnion,  president,  preached  a  sermon 
before  the  New  York  Union  of  Catholic  Young  Men's  Socie 
ties.  Among  other  things  he  said: 

"  He  can  only  win  in  the  struggle  of  life  who  learns  his  re 
sponsibility  as  well  as  his  capability.  We  must  recognize  the 
triple  relation  of  family,  state,  and  church.  Only  by  building 
themselves  on  the  Church's  foundation  can  nations  save  them 
selves  from  final  ruin.  If  we  see  men  sitting  on  high  in  Cath 
olic  countries  who  are  not  of  our  Church,  to  what  must  we 
ascribe  it  if  not  to  the  lack  of  organization  among  the  young 
men  of  those  countries  ? 

"  It  is  strange  that  millions  of  Catholics  can  be  governed  by 
men  who  hate  the  name  of  Catholic.  It  almost  seems  as  if  the 
struggles  of  past  centuries  had  been  in  vain.  In  this  country, 
where  democracy  is  on  trial,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact 


400  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

that  history  may  repeat  itself.  Organization  is  the  order  of 
the  day.  We  aim  in  our  national  union  to  keep  young  men 
in  a  novitiate,  whence  they  can  be  graduated  into  those  move 
ments  which  are  fast  becoming  the  strong  right  arm  of  Mother 
Church.  There  should  be  a  society  in  every  parish.  It  is 
thus  that  Mother  Church  hopes  to  make  these  United  States 
entirely  Catholic." 

If  political  Romanism  will  cease  using  the  laborer  for  polit 
ical  ends;  and  if  party  politicians  will  stop  contracting  with 
political  Romanism  for  the  degradation  of  men  by  the  delivery 
of  votes  ;  and  if  Romanism  and  Protestantism  as  religious 
powers  will  unite  in  raising  the  individual  laborer  and  the 
individual  capitalist  into  a  higher,  responsible,  and  sovereign 
manhood ;  the  relations  of  employer  and  employee  will  soon 
adjust  themselves  normally,  as  this  part  of  the  world,  the  New 
World,  is  moving  irresistibly  toward  the  general  recognition 
of  the  common  fatherhood  of  God  and  the  brotherhood  of 
man.  This  in  fact  is  the  very  genius  of  republican  insti 
tutions,  and  self-government  finds  its  inspiration  in  the  state 
ment  of  high  authority  that  "  God  is  no  respecter  of  persons." 
Righteous  men  respect  this  principle  because  it  is  righteous, 
and  unrighteous  men  accept  it,  in  part  at  least,  because  they 
are  obliged  to. 

Let  us  remember  that  capital  has  no  rights,  but  the  capital 
ist  has;  labor  has  no  rights,  but  the  laborer  has.  What  is  an 
equitable  adjustment  of  advantages  between  the  employer  and 
the  employee,  between  the  capitalist  and  the  laborer?  The 
exalted  idea  of  man  that  went  out  from  the  land  of  Judea 
changed  the  institutions  of  men,  reconstructed  society,  and 
inaugurated  a  new  epoch  in  the  history  of  humanity.  Love  of 
wealth  was  the  teaching  of  Paganism,  but  the  love  of  man  is 
the  teaching  of  Christianity.  Cicero  said  :  "  All  who  live  by 
mercenary  labor  do  a  degrading  business;  no  noble  sentiment 
can  come  from  a  workshop."  The  sentiment  that  came  forth 
from  the  workshop  of  the  Carpenter  of  Nazareth  gave  a  new 


OF    THK 

UNIVERSITY 


CAPTAIX    HOYCOTT. 


;TY 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  401 


conception  of  man.  It  taught  humanity  that  it  was  possible 
to  endure  poverty  without  despair,  and  that  riches  might  be 
accumulated  and  used  without  sensuality  and  pride.  It  ban 
ished  the  selfishness  which  would  isolate  itself  and  divide  the 
race  artificially  and  imperiously  into  classes,  and  dictated  the 
model  prayer  which  binds  the  race  together  in  a  common 
brotherhood,  based  upon  the  facts  of  a  common  origin  and 
common  dependence.  It  promises  no  blessings  to  individual 
man,  only  as  they  are  asked  of  "  Our  Father,"  recognizing 
"  our  debts  "  while  seeking  "  our  daily  bread." 

Christianity  gives  the  spirit  but  not  the  science  of  a  solution 
of  the  problem  of  the  equitable  distribution  of  wealth.  Its 
relation  is  the  same  to  other  problems.  It  respects  and  de 
fends  every  man's  rights  because  he  is  a  man.  It  unmistak 
ably  teaches  that  the  right  of  property  is  simply  the  right  of 
a  steward  to  discharge  his  trust  without  interference.  Moral 
ity  and  legislation  give  different  definitions  to  crime.  Moral 
ity  never  changes  its  definition,  but  in  legislation  the  crime  of 
yesterday  may  be  the  virtue  of  to-morrow.  Human  enact 
ments  vary  with  the  sentiment  of  the  time ;  the  law  of  God  is 
never  repealed  or  amended. 

Talk  about  adjustment  by  arbitration  of  differences  between 
classes  as  we  may ;  after  all,  the  relationship  which  men  sus 
tain  to  each  other,  in  the  last  analysis,  is  a  moral  and  individ 
ual  relationship  of  man  to  man,  and  out  of  that  relationship 
arises  duty  which  no  man  with  a  title  to  manhood  can  either 
evade  or  will  seek  to  evade.  The  acceptance  of  this  immu 
table  truth  gives  dignity  to  personality  and  erects  a  fortress 
of  safety  for  individual  right,  and  permits  no  man  to  lose  his 
identity  or  responsibility  in  a  crowd  or  in  a  corporation. 

TO    THE    BOYCOTT    AND    THE    BOSS. 

Captain  Boycott,  a  factor  and  farmer  of  Mayo,  Ireland,  has 
gone  into  history,  his  name  embalmed  in  a  new  word  now 
used  in  the  languages  of  many  lands,  both  in  the  Old  World 


402  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

and  in  the  New.  Boycotting  is  defined  to  be :  "  the  system 
of  combining  to  hold  no  relations,  social  or  commercial,  with 
a  neighbor,  in  order  to  punish  him  for  differences  in  political 
opinion  ;  a  kind  of  social  excommunication."  Mr.  Parnell, 
the  Irish  parliamentary  leader,  has  the  credit  of  inventing 
and  formulating  the  methods  of  torture  of  this  modern  Inquisi 
tion.  The  date  and  place  of  this  invention  were  September 
19,  1880,  at  Ennis,  Ireland.  The  first  celebrated  victim  was 
Captain  Boycott.  The  persecution  was  conducted  by  Roman 
Catholics  in  the  supposed  interests  of  Roman  Catholics. 
Victim  after  victim  was  made  to  suffer  inhuman  treatment 
until  the  British  Parliament  laid  its  heavy  hand  on  the  social, 
business,  and  political  iniquity  by  enacting  the  Crimes  Act 
of  1887. 

The  boycott  was  begotten  by  the  same  spirit  which  in 
vented  the  Inquisition.  In  fact,  it  is  the  Inquisition  operat 
ing  under  the  enforced  restraints  of  our  modern  civilization, 
and  it  only  lacks  opportunity  for  an  exhibition  of  cruelty  in 
enforcing  its  edicts  by  the  penalty  of  death  to  the  person  of 
its  victim  as  well  as  to  his  property  or  business  pursuit. 

The  same  spirit  and  the  same  purpose  which  devised  and 
put  in  practice  the  boycott  in  Ireland,  brought  it  across  the 
ocean,  and  promptly  began  putting  it  in  operation  in  this 
republic.  The  boycott  everywhere  is  essentially  a  Roman 
Catholic  institution. 

It  is  extensively  employed  by  politico-ecclesiastical  Roman 
ism  in  this  country  against  merchants  and  others  who  dare 
advertise  in  papers  which  fearlessly  discuss  facts  concerning 
its  aggressions.  Several  newspaper  enterprises  have  thus 
been  killed  off  in  late  years.  Merchants  will  contribute  to 
causes  for  which  they  have  contempt  because  of  their  fear  of 
losing  customers,  or  because  of  their  desire  to  secure  a  given 
class  of  customers.  Politicians,  of  course,  notoriously  do  the 
same  thing,  thus  corrupting  the  whole  public  moral  sense  of 
the  people  with  cringing  cowardice. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  403 

Protestants  refuse  to  contribute,  or  if  they  do  contribute  to 
the  support  of  patriotic  publications  or  movements,  desire  to 
have  it  kept  quiet  for  fear  of  the  boycott  in  business.  The 
average  citizen  as  a  rule  stands  in  fear  of  the  boycott. 

The  political  boss  was  begotten  from  the  necessity  forced 
upon  political  leaders  by  Roman  Catholic  politicians  holding 
the  Roman  Catholic  vote  as  a  solidarity  capable  of  delivery 
and  thus  beyond  the  power  of  argument.  This  accounts  for 
the  political  pre-election  bargains  made  by  the  bosses  of  both 
parties  to  appoint  factory  inspectors  and  members  of  labor 
bureaus  who  are  Roman  Catholic  because  of  their  claim  to 
control  the  labor  vote  in  the  varied  labor  organiatizons  which 
are  chiefly  manipulated  by  Roman  Catholics. 

A  boss  is  important  only  as  he  represents  a  constituency 
which  he  can  control  and  upon  which  he  can  barter  to  secure 
money  from  corporations  and  appropriations  from  legislatures 
and  fees  for  the  security  of  crime  against  prosecution.  There 
is  no  city  or  State  in  the  United  States  where  Romanism 
holds  the  control  or  the  balance  of  power  in  the  electorate 
where  these  three  sources  of  revenues  are  not  drawn  upon. 

Political  Romanism  has  thus  created  the  boss  and  the  boss 
has  in  turn  intrenched  its  creator  in  power. 

An  editorial  in  1894  appeared  in  the  Glasgow  (Scotland) 
Evening  News,  which  in  the  light  of  the  facts  then  existing 
and  in  the  light  of  the  experience  of  a  restored  Roman 
Catholic  Tammany  rule  in  the  commercial  metropolis  may  be 
interesting  to  American  readers  : 

"  Although  the  word  '  boss  '  is  so  familiar  as  to  have  se 
cured  the  respectful  recognition  of  the  latest  lexicographers, 
it  does  not  figure  even  in  the  slang  dictionaries  of  ten  years 
ago.  It  has  come  to  us  from  the  Americans,  who  got  it  from 
the  Dutch — (baas,  a  master). 

"  The '  Boss '  (for  he  is  considered  worthy  of  a  capital  B  now 
in  the  States)  has  become  one  of  the  most  extraordinary 
features,  if  not  the  most  extraordinary  feature,  of  American 


404  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

municipal  life,  and  '  Bossing  '  is  a  disease  which  is  eating  into 
the  vitals  of  American  citizenship.  The  Boss  of  the  United 
States,  from  New  York  to  San  Francisco,  is  Irish. 

"  Bred  in  the  odor  of  the  saloons  and  the  gambling  halls, 
he  graduated  in  time  to  the  domination  of  other  '  patriotic 
exiles,'  and  practically  owns  the  polling  booths  of  the  munici 
pal  wards.  An  Irishman  has  no  sooner  landed  oft'  the  ship 
and  set  foot  on  Castle  Garden,  than  the  Boss  has  him  under 
his  thumb  by  bribery,  by  threat,  or  by  the  old  inalienable 
claim  of  clanship,  so  strong  a  factor  in  bringing  the  Celtic 
races  to  the  front.  There  landed  in  America  from  Ireland 
during  the  last  half  century,  no  less  than  3,250,000  Irish 
people,  and  the  sons  of  this  great  multitude,  native  born,  have 
shown  a  marvelous  hereditary  aptitude  for  securing  offices, 
such  as  those  of  aldermen,  councilmen,  policemen,  bureau 
chiefs,  and  mayors. 

"  As  long  ago  as  1886  more  than  a  seventh  of  the  entire 
population  of  the  City  of  New  York  was  of  Irish  birth.  New 
York  is  under  the  heel  of  the  Irish  Boss.  It  is  a  fact  apparent 
in  the  press  of  the  State. 

"  If  New  York  was  well  governed,  there  would  not  be  the 
same  ground  for  alarm  at  this  universal  rule  of  the  Irish 
minority ;  but  it  is  not  well  governed. 

"  What  has  been  said  of  New  York  City  is  true  of  all  the 
principal  cities  of  America,  and  a  writer  in  the  April  number 
of  the  Forum  describes  the  Irish  bossing  as  '  a  national  ulcer,' 
to  be  thrown  off  sooner  or  later  if  American  independence  is 
ever  to  be  anything  more  than  a  mere  name.  It  is  difficult 
for  the  Britisher,  with  his  well-balanced  municipal  representa 
tion,  to  realize  the  full  misfortune  of  all  this.  The  Trade 
Union  Boss  we  know  in  George  Square,  in  a  mild,  and,  as  yet, 
harmless  form,  but  we  are  lucky  as  citizens,  inasmuch  as  the 
common  sense  of  the  electorate  and  good  counsel  have  pre 
vented  any  particular  race,  class,  or  interest  from  getting  the 
upper  hand  of  our  civic  affairs — although  the  attempt  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  405 

establish  the  Boss  is  growing  every  year  more  determined. 
Let  us  be  warned  by  the  experience  of  America." 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  "  American  Ideals,"  says  : 

"  The  organization  of  a  party  in  our  city  is  really  much  like 
that  of  an  army.  There  is  one  great  central  boss,  assisted  by 
trusted  and  able  lieutenants ;  these  communicate  with  the 
different  district  bosses,  whom  they  alternately  bully  and 
assist.  The  district  boss  in  turn  has  a  number  of  half-sub 
ordinates,  half-allies,  under  him ;  these  latter  choose  the 
captains  of  the  election  districts,  etc.,  and  come  into  con 
tact  with  the  common  heelers.  The  more  stupid  and  ignorant 
the  common  heelers  are,  and  the  more  implicitly  they  obey 
orders,  the  greater  becomes  the  effectiveness  of  the  machine. 
An  ideal  machine  has  for  its  officers  men  of  marked  force, 
cunning  and  unscrupulous,  and  for  its  common  soldiers  men 
who  may  be  either  corrupt  or  moderately  honest,  but  who 
must  be  of  low  intelligence.  This  is  the  reason  why  such  a 
large  proportion  of  the  members  of  every  political  machine 
are  recruited  from  the  lower  grades  of  the  foreign  population." 

The  eloquent  Bourke  Cockran,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  in 
a  remarkable  speech  made  in  New  York  City  on  October  21, 
1898,  in  the  interests  of  the  candidacy  of  Judge  Daly,  a 
Roman  Catholic,  whom  Richard  Croker,  a  Roman  Catholic, 
had  refused  to  renominate  because  he  had  as  judge  declined 
to  obey  the  boss  in  the  matter  of  political  patronage  in  his 
court,  said  : 

"  When  I  use  the  words  boss  and  boss-ship  I  am  not  moved 
by  a  desire  to  indulge  in  personalities  or  in  abusive  epithets. 
The  boss-ship  is  too  real,  too  strong  a  force  in  our  municipal 
existence  to  be  disposed  of  by  sneer  or  reproach.  I  use  the 
term  because  no  other  will  convey  an  adequate  idea  of  the 
power  with  which  the  citizen  must  grapple  if  he  is  to  vindi 
cate  his  liberties  in  this  crisis.  All  the  power,  legislative  and 
executive,  of  this  municipality  is  to-day  in  the  hands  of  the 
individual  who  rules  the  destinies  of  the  Democratic  party,  or, 


406  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

in  other  words,  in  the  hands  of  the  boss,  and  there  it  will  re 
main,  whatever  may  be  the  outcome  of  this  canvass." 

Mr.  Cockran  knew  that  the  all  but  omnipotent  power  of 
this  boss  consisted  absolutely  and  solely  in  the  fact  that  he 
was  the  commander  under  ecclesiastical  sanction  and  support 
of  substantially  the  solid  Roman  Catholic  vote.  Judge  Daly 
was  a  Roman  Catholic,  but  the  election  returns  demonstrated 
that  the  solidarity  that  made  Boss  Croker  possible  was  un 
broken.  Politico-ecclesiasticism  could  not  afford  to  permit 
discretionary  choice  on  the  part  of  its  following.  The  prece 
dent  might  be  dangerous.  A  taste  of  liberty  might  cause 
men  to  think  they  were  free. 

Our  great  cities  are  now  mostly  under  the  control  of  un 
scrupulous  bosses  who  rule  through  political  rings,  whose 
power  is  lodged  in  a  solid  Roman  Catholic  vote  led  by  a 
political  priesthood.  The  perfection  of  this  false  system 
finds  its  illustration  in  New  York  City. 

Bossism  never  entered  American  politics  until  politico-eccle 
siastical  Romanism  showed  it  how  to  move  and  set  its  pace. 
The  inventors  of  the  Inquisition  were  the  inventors  of  bossism 
as  well  as  of  the  boycott,  and  the  same  principle  is  involved 
in  both  institutions. 

Finding  that  a  large  vote  of  Roman  Catholics  could  be  and 
was  massed,  political  leaders  or  bosses  have  claimed  that  they 
were  compelled  to  offset  this  solidarity  by  similar  massing, 
until  the  massing  has  extended  to  the  casting  of  the  votes  of 
delegates  in  the  nominating  conventions  of  both  of  the  domi 
nant  political  parties.  Nominations  are  predetermined  by  the 
bosses  and  then  conventions  are  permitted  to  seem  to  act  de 
liberately.  All  this  had  its  origin  in  the  practice  of  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  in  its  control  over  the  sovereignty  of 
the  citizen. 

A  popular  fad  among  all  political  and  social  reformers  in 
these  late  years  is  to  condemn  and  rail  against  party  meas 
ures  and  bosses  and  bossism.  But  is  it  ignorance,  cowardice, 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  40Y 

or  hypocrisy  that  influences  them  to  scrupulously  avoid  any 
assault  upon  the  one  dangerous  political  machine  in  America 
which  makes  other  machines  and  bosses  possible  ?  Whatever 
the  cause  of  this  avoidance  may  be,  the  fact  makes  honest 
citizens  almost  have  respect  for  avowed  courageous  and  sys 
tematic  political  wickedness. 

In  legislation  the  boss  can  be  dealt  with  by  corporations 
with  greater  safety  and  greater  economy  than  by  the  ancient 
methods  resorted  to  by  corporations  to  effect  legislation  by 
buying  up  large  numbers  of  law-makers.  Now,  the  boss  owns 
the  legislators,  who  were  nominated  by  his  power  and  elected 
by  his  forces,  and  it  is  "  nominated  in  the  bond  "  that  they  are 
to  enact  his  will. 

AVe  have  heard  prominent  and  reputable  representatives  of 
great  corporations  justify  their  financial  dealings  with  political 
bosses,  on  the  grounds  that  all  legislative  privileges  and  legis 
lative  protection  cost  money,  and  that  the  new  method  was 
safer,  less  corrupting,  and  more  economical  for  the  corporate 
interests  they  represented  than  the  old. 

The  boss  system  in  politics  has  entered  into  partnership 
with  the  moneyed  power,  making  a  "  combine  "  irresistible 
and  omnipotent.  And  the  worst  feature  of  the  entire  business 
is,  that  where  great  principles  and  interests  are  at  stake  in  an 
election,  municipal,  State,  or  national,  honest  men  are  com 
pelled  to  recognize  the  boss  by  placing  in  his  hand  fabulous 
sums  of  money  for  conducting  a  campaign. 

And  all  this  corruption  and  iniquity  had  its  origin  in  the 
solid  vote  subject  to  the  command  of  a  politico-ecclesiastical 
power. 

For  the  protection  of  their  citizens  against  this  imported 
tyranny  many  of  the  States  have  felt  themselves  compelled  to 
enact  anti-boycotting  and  anti-blacklisting  laws.  These  two 
iniquitous  immigrants  are  congenial  brothers. 

The  States  having  laws  prohibiting  boycotting  in  terms  are 
Colorado,  Illinois,  and  Wisconsin. 


408  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  States  Laving  laws  prohibiting  blacklisting  in  terms  are 
Alabama,  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Florida,  Georgia,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Io\va,  Minnesota,  Missouri,  Montana,  Nevada,  North 
Dakota,  Utah,  Virginia,  and  Wisconsin. 

The  following  States  have  laws  which  may  be  fairly  con 
strued  as  prohibiting  boycotting :  Alabama,  Connecticut, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota, 
Mississippi,  Missouri,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  North 
Dakota,  Oregon,  South  Dakota,  Texas,  Utah,  Vermont,  and 
Wisconsin. 

The  following  States  have  laws  which  may  be  fairly  con 
strued  as  prohibiting  blacklisting :  Michigan,  New  Hampshire, 
New  York,  Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  and  South  Dakota. 

In  the  following  States  it  is  unlawful  for  any  employer  to 
exact  an  agreement,  either  written  or  verbal,  from  an  em 
ployee  not  to  join  or  become  a  member  of  any  labor  organi 
zation  as  a  condition  of  employment :  California,  Colorado, 
Idaho,  Indiana,  Massachusetts,  Minnesota,  Missouri,  New  Jer 
sey,  New  York,  Ohio,  and  Pennsylvania. 

The  ramifications  of  the  system  of  bossism  in  politics  reveal 
a  supervision  equal  to  the  most  rigid  military  discipline, 
extending  down  from  the  chief  to  the  most  thorough  possible 
surveillance  and  responsibility  for  the  bringing  into  line  the 
individual  voter.  The  district  boss,  or  leader,  is  held  repon- 
sible  for  what  may  be  represented  by  a  regiment  of  soldiers, 
the  regiment  being  subdivided  so  thoroughly  that  the  little 
bosses  are  only  responsible  for  a  limited  number  of  voters, 
and  are  therefore  excuseless,  if  they  do  not  give  a  rigid 
account  of  their  subjects.  All  these  under-bosses  report  to 
their  superiors,  and  their  superiors  in  the  general  council  or 
committee  report  to  the  chief  boss,  from  whom  they  receive 
their  instructions  and  orders.  When  an  election  is  carried 
and  the  time  for  the  distribution  of  spoils  has  arrived  the 
division  is  supposed  to  be  based  upon  mathematical  calcula 
tions,  the  chief  factor  in  the  problem  being  the  number  of 


OF    THK 

UNIVERSITY 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  409 

voters.  This  system  has  reached  its  perfection  in  practice  in 
Tammany  Hall,  in  the  City  of  New  York,  which  controls  in 
its  ecclesiastical  co-partnership  substantially  a  solid  Roman 
Catholic  vote.  It  is  easy  to  see  under  this  system  how  it  is 
not  only  possible  for  one  boss  to  become  all  but  omnipotent, 
but  how  bosses  representing  ostensibly  opposing  political 
parties  can  dicker  and  trade  the  offices  supposed  to  be  elective 
to  suit  their  own  selfish  and  unscrupulous  purposes.  The 
only  possible  method  of  breaking  this  corrupting  power  in 
American  politics  will  be  by  the  inculcation  of  an  intelligent 
patriotism  as  a  basis  of  self-respecting  assertion  of  personal  in 
dependence.  When  every  vote  expresses  the  conscientious 
conviction  of  the  voter  who  casts  it,  arid  when  the  voter  gives 
allegiance  to  only  one  governmental  power,  and  that  the 
government  under  which  he  lives  and  which  grants  and  pro 
tects  his  rights  civil  and  religious,  then  will  bossisni  receive 
its  death  blow  and  depart  from  our  history. 

TO    "BUM,    KOMANTSM,    AND    REBELLION." 


Perhaps  no  single  incident  in  the  history  of  American 
political  Presidential  campaigns  has  been  more  dilated  upon 
and  moralized  about,  or  is  more  pregnant  with  instruction, 
than  the  "  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion"  incident  of  1884. 
The  facts  connected  with  the  incident  have  never  in  any  sin 
gle  narration  been  placed  in  their  proper  relation. 

On  the  morning  of  October  29,  1884,  about  a  thousand 
clergymen  of  New  York  and  vicinity  assembled  at  the  Fifth 
Avenue  Hotel  in  the  City  of  New  York  to  meet  James  G. 
Elaine,  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  When 
the  list  of  names  of  those  present  is  perused  it  must  be 
admitted  that  they  were  not  only  representative,  but  that 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Protestant  ministers  of  the 
great  center  of  population  were  present.  They  had  been 
invited  by  a  printed,  unsigned  card  sent  out  by  a  clergyman, 
Rev.  Dr.  McMurdy,  who  was  serving  the  Republican  National 


410  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Committee  in  some  capacity.  Two  or  three  days  previous  to 
the  meeting  Dr.  Spear  and  Dr.  Armitage  requested  the  writer 
to  prepare  some  resolutions  to  be  presented  to  the  meeting  for 
its  action.  He  did  as  they  requested.  When  the  clergymen 
were  assembled  in  the  parlors  of  the  hotel,  Rev.  Dr.  S.  D. 
Burchard,  being  the  pastor  of  the  longest  consecutive  service 
in  the  city,  was  chosen  Chairman,  and  Rev.  Dr.  MacArthur 
was  chosen  Secretary.  The  resolutions  which  had  been  pre 
pared  were  presented  and  their  author  moved  their  adoption. 
They  were  seconded  in  a  speech  made  by  Dr.  Spear  and  then 
adopted.  The  writer,  known  to  be  well  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Elaine,  was  appointed  to  wait  upon  him  in  his  rooms  and 
request  his  presence,  which  he  did,  presenting  him  to  the 
chairman  and  to  the  assembled  ministers.  Then  Dr.  Bur- 
chard  made  the  address  to  Mr.  Blaine  in  which  he  used  the 
phrase,  "  Ruin,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion."  Short  addresses 
were  made  by  Dr.  Spear  of  The  Independent,  Dr.  Mac- 
Arthur  of  Calvary  Baptist  Church,  Rabbi  Browne  of 
the  Temple  Gates  of  Hope,  Dr.  Roberts  of  the  Congrega 
tional  Church,  Rev.  S.  B.  Halliday  of  Plymouth  Church, 
Rev.  Mr.  Price  of  the  African  Church,  and  Mr.  Lawrence  of 
the  Friends.  Then  Mr.  Blaiue  made  his  address,  which  in 
intellectual  grasp  was  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  of  all  his 
scores  of  speeches  delivered  during  the  campaign.  After  Dr. 
Burchard  had  made  his  speech,  and  two  or  three  other  brief 
addresses  had  been  made,  Mr.  Blaine  turned  to  the  writer 
and  said  :  "  That  '  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion  '  remark  of 
Dr.  Burchard  is  exceedingly  unfortunate.  I  wish  you  would 
see  Mr.  -  -  [who  was  editor  of  a  prominent  New  York 
daily]  and  with  him  get  the  press  reporters  to  suppress  the 
remark."  It  was  thus  kept  out  of  many  of  the  papers.  But 
some  of  the  papers  printed  the  alliteration  and  emphasized 
it  editorially.  The  following  Sunday  circulars  giving  the 
famous  phrase,  and  appealing  to  sectarian  prejudice  and  hate, 
were  extensively  distributed  at  the  doors  of  Roman  Catholic 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  411 

churches,  and,  as  a  result,  it  is  claimed  that  the  solid  Roman 
Catholic  vote  was  massed  against  Elaine.  If  this  is  true, 
then  a  vote  that  could  be  thus,  and  for  that  reason,  suddenly 
and  without  opportunity  for  argument,  alienated  from  one 
candidate  and  massed  for  another  is  a  peril  to  the  republic. 

Dr.  Burchard,  grand  and  true  man  that  he  was,  was  crushed 
under  the  consciousness  of  having  been,  as  the  papers  declared 
and  as  he  believed,  the  instrument  of  injuring  the  man  whom 
he  admired.  The  writer  called  upon  Dr.  Burchard,  and  tried 
to  get  him  to  write  and  sign  for  the  papers  a  letter  in  sub 
stance  as  follows : 

" Mr.  Editor:  In  addressing  Mr.  Blaine  on  October  29,1 
used  the  phrase  '  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion '  in  charac 
terizing  some  of  our  political  opponents.  I  now  desire  sim 
ply  to  say,  that  perhaps  the  remark  was  inopportune  and 
under  the  circumstances,  it  would  have  been  more  politic  not 
to  have  made  it.  But  I  also  desire  to  say  that  while  the 
utterance  might  have  been  in  timeliness  inexpedient,  it  em 
bodied  historical  and  painful  truth,  and  as  an  individual 
citizen  I  assume  the  responsibility  for  its  accuracy." 

Dr.  Burchard  was  so  depressed  in  feeling  at  the  defeat  of 
Mr.  Blaine  that  he  declined  thus  to  place  himself  on  record 
as  believing  the  truth  of  what  he  uttered,  but  he  un 
doubtedly  did  believe  it. 

Mr.  Blaine,  because  of  his  family  connections,  was  supposed 
to  Lave  a  large  Roman  Catholic  following.  His  magnetic  per 
sonality  and  leadership  and  his  broad  and  genial  catholicity 
had  also  won  to  his  support  some  fervid  Irish  Roman  Catho 
lics.  The  contest  in  New  York  State  was  extremely  close,  the 
plurality  in  the  State  revealing  the  fact  that  a  change  of  six 
hundred  votes  would  have  changed  the  results  of  the  entire 
national  election,  and  the  vote  of  that  State  in  the  electoral 
college  being  necessary  to  determine  the  election  of  President, 
the  issues  possessed  great  import.  There  were  several  inci 
dents  during  the  campaign  which  changed  more  than 


412  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

enough  votes  to  neutralize  many  times  Mr.  Cleveland's  small 
plurality  margin.  The  dinner  on  the  evening  of  October  29, 
1884,  which  one  of  the  daily  papers  illustrated  as  Belshazzar's 
feast  with  most  telling  effect,  at  which  Mr.  Elaine  sat  down  to 
the  feast  with  many  rich  men  and  millionaires,  who  were 
expected  to  contribute  the  sinews  of  war  for  the  political 
contest  in  the  electoral  campaign  just  closing,  produced  repel 
ling  and  disgusting  results  upon  laboring  men  ;  the  change  of 
votes  in  a  single  manufacturing  establishment  in  New  York 
City,  the  proprietor  ascertained,  was  sufficient  to  have  caused 
defeat.  Many  Third  Party  Prohibitionists,  who  up  to  this 
time  were  favorably  disposed  toward  Mr.  Blaine,  were 
alienated  by  the  ostentatious  publication  of  the  wine  and 
liquor  features  of  the  dinner  in  question,  despite  the  fact  that 
the  guest  turned  down  his  glass  and  did  not  taste  wine.  Mr. 
Blaine  expressed  to  the  writer  great  apprehension  in  the 
afternoon  before  the  dinner,  and  great  solicitude  afterward, 
as  to  its  effect  upon  the  minds  of  the  laboring  men.  He 
said  he  had  been  invited  by  telegraph  to  meet  some  gentle 
men  at  dinner  on  the  date  in  question,  but  he  had  no  thought 
of  a  largely  attended  banquet  which  would  make  the  event 
conspicuous  by  the  wealth  of  the  guests.  Then  there  was  the 
defection  of  thousands  of  voters,  as  the  election  returns 
proved,  in  the  western  part  of  New  York  State,  who  acknowl 
edged  the  leadership  of  Roscoe  Colliding  to  the  extent  of 
being  willing  to  aid  him  by  their  suffrage  in  punishing  the 
man  against  whom  he  cherished  uncompromising  hostility 
and  resentment.  Then  no  one  doubts  that  Beecher's  capti 
vating  oratory,  political  change  of  base,  and  personal  feeling 
against  Mr.  Blaine  decided  more  than  the  six  hundred  votes 
necessary  to  change  the  issue  of  the  contest.  All  these  his 
toric  facts  have  been  incidentally  and  occasionally  referred  to, 
but  the  famous  alliteration  keeps  haunting  editors  and  poli 
ticians  and  will  not  down.  There  must  be  some  reason  for 
the  persistent  reappearance  of  this  politico-ecclesiastical  ghost. 


Politico-  Ecdesiast ical  Romanism.  413 

It  seems  that  it  can  neither  be  appeased  nor  banished,  but 
stalks  forth  from  the  viewless  into  the  visible  on  the  slightest 
provocation. 

While  we  would  give  all  praise  and  credit  to  a  Father 
Matthew  for  his  attempts  to  lead  his  people  in  paths  of 
sobriety,  and  to  the  occasional  priests  who  honestly  attempt 
to  stem  the  awful  tide  of  intemperance  about  them,  they 
notoriously  constitute  such  rare  exceptions  among  their 
people  as  to  make  them  conspicuous. 

Rum  and  Romanism  sustain  very  vital  relations,  and  neither 
party  to  the  alliance  ought  to  attempt  publicly  to  repudiate 
the  legitimacy  of  those  relations.  Where  both  parties  to  a 
close  alliance  receive  mutual  benefits  neither  party  ought  to 
make  a  show  of  indignation  when  someone  in  public  speech 
couples  their  names.  It  is  neither  candid  nor  chivalrous. 

Take  out  of  the  treasuries  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church 
the  amounts  contributed  by  rumsellers  and  appropriated  from 
excise  funds,  and  from  other  taxes  of  the  people,  and  you  can 
easily  see  the  bottom  of  the  barrel. 

Nuns  and  sisters  have  systematically  collected  revenues 
from  the  rumsellers,  itinerating  from  saloon  to  saloon  for  the 
purpose. 

It  is  notoriously  in  evidence  that  the  great  majority  of  the 
liquor  saloons  are  run  by  Romanists,  and  no  one  would  ques 
tion  the  fact  that  they  extensively  patronize  these  pauperizing 
and  criminal-breeding  institutions,  and  that  while  their  church 
conventions  and  congresses  pass  "  temperance  resolutions,"  the 
men  who  compose  them  are  not  notorious  total  abstainers. 

Dr.  Orestes  A.  Brownson,  eighteen  years  after  his  conver 
sion  to  Romanism,  wrote  a  paper  entitled  "Protestantism  and 
Infidelity,"  in  which  he  said : 

"  The  worst-governed  cities  in  the  Union  are  precisely  those 
in  which  Catholics  are  the  most  influential  in  elections  and 
have  the  most  to  do  with  municipal  affairs.  We  furnish  more 
than  our  share  of  the  rowdies,  the  drunkards,  and  the  vicious 


414  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

population  of  our  large  cities.  The  majority  of  grog-sellers  in 
the  city  of  New  York  are  Catholics,  and  the  portions  of  the 
city  where  grog-selling,  drunkenness,  and  filth  most  abound 
are  those  chiefly  inhabited  by  Catholics;  and  we  scarcely  see 
the  slightest  effort  made  for  a  reformation.7'  The  nominations 
for  office  and  the  elections  in  most  of  our  large  cities  are  con 
trolled  to-day  by  Roman  Catholic  saloon  keepers. 

Father  Elliott,  in  the  Catholic  World  (September,  1890), 
made  this  honest  confession  :  "  The  horrible  truth  is,  that  in 
many  cities,  big  and  little,  we  have  something  like  a  mo 
nopoly  of  selling  liquor,  and  in  not  a  few  something  equiva 
lent  to  a  monopoly  of  getting  drunk.  I  hate  to  acknowledge 
it,  yet  from  Catholic  domiciles — miscalled  homes — in  those 
cities  and  towns  three-fourths  of  the  public  paupers  creep 
annually  to  the  almshouse,  and  more  than  half  the  criminals 
snatched  away  by  police  to  prison  are,  by  baptism  and  train 
ing,  members  of  our  church.  Can  anyone  deny  this,  or  can 
anyone  deny  that  the  identity  of  nominal  Catholics  and  pau 
perism  existing  in  our  chief  centers  of  population  is  owing 
to  the  drunkenness  of  Roman  Catholics  ?  For  twenty  years 
the  clergy  of  this  parish  have  had  a  hard  and  uneven  fight  to 
keep  saloons  from  the  very  church  doors,  because  the  neigh 
borhood  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  is  a  good  stand  for 
the  saloon  business  ;  and  this  equally  so  in  nearly  every  city 
in  America.  AVlio  has  not  burned  with  shame  to  run  the 
gauntlet  of  the  saloons  lining  the  way  to  the  Roman  Catholic 
cemetery?"  Yet  this  same  Father  Elliott,  speaking  of  his 
recent  tour  among  the  non-Catholics  of  the  AVest,  declared  : 
"  America  will  be  converted  and  made  a  Catholic  country." 

Father  M.  F.  Foley,  of  DeLand,  Cal.,  writes  in  Cardinal 
Gibbons'  own  organ  (Catholic  Mirror}  lately,  this  plaintive 
wail  : 

"  Go  into  our  prisons,  our  reformatories,  our  almshouses  ; 
go  into  our  great  asylums  where  numbers  of  children  are 
being  reared,  in  what  must  necessarily  be  hot-house  atmos- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  415 

phere,  to  face  the  storms  of  life.  Go  into  the  crowded  tene 
ments  of  our  cities,  into  their  lowest  dens  and  dives  ;  see  the 
misery,  squalor,  reigning  there ;  see  the  men  and  women,  low 
and  besotted ;  see  the  little  ones  dying  as  flies  in  the  fetid 
air,  or  worse,  living  to  poison  the  nation's  atmosphere ;  in  a 
word,  see  degradation  in  its  most  repulsive  form.  In  these 
abodes  of  crime,  of  poverty,  of  misery,  you  will  find  thou 
sands  of  Catholics.  Ask  what  has  brought  to  prison  and 
almshouse,  to  reformatory  and  orphanage,  to  dive  and  brothel, 
so  many  children  of  the  church.  Trumpet-toned  comes  back 
the  answer :  '  Drink,  drink.' r 

The  relations  of  Rum  to  Romanism,  in  the  face  of  Roman 
Catholic  testimony,  none  but  the  most  brazen  and  unscrupu 
lous  will  deny. 

But  how  about  Rebellion  ?  The  assumption  is  often  heard 
that  Romanists  were  a  most  important  factor,  if  not  the  most 
important  factor,  in  bringing  to  a  successful  issue  the  Civil 
War  for  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 

Dr.  William  Butler  said  in  1892:  "The  attitude  of  the 
papacy  during  our  civil  war  was  a  source  of  anxiety  to  our 
government  and  to  thoughtful  men.  Individual  exceptions 
there  were  undoubtedly,  but  the  general  trend  of  the  Roman 
Church  was  unfriendly.  As  if  by  a  subtle  instinct,  the 
lowest  member  discerned  that  he  could  have  no  interest  in 
preventing  the  power  of  this  nation  from  being  crippled,  or 
its  prestige  as  the  great  Protestant  Republic  destroyed. 
Their  vote  was  generally  thrown  against  the  war,  as  the 
enemies  of  our  country  at  home  and  abroad  desired.  For  a 
contrast,  look  at  the  various  Protestant  sects  of  our  land,  and 
see  how  loyally  they  rallied  to  the  help  of  our  government  to 
the  last  hour  of  the  conflict.  There  is  a  reason  for  this 
marked  distinction ;  our  downfall  would  have  been  the  fail 
ure  of  Protestantism  at  its  culminating  point." 

We  have  in  our  possession  a  facsimile  of  the  letter  of  Pius 
IX.  to  Jefferson  Davis,  "given  at  Rome,  at  the  seat  of  St. 


416  Facing  tJw  Twentieth  Century. 

Peter,  the  3d  day  of  December,  1860,  of  Our  Pontificate  the 
eighteenth  year."  The  letter  begins  :  "  Illustrious  and  Hon 
orable  Sir,  Greeting :  With  all  the  good  will  which  was  fit 
ting,  we  have  recently  welcomed  the  men  sent  by  your  Honor 
to  bring  to  us  letters  dated  the  23d  of  the  month  of  Septem 
ber  last."  The  Pope  then  refers  to  letters  he  has  sent  to  the 
Archbishops  of  New  Orleans  and  of  New  York,  and  continues  : 
"  And  it  was  very  pleasing  to  us  to  know  that  thou,  Illustri 
ous  and  Honorable  Sir,  and  those  peoples  are  animated  with 
the  same  sentiments  of  peace  and  tranquillity  which  we  have 
inculcated  in  the  above  mentioned  letters  so  earnestly  ad 
dressed  to  the  aforesaid  venerable  Brothers.  .  .  And  from  the 
same  most  clement  Lord  of  compassions  we  entreat  that  He 
wilt  illuminate  your  Honor  with  the  light  of  His  Divine 
grace,  and  join  you  to  us  in  perfect  charity." 

Romanism's  relation  to  the  Civil  War  was  not  that  of  either 
an  open  foe  or  a  pronounced  friend,  and  few  of  its  following 
were  among  the  Confederate  forces  and  its  numbers  were  lim 
ited  in  the  Southern  States  at  the  time  of  the  war.  But  it 
gave  a  divided  loyalty  and  an  emasculated  service  except  in 
notable  instances. 

A  few  passages  from  an  approved  Roman  Catholic  history 
will  be  pertinent  at  this  point:  "In  1861  the  great  mass  of 
the  population  lay  in  the  Northern  and  Western  States,  those 
south  of  Maryland  on  the  east  and  of  the  Ohio  River  on  the 
west,  containing  only  four  hundred  and  sixty-three  out  of  the 
two  thousand  two  hundred  and  thirty-five  priests. 

"A  terrible  civil  war  broke  out  at  this  time.  A  fanatical 
spirit  at  the  North,  which  from  time  to  time  excited  hostility 
to  the  Church  on  other  occasions,  sought  the  abolition,  or  at 
least  the  restriction  of  slavery  in  the  South.  Numbers  of 
Protestant  clergymen  took  an  active  part  in  stirring  up  a  bit 
ter  sectional  feeling;  and  when  troubles  began  in  regard  to 
the  extension  of  slavery  in  Kansas,  the  Protestant  pulpits  of 
the  East  rang  with  appeals  to  their  flocks.  In  this  matter  the 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  417 

Catholics  stood  aloof.  When  the  war  came  no  one  could 
accuse  them  of  having  done  aught  to  precipitate  it.  Yet,  as 
we  have  seen,  they  were  chiefly  in  the  Northern  States  which 
invited  immigration,  while  the  South  discouraged  it,  and 
ignorant  prejudices  against  the  Church  prevailed,  as  much 
at  the  South  as  at  the  North." — Businger  and  Shea's  "Hist. 
of  the  Oath.  Church?  pp.  402-403. 

The  assassination  conspiracy  which  resulted  in  the  death  of 
Lincoln  and  purposed  the  death  of  Seward  and  Grant,  in  its 
inception,  in  its  personnel,  and  in  its  issues  was  the  work  of 
Jesuitical  Romanism. 

General  Baker,  who  had  charge  of  the  prisoners  connected 
with  the  Lincoln  assassination  conspiracy,  said  in  his  report : 
"  I  mention  as  an  exceptional  and  remarkable  fact,  that  every 
conspirator  in  custody,  is,  by  education,  a  Catholic." 

When  John  H.  Surratt,  pursued  by  justice,  fled  from  the 
United  States,  being  criminally  concealed  by  priests  and 
bishops  in  this  country  and  in  Canada,  the  law  finally  found 
him,  congenially  and  naturally  sheltered  under  the  banner  of 
the  Pope  as  a  soldier  in  the  ninth  company  of  Papal  Zouaves. 

Father  Walter,  a  Washington  priest,  who  heard  Mrs.  Sur- 
ratt's  last  confession,  sustained  an  active  and  criminally  dis 
reputable  relation  to  the  assassination  conspirators,  as  was 
proven  by  the  records  of  the  trial  and  by  his  own  contri 
butions  to  the  press. 

The  attitude  of  Roman  Catholic  soldiers  and  others  during 
the  war  of  1861-65  was  not  due  to  any  conviction  on  their 
part  that  the  Confederates  were  contending  for  a  principle, 
but  because  the  Sovereign  Pius  IX.,  to  whom  they  owed  their 
first  and  supreme  allegiance,  had  committed  himself  and  his 
subjects  to  Jefferson  Davis.  There  was  no  principle  concern 
ing  State  Rights  or  Nationality  involved,  with  them. 

The  coupling  of  the  Rebellion  with  Rum  and  Romanism  in 
1884  may  have  had  some  ground  of  justification,  although  the 
South  generally  has  never  had  any  sympathy  with  the  specious 


418  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

claims  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  or  with  the  alliance 
of  the  Northern  Democracy  with  the  saloon  or  witli  Rome. 
The  question  of  negro  domination  in  the  South  has  forced  the 
Southern  States  into  alliances  for  expediency  which  have  com 
mitted  them  to  political  doctrines  against  which  they  would 
otherwise  revolt. 

u  Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion  "  is  a  meaningless  phrase 
under  the  new  conditions  of  nationality. 

Manila  and  Santiago  have  changed  the  conditions  and  liter 
ally  blotted  out  the  alliterative  triumvirate. 

Suppose  Dr.  Burchard  had  said  Rum,  Presbyterianism,  and 
Rebellion,  or  had  made  the  middle  word  Methodist,  Baptist, 
or  Episcopal,  would  a  commotion  have  been  created  ?  No. 
Why  ?  Because  there  would  have  been  no  truth  in  any  such 
trinitarian  adjustment  of  words.  It  was  the  truth  contained 
in  Burchard's  statement  that  made  it  potent.  Why,  we  again 
ask,  is  this  one  factor  entering  into  the  defeat  of  Elaine  always 
editorially  magnified  ?  It  is  an  unconsciously  humiliating  plea 
of  guilty  to  the  indictment  of  Rome  as  a  political  power. 

Admit,  as  is  claimed,  that  the  "  Rum,  Romanism,  and 
Rebellion"  incident  turned  by  Roman  Catholic  solidarity 
enough  votes  to  determine  the  New  York  State,  and,  conse 
quently,  the  national  election  in  1884;  then  our  contention  is 
established,  that  there  is  peril  to  the  republic  in  such  a  vote 
which  can  be  thus  solidly  and  suddenly  cast,  without  debate 
and  without  reason.  Certainly  the  country  entered  upon  a 
period  in  its  history  that  was  filled  with  suffering  and  national 
disaster. 

TO    THE    GOVERNMENT    OF    THE    COMMERCIAL    METROPOLIS    OF    THE 

NEW    WORLD. POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICAL    TAMMANY 

ROMANISM. 

Anna  Ella  Carroll,  in  her  book  "  The  Great  American  Bat 
tle,"  gives  the  story  of  the  origin  and  objects  of  the  Tammany 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  419 

Society,  and  by  what  means  it  was  gradually  perverted  to  the 
purposes  of  a  foreign  hierarchy  : 

"  The  St.  Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order,  was  so 
called  from  Tammanard,  a  renowned  Delaware  chief.  It 
originated  immediately  after  the  formation  of  our  present 
Constitution  in  1786,  and  hence  was  the  first  American  order 
in  these  United  States.  The  cardinal  doctrine  of  its  creed 
was  the  exclusion  of  foreigners  from  all  political  interference 
whatever  with  the  affairs  of  our  country,  as  in  manifest  con 
flict  with  our  republican  liberty  and  the  American  policy. 
The  Sons  of  the  Revolution  were  the  founders  of  this  order, 
and  it  was  under  the  teachings  of  Washington,  the  leader  of 
those  armies  which,  under  God,  conducted  our  nation  to  vic 
tory  and  glorious  freedom,  added  to  their  own  experience  and 
observation,  that  they  saw  the  necessity  at  that  early  period 
for  a  purely  national  organization  to  uphold  the  true  princi 
ples  of  American  faith  and  practice,  and,  in  the  language  of 
our  country's  '  Father,'  to  prevent  the  evil  of  the  foreign 
action  of  '  these  men  who  had  no  attachment  to  the  country 
further  than  interest  binds  them.'  And  here,  Americans,  be 
fore  the  eyes  of  Washington  and  under  the  light  of  his  coun 
tenance,  this  national  society  had  the  zealous  co-operation  of 
the  heroes  of  the  Revolution,  his  companions  in  battle,  and 
flourished  under  its  stringent  restrictions  for  ten  years  pre 
vious  to  his  death. 

"  The  sublime  idea  of  deliverance  from  foreign  influence  was 
thus  for  years  advantageously  cherished  by  them.  But  money- 
loving,  soul-devouring,  office-seeking  politicians  began  to  join 
them,  and  the  day  of  dispensation  was  at  hand.  They  so 
multiplied  that  they  actually  held  the  balance  of  power  and 
compelled  the  majority  to  yield  to  their  commands,  or  would 
threaten  to  go  over  to  the  minority.  They  first  required  one 
member  of  the  Legislature,  which  was  granted  ;  then  two ; 
they  were  yielded.  And  then,  whatever  they  wished,  and  as 
they  pleased.  In  a  meeting  of  this  society  the  Loco  Foco 


4_0  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

party  had  its  origin.  The  foreigners  had  become  so  powerful 
and  domineering  that  the  Americans  resisted  and  blew  out 
the  lights!  The  foreigners  relighted  them  by  Loco  Foco 

o  «/ 

matches,  and  carried  the  measure  by  their  votes.  This  was 
the  fatal  moment  when  Americans  went  over  to  Romanism. 
Subsequent  to  the  formation  of  the  Tammany  Society,  but  of 
the  same  epoch  in  our  national  history,  was  the  Order  of  Cin 
cinnati,  another  strong  political  society,  which  made  ineligible 
to  membership  any  American  who  was  not  a  native-born  son 
of  the  soil.  Washington  himself  was  president-general  of 
that  order  to  the  close  of  his  life,  as  Andrew  Jackson  had 
been  the  leader  of  the  Tammany  before  the  degenerate 
clays." 

In  1834  Professor  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse,  whose  invention  of 
the  telegraph  was  perhaps  the  greatest  single  contribution  to 
civilization  in  recent  centuries,  ran  for  Mayor  of  New  York 
City,  receiving  nine  thousand  votes.  The  platform  upon 
which  Professor  Morse  stood  in  the  canvass  recognized  the 

O 

dangers  of  foreign,  and  especially  papal  influence  upon  our 
republican  institutions,  and  set  forth  the  necessity  for  the 
radical  amendment  of  our  naturalization  laws.  The  appeal  to 
the  citizens  of  New  York  exhibited  the  increased  burden  of 
taxation  for  the  maintenance  of  foreign  paupers  who  make 
the  city  their  refuge,  and  exposed  "  the  ambitious  arrogance 
of  foreigners  in  their  efforts  to  control  the  municipal  affairs  of 
the  city." 

Were  Professor  Morse  living  to-day  he  would  not  be  con 
sidered  an  eligible  candidate  for  Commissioner  of  Charities  in 
the  city  of  New  York. 

'William  M.  Tweed  came  into  power  January  1,  1869,  and 
went  out  September  16,  1871.  During  these  nearly  three 
years  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  received  of  public  moneys 
§1,395,000,  for  over  one  hundred  institutions,  the  most  of 
which  had  no  existence  in  fact,  and  which,  after  Tweed,  their 
partner  in  theft,  was  retired  from  business,  disappeared  from 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  421 

the  list  of  "  charities."  Since  that  the  number  of  such  insti 
tutions  presenting  claims  has  been  smaller,  but  their  demands 
have  been  greater.  After  the  rascalities  of  Tweed  had  been 
exposed,  sucli  was  the  gratitude  of  his  Roman  Catholic  con 
stituents  for  their  share  in  the  spoils  of  his  plunder  that  they 
elected  him  to  the  State  Senate  by  a  tremendous  majority. 

From  1871  to  1875  the  records  of  the  raids  of  this  Tam 
many  Romanism  on  the  municipal  treasury  have  been  con 
cealed.  When  in  1875  the  records  are  again  accessible,  we 
find  only  sixteen  Roman  Catholic  institutions  mentioned  in 
the  list  of  claimants  on  the  city  treasury.  Thus  the  confes 
sion  is  made  that  dishonestly,  fraudulently,  and  in  partnership 
with  the  monumental  thief  of  the  century,  the  authorities  of 
the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  under  the  holy  name  of  charity, 
lied  in  presenting  the  claims  upon  the  people's  money  of  one 
hundred  institutions  having  no  existence,  and  stole  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  dollars,  to  be  used  in  promoting  the  interests 
of  a  politico-ecclesiastical  machine  capable  of  such  rascality. 

And  yet,  when  a  few  years  have  elapsed,  we  are  asked  to 
forget,  and  practically  do  forget,  inside  of  a  generation  of 
time,  the  conduct  of  these  precious  rascals,  and  trust  their 
successors  in  power  honestly  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the 
Greater  New  York  with  its  greater  opportunities  for  rascality. 

These  sixteen  institutions,  from  1875  to  1886,  took  from 
the  treasury  of  the  city,  in  addition  to  eighty  per  cent,  of  the 
excise  fund,  the  sum  of  $8,052,000.  Since  this  last  date  it 
has  been  practically  impossible  to  secure  any  extended  and 
detailed  data  from  the  books  of  the  treasury  department. 

The  catalogue  of  the  churches  and  institutions  which  were 
partners  with  William  M.  Tweed,  and  which  from  necessity 
now  in  smaller  numbers  continue  in  partnership  with  Tam 
many  and  Tweed's  successor,  is  worth  perusal  and  preserva 
tion.  We  possess  it  as  one  of  our  historic  treasures. 

While  the  Romanists  thus  succeeded  in  getting  immense 
sums  of  money  out  of  the  city  treasury  under  Tweed,  and 


422  Facing  tlte  Twentieth  Century. 

although,  after  his  downfall,  they  did  not  venture  to  put  in 
their  claims  for  the  scores  of  bogus  institutions  which  shared 
in  Tweed's  stealings,  they  had  established  a  precedent  for  the 
large  sums  given  to  the  institutions  having  an  existence,  and 
they  have  pressed  on  from  this  vantage  ground,  constantly 
making  higher  demands  for  "  sweet  charity."  They  have 
finally  become  so  thoroughly  intrenched,  and  their  forces  are 
so  strategically  encamped  about  the  vaults  holding,  in  State 
and  municipality,  the  moneys  of  the  people,  that  politicians 
and  legislators,  members  of  constitutional  conventions  and 
boards  of  apportionment,  boards  of  charities  and  office-holders, 
civil  justices  and  political  reformers  stand  and  deliver  when 
the  Roman  legions  wheel  into  line  and  demand  the  keys  and 
the  combinations  of  the  public  safe. 

The  eagerly  anticipated  but  painfully  disappointing  encycli 
cal  of  Leo  XIII.  in  1895  compelled  an  honest  and  cultured 
Roman  Catholic  layman  to  make  an  able  and  indignant  pro 
test  against  its  illiberality,  which  he  claimed  had  nullified  the 
previously  uttered  loyal  sentiments  from  prominent  American 
Roman  Catholics,  and  which  had  compelled  them  to  stultify 
themselves.  Among  other  expressions  of  conviction  the  writer 
says : 

u  The  falsity  and  erroneous  fatuity  of  the  position  taken  by 
Leo  XIII.,  however,  is  pretty  clearly  demonstrated  by  recent 
political  events  in  New  York  City,  events  in  which  the 
Catholic  Church  is  supposed  to  have  been  largely  interested. 

I  n-fer  to  the  exposures  made  of  Tammany  corruption  by  the 
Lexow    Investigating  Commission  and   the  subsequent  over 
whelming  defeat  at  the  polls,  of  the  Democratic  candidates. 

I 1  is  a  well-known  fact  that  the  Catholic  authorities  of  New 
York  City  have  been  charged  with  being  in  sympathy,  if  not  in 
league,  with  the  Tammany  organization.     In  fact  the  situation 
was    such    that   Tammany    and    Catholicism    were    supposed 
to  be  identical,  and  the  odium  and  obloquy  attaching  to  the 
former  were  necessarily   reflected   upon  the   latter.     The  dis- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  423 

credit  and  dishonor  of  the  association,  of  the  alleged  affiliation 
were  recognized  and  bitterly  deplored  by  some  who  believed 
in  a  fearless,  progressive,  and  honest  policy,  and  these  by  word 
and  act  sought  to  demonstrate  to  the  public  that  to  be  a 
Catholic  it  was  not  necessary  to  approve  political  dishonesty. 
It  is  to  be  hoped  that  in  the  future  Catholicism  will  not  be  con 
founded  with  Tammanyism  or  any  other  political  ism ;  but 
the  action  of  the  people  of  New  York  City  and  State  in  their 
vigorous  condemnation  of  Tammany  should  suffice  to  make 
known  to  Leo  XIII.,  not  only  that  it  would  be  impolitic  to 
seek  a  union  of  church  and  state  or  church  and  political 
party,  but  that  any  attempt  at  such  a  union  would  be  bit 
terly  resented  and  fiercely  antagonized  by  the  American 
people." 

Yet  Tammany  was  restored  to  power  in  1898  as  the  result 
of  its  union  with  the  church  and  of  the  egotism  and  Phari 
saism  of  party  politicians  and  professional  reformers. 

Tammany  Hall's  influence  as  a  factor  in  New  York  and 
•national  politics  was  presented  in  the  North  American  Review 
for  February,  1892  ;  Richard  Croker,  then  and  now  its  chief, 
being  responsible  for  the  article. 

"  A  well-organized  political  club,"  says  Mr.  Croker,  "  is 
made  for  the  purpose  of  aggressive  warfare.  It  must  move, 
and  it  must  always  move  forward  against  its  enemies.  If  it 
makes  mistakes,  it  leaves  them  behind  and  goes  ahead.  If  it 
is  encumbered  by  useless  baggage  or  half-hearted  or  traitorous 
camp  followers,  it  cuts  them  off  and  goes  ahead.  AVhile  it  does 
not  claim  to  be  exempt  from  error,  it  does  claim  to  be  always 
aiming  at  success  by  proper  and  lawful  methods,  and  to  have 
the  good  of  the  general  community  always  in  view  as  its  end 
of  effort.  Such  an  organization  has  no  time  or  place  for  apolo 
gies  or  excuses,  and  to  indulge  in  them  would  hazard  its  exist 
ence  and  certainly  destroy  its  usefulness." 

The  methods  of  the  Tammany  organization  he  presented  as 
follows : 


424  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

"  As  one  of  the  members  of  this  organization,  I  simply  do 
what  all  its  members  are  ready  to  do  as  occasion  offers,  and 
that  is,  to  stand  by  its  principles  and  affirm  its  record.  We 
assert,  to  begin  with,  that  its  system  is  admirable  in  theory 
and  works  excellently  well  in  practice.  There  are  now 
twenty-four  Assembly  districts  in  the  county,  which  are  repre 
sented  in  an  Executive  Committee  by  one  member  from  each 
district,  whose  duty  it  is  to  oversee  all  political  movements  in 
his  district  from  the  sessions  of  the  primaries  down  to  the 
final  counting  of  the  ballots  after  the  election  polls  are  closed. 
This  member  of  the  Executive  Committee  is  a  citizen  of  re 
pute,  always  a  man  of  ability  and  good  executive  training. 
If  he  were  not,  he  could  not  be  permitted  to  take  or  hold  the 
place.  If  he  goes  to  sleep  or  commits  overt  acts  that  shock 
public  morality,  he  is  compelled  to  resign.  Such  casualties 
rarely  occur,  because  they  are  not  the  natural  growth  of  the 
system  of  selection  which  the  organization  practices  ;  but  when 
Tammany  discovers  a  diseased  growth  in  her  organism,  it  is  a 
matter  of  record  that  she  does  not  hesitate  at  its  extirpation. 

"  Coincident  with  the  plan  that  all  the  Assembly  districts 
shall  be  thoroughly  looked  after  by  experienced  leaders  who 
are  in  close  touch  with  the  central  committees  is  the  develop 
ment  of  the  doctrine  that  the  laborer  is  worthy  of  his  hire ; 
in  other  words,  that  good  work  is  worth  paying  for,  and  in 
order  that  it  may  be  good  must  be  paid  for.  The  affairs  of  a 
vast  community  are  to  be  administered.  Skillful  men  must 
administer  them.  These  men  must  be  compensated.  The  prin 
ciple  is  precisely  the  same  as  that  which  governs  the  workings 
of  a  railway  or  a  bank,  or  a  factory  ;  and  it  is  an  illustration  of 
the  operation  of  sophistries  and  unsound  moralities,  so  much  in 
vogue  among  our  closet  reformers,  that  any  persons  who  have 
outgrown  the  kindergarten  should  shut  their  eyes  to  this  obvi 
ous  truth.  Now,  since  there  must  be  officials,  and  since  these 
officials  must  be  paid,  and  well  paid,  in  order  to  insure  able 
and  constant  service,  why  should  they  not  be  selected  from 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  425 

the  membership  of  the  society  that  organizes  the  victories  of 
the  dominant  party  ?  " 

Race  and  religion  unfortunately  draw  party  lines  very 
closely  in  New  York,  the  Tammany  Democratic  force  being  the 
Irish  Roman  Catholic  vote  cast,  almost  as  a  unit.  This  gives 
dangerous  strength  to  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  or  the 
politico-ecclesiastical  boss. 

Puck  said,  after  the  reform  victory  in  1894,  "That  the 
church  as  a  church,  was  active  against  the  reform  movement 
is  beyond  any  question  whatever " ;  and  charged  that  the 
head  of  the  hierarchy  had  "  made  a  disgraceful  exhibition  of 
pernicious  activity  in  local  politics.  The  most  encouraging 
and  hopeful  view  of  the  present  situation  is  that  the  hand  of 
the  church  has  been  pretty  clearly  shown  in  a  way  that  ought 
to  arouse  the  indignant  Americanism  of  every  citizen  who 
would  see  our  public-school  system  kept  free  from  the  taint 
of  Romish  control."  And  yet  under  the  reform  government 
Tammany  Romanism  was  coddled  and  kept  in  place  and  power 
to  an  extent  that,  when  the  next  municipal  battle  came,  it  had 
enough  of  its  forces  on  the  inside  of  the  breastworks  to  make 
the  work  of  the  storming  party  easy  and  successful  in  the 
face  of  divided  opposition. 

RESPONSIBILITY    FOE   THE    TAMMANY    MUNICIPAL    ADMINISTRATION 
CLAIMED    FROM    THE    CATHEDRAL    PULPIT. 

On  Sunday,  March  6,  1898,  Father  Sheedy  of  Altoona, 
Pa.,  delivered  a  lecture  in  the  Cathedral  in  New  York.  The 
Tribune  and  other  papers  reported  him  as  saying :  "  The 
Catholic  Church  in  this  country  lias  put  its  seal  of  dis 
approval  on  the  liquor  traffic."  He  especially  condemned  the 
Sunday  opening  of  saloons.  He  said  :  "  Do  not  be  scared  by 
the  chimera  of  a  Puritan  Sunday.  There  is  no  danger  of  you 
ever  getting  back  to  that.  Cosmopolitan  New  York  never  had 
and  never  can  have  any  odious  blue  laws.  Give  the  working- 
man  what  he  is  entitled  to — the  Lord's  Day,  a  day  of  rest ; 


426  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

make  it  a  day  of  joy  and  gladness.     Throw  open  for  him  the 
art  galleries,  the  museums,  the  public  libraries,  if  you  will— 
and  you  do  well  to  do  so — but  keep  the  door  of  the  saloon 
tightly  shut,1' 

He  then  claimed  that : 

"The  administration  of  this  proud  city  of  New  York  Juts 
been  intrusted  to  a  -party  largely  composed  of  Catholic  citizens. 
What  will  the  record  be?  Will  it  help  to  make  this  city  truly 
greater  in  moral  and  civic  virtues  ?  Greater  in  art,  in  litera 
ture,  in  patriotism,  and  in  religious  observance  ?  Let  it  prove 
to  the  people  and  to  the  country  at  large  that  the  hopes  of 
the  coming  century  are  safely  centered  in  the  conservative 
and  healing  influences  of  the  Catholic  Church." 

Father  Doyle  of  the  Church  of  the  Paulist  Fathers,  in  speak 
ing  of  Father  Sheedy's  lecture,  said  it  was  the  official  statement 
from  the  diocese  made  from  the  Cathedral  pulpit  against  Sun 
day  opening. 

What  relation  does  this  "  official  statement  from  the  diocese 
made  from  the  Cathedral  pulpit  against  Sunday  opening  "  bear 
to  the  other  statement  made  from  the  same  "  Cathedral  pulpit " 
by  the  same  mouth,  that  "  the  administration  of  this  proud  city 
of  New  York  has  been  intrusted  to  a  party  largely  composed 
of  Catholic  citizens.  What  will  the  record  be?"  It  is  perti 
nent  in  the  light  of  history,  and  not  impertinent,  to  ask  :  What 
lt<ts  fix-  record  been?  One  of  the  papers  closes  its  account  of 
the  meeting  with  this  record  :  "  At  the  close  of  the  lecture  the 
benediction  of  the  Blessed  Sacrament  was  given  by  Archbishop 
Corrigan."  A  priest's  comment  on  the  Archbishop's  part  in 
this  temperance  meeting  was:  u  His  Grace  must  have  been 
greatly  embarrassed  when  he  thought  of  the  sources  of  his 


own   revenues." 


Roman  Catholicism  thus  justly  claims  to  rule  New  York 
City.  We  shall  see  what  kind  and  character  of  rule  she 
gives  when  she  has  full  sway. 

Father  Malone,  made  a   Regent  of  the  University  of  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Roma  nism.  427 

State  of  New  York  by  a  Republican  Legislature,  and  sup 
posed  to  be  anti-Tammany  in  political  sympathy,  recognized 
in  the  triumph  of  Tammany  the  benefit  to  Romanism,  when, 
in  addressing  the  younger  members  of  his  flock,  on  December 
26,  1897,  he  said  : 

"  Now  that  so  many  of  the  Tammany  Hall  leaders  who  will 
rule  the  city  are  members  of  the  Catholic  Church,  they  should 
be  wise  and  seek  to  do  good  for  the  public,  and  not  merely  to 
attain  their  own  end.  Good  service  rendered  to  the  public  is 
of  more  value  to  the  Catholic  Church,  when  accomplished  by 
one  of  its  adherents,  than  any  other  moral  action  which  can  be 
presented." 

Suppose  it  were  true  that  the  boss,  the  chief  of  police,  the 
heads  of  departments,  the  keepers  of  saloons  and  brothels 
were,  any  considerable  number  of  them,  Episcopalians,  Pres 
byterians,  Methodists,  Baptists,  etc.,  would  not  the  denomina 
tions  be  held  responsible  by  the  public?  Would  they  not 
deserve  to  be  ?  Roman  Catholicism  must  be  held  responsible. 
We  indict  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  for  the  crimes  of 
Tammany,  for  Tammany's  power  under  Croker,  as  under 
Tweed,  is  and  was  only  possible  because  of  the  solid  Roman 
Catholic  vote,  and  the  Church  benefits  by  the  returns  from 
this  vice  and  crime  in  appropriations  for  her  institutions  and 
in  contributions  for  her  churches.  We  indict  her  because  she 
benefits  by  the  price  of  vice  and  could  largely  stop  it  if  she 
would.  The  authorities  of  the  Church  claim  that  the  govern 
ment  is  Roman  Catholic.  They  claim  the  power  and  they 
must  meet  the  responsibility. 

Archbishop  Corrigan's  jubilee  in  May,  1898,  which  rendered 
unnecessary  a  Tammany  jubilee  and  which  occurred  at  the 
same  time  for  which  the  Tammany  municipal  jubilee  was 
projected,  but  for  personal  reasons  postponed,  was  attended 
and  addressed  by  men  who  had  been  engaged  in  advocating 
municipal  reform  movements  which  had  been  rendered  im 
possible  by  the  solid  Roman  Catholic  vote  cast  for  Tammany 


428  Facing  the  Iwentietli  Century. 

and  controlled  by  Croker  and  Corrigan.  This  was  diverting 
to  the  public  as  a  monumental  joke,  and  how  the  sides  of  the 
ecclesiastics  and  politicians  must  have  ached  with  glee.  Cro- 
ker's  reception  at  the  Democratic  Club  presented  similar 
felicities  of  juxtaposition. 

The  names  of  Tammany  leaders,  liquor-dealers,  office-hold 
ers,  and  contractors,  and  the  names  of  the  bulk  of  the  contrib 
utors  to  the  Corrigan  Jubilee  Fund  could  be  given  in  a  sin 
gle  list  without  the  necessity  of  duplicates.  Croker's  fete  at 
the  Democratic  Club  and  Corrigan's  Jubilee  might  have  joined 
forces  and  saved  expense. 

An  experienced  politician  on  the  Press  recently  wrote: 

"  The  Roman  Catholic  is  generally  a  successful  politician. 
If  I  had  an  ambition  to  go  to  Congress  from  any  district  in 
this  city,  the  first  move  in  that  direction  would  be  to  join  the 
Catholic  Church,  get  en  rapport  with  Romanism,  and  then 
learn  Irish." 

When  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  enters  politics  it  must  be 
held  responsible  for  the  results  of  its  voting  solidarity,  and 
cannot  separate  its  political  from  its  religious  responsibility 
without  abdicating  its  claims  to  being  a  religious  organization. 

Richard  Croker  is  the  Roman  Emperor  of  New  York,  be 
cause  in  the  battle  at  the  polls  solid  Roman  legions  won  a 
victory  under  his  lead  and  made  his  coronation  possible. 

lie  literally  controls  Manhattan,  because  he  owns  the  men 
who  grant  the  franchises  to  corporations,  and  who  levy  and 
collect  the  taxes,  and  who  make  the  appropriations  and  spend 
the  people's  money.  lie  makes  the  nominations  for  elective 
ohHces,  including  judges,  and  dictates  the  appointments  of  an 
immense  army  of  office-holders,  and  all  because  he  is  backed 
by  the  solid  Roman  Catholic  vote. 

Croker  said  in  response  to  the  charges  that  New  York  was 
in  October,  1898,  "  wide  open"  :  "If  these  men  know  of  any 
violation  of  the  law  it  is  their  duty  to  bring  the  matter  to  the 
attention  of  the  District  Attorney,  and  1  am  sure  vigorous 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  429 

prosecution  will  follow."  The  District  Attorney  to  whom 
Croker  referred  citizens  for  redress  was  Asa  Bird  Gardiner, 
who  was  elected  to  office  on  his  own  platform  consisting  of 
the  single  plank :  u  To  hell  with  reform." 

That  Mr.  Croker  is  considered  by  his  brethren  and  sisters 
in  the  faith  as  a  religious  political  leader,  and  that  lioman 
Catholicism  and  Tammany  Hall  are  considered  as  religious 
partners  will  receive  some  authentication  from  the  following 
correspondence  which  appeared  in  the  Sunday  Union,  Decem 
ber  26,  1897.  Mr.  Croker  was  then  at  Lake  wood  surrounded 
by  his  court,  where  he  was  engaged  in  making  the  appoint 
ments  for  Mayor-elect  Van  Wyck,  who  was  soon  to  take 
office.  This  touching  correspondence  appeared  in  the  Sunday 
Union  directly  under  the  pictures  of  Richard  Croker  of  Tam 
many  Hall  and  Rev.  M.  J.  Lavelle  of  the  Cathedral : 

SISTER  MARY  DAVID'S  LETTER  TO  MR.  CROKER. 

"  ST.  JOSEPH'S  HOSPITAL,  TWELFTH  STREET, 

"  LONG  ISLAND  CITY,  November  28. 
"  Hon.  Richard  Croker  : 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  hope  you  will  pardon  my  intrusion  in  coming  to  you 
at  your  time  of  rest,  yet  I  wish  to  let  you  know  that  we  prayed  most 
fervently  to  our  Dear  Lord  and  His  Blessed  Mother  for  your  success; 
also  for  your  restoration  to  health,  when  we  heard  you  were  ill.  Now  as 
a  thanksgiving  I  wish  to  ask  a  little  charity  towards  the  erection  of  our 
new  hospital  which  is  in  Greater  New  York.  I  enclose  my  poor  wallet 
which  will  tell  its  own  'tale  of  woe.' 

"  We  are  sure  you  are  chosen  by  our  Dear  Lord  Himself.  The  day  of 
election  was  dark  and  gloomy,  but  as  soon  as  the  victory  was  won,  did 
not  our  Dear  Lord  send  His  sun  to  shine?  Just  at  the  time  Mr.  Van 
Wyck  was  proclaimed  chief  of  Greater  New  York,  the  sun  came  out  in 
all  its  splendor  to  prove  that  the  Lord  was  with  you  in  this  contest  and 
that  you  had  His  benediction. 

"  Thanking  you  in  advance  and  with  the  assurance  of  our  prayers  and 
the  prayers  of  our  patients,  I  am, 

"  Yours  most  gratefully, 

"  SISTER  MARY  DAVID, 

"  Superintendent." 


430  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

MR.  CHOKER'S  RESPONSE.— CHRISTIAN  CHARITY. 

"  LAKEWOOD,   N.  J.,  December  10,  1897. 
"  DEAR  SISTER  MARY  DAVID  : 

"  I  found  the  enclosed  wallet  here  in  Lakewood.  Evidently  it  belongs 
to  you  and  so  I  return  it.  When  it  came  into  my  possession  it  was 
empty,  but  with  it  there  was  a  kind  letter  full  of  the  most  beautiful  senti 
ments  and  fervent  wishes.  It,  therefore,  would  not  be  just  to  restore  the 
wallet  in  the  impoverished  condition  in  which  it  reached  me,  and  so  I 
have  endeavored  to  show  in  some  degree  my  appreciation  of  its  com 
panion  letter  by  accompanying  it  on  its  return  journey  with  a  green 
check  instead  of  the  green-back  requested. 

"  If  you  and  the  good  Sisters  with  you,  and  your  patients,  will  remem 
ber  me  in  your  prayers  I  will  be  forever  grateful  that  the  '  thin  slim  wal 
let  '  fell  into  my  hands  and  was  restored  to  you. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"  Yours  very  truly, 

"RICHARD  CROKER." 

The  editor  of  the  Union  closes  his  account  of  Mr.  Croker's 
"  fervent  Catholic  faith  "  and  "  charity  "  as  follows : 

"  About  the  first  act  of  Mr.  Croker,  after  his  return  from 
the  South  after  restoration  to  health,  was  to  go  to  Tammany 
Hall,  and  move  that  $20,000  he  given  for  the  relief  of  the 
suffering  poor.  And  much  good  is  being  done  by  this  pious 
and  generous  act  of  charity." 

It  would  be  an  interesting  study,  both  in  ethics  and  mathe 
matics,  to  trace  this  $20,000,  which  was  so  ostentatiously 
voted  by  Tammany  as  a  "  pious  and  generous  act  of  charity," 
to  the  sources  from  which  it  came. 

New  York  is  said  to  be  the  richest  Roman  Catholic  diocese 
in  the  world,  and  large  sums  of  money  are  sent  from  it  to  the 
Pope  and  the  Propaganda  in  Home.  Tammany  and  the  polit 
ical  power  of  the  diocese  being  partners,  the  people  of  the 
metropolis  of  all  political  and  religious  faiths  thus  have 
normal  and  ready  relations  with  the  universal  temporal  and 
spiritual  Sovereign  Pontiff. 


Politico- Ecclesiast leal  Romanism .  431 

Tetzel  sold  indulgences,  Croker  sells  patronage.  Oh,  for 
some  patriotic  political  Luther  among  the  honest  Roman 
Catholics  with  conviction  and  courage  to  nail  the  bulls  of  this 
political  Pope  on  the  doors  of  the  Cathedral  and  on  the  doors 
of  the  hall  of  Tammany. 

As  at  the  corner-stone  laying  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Church 
in  this  city  in  the  spring  of  1898,  the  Pope's  flag  was  placed 
above  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  so  this  relation  of  the  two  ensigns 
would  have  been  entirely  appropriate  at  the  inauguration  of 
the  Mayor  of  New  York  on  January  1,  1898. 

If  the  Pope  lived  in  New  York  to-day,  he  would  not  count 
himself  a  prisoner  confined  within  the  narrow  limits  of  his 
papal  palace,  for  he  would  possess,  under  the  present  munici 
pal  government,  temporal  power,  all  but  absolute,  with  a 
restricted  spiritual  power. 

During  many  years  one  heroic  priest,  Rev.  Thomas  J. 
Ducey,  Rector  of  St.  Leo's  Church,  has  contended  against  the 
iniquities  of  Tammany,  and  "protested  without  ceasing 
against  the  efforts  of  Tammany  Hall  and  its  leaders  to  prosti 
tute  the  foreign-born  citizen  and  the  Catholic  name."  He  has 
also  been  a  most  self-sacrificing  friend  of  the  poor  regardless 
of  their  sectarian  relations,  until  his  once  ample  private  pos 
sessions  have  been  thoroughly  depleted.  These  facts  were 
both  distasteful  and  reproving  to  the  Archbishop,  Tammany's 
best  friend  in  New  York.  His  Grace's  tender  susceptibilities 
were  so  wounded  when  he  saw  his  friends  on  the  rack  of  the 
Lexow  investigation,  that  he  could  not  endure  the  spectacle  of 
that  one  priest  being  present  at  the  investigation,  whose  polit 
ical  independence  was  a  menace  to  evil  doers  and  a  reproof 
to  him  and  his  politico-ecclesiastical  following.  The  Arch 
bishop  wrote  a  letter  to  Father  Ducey,  and  received  a  re 
sponse  which  it  is  to  be  presumed  he  keeps  among  his 
archives,  if  he  does  not  count  it  among  his  treasures. 

Archbishop  Corrigan's  letter  was  dated  from  the  "  Arch 
bishop's  House,  No.  452  Madison  Avenue,  New  York, 


432  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

November  14,  1894."  It  addressed  the  rector  in  the  usual 
way  as  "  Rev.  Dear  Sir,1'  and  opened  with  a  passage  substan 
tially,  if  not  literally,  worded  as  follows: 

"I  have  noticed  with  pain  your  repeated  attendance  at  the 
sessions  of  the  Lexow  investigating  committee. 

"  An  honest  Catholic  layman  would  blush  to  go  to  such  an 
assemblage  as  the  Lexow  investigating  committee  of  his  own 
free  will. 

"  That  you,  a  priest,  should  have  attended  such  sit 
tings  daily,  and  seemed  to  glory  in  so  doing,  was  most  dis- 
edifying." 

Succeeding  the  last  passage  came  a  paragraph  to  this 
effect  : 

"  It  lias  bee'n  rumored  that  you  attended  the  sessions  of  the 
Lexow  committee  as  a  representative  of  the  Holy  See.  The 
Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  has  written  to  me  that  there 
is  no  truth  in  this,  and  has  also  forwarded  to  my  address  a 
copy  of  the  Osservatore  Romano,  in  which  he  caused  it  to  be 
officially  denied  that  the  Rev.  Thomas  Ducey  or  anybody  else 
has  received  such  a  commission." 

The  Archbishop  then  adds: 

"I  would  not  have  allowed  any  other  priest  of  the  diocese 
to  exhibit  such  conduct. 

"  Now  that  the  elections  are  over  I  think  it  my  duty  to 
vindicate  the  sanctity  of  the  priesthood. 

"I  hereby  give  you  canonical  admonition  to  abstain  in 
future  from  going  to  the  sessions  of  the  Lexow  committee 
without  permission  in  writing  from  me. 

"  I  trust  you  will  be  obedient." 

His  ( trace's  message  (which  the  writer  has  seen  and  read) 
was  signed, 

"  Very  faithfully  yours, 

"M.  A.  CORRIGAN,   Abp." 

In  answer  to  this  interesting  document  Father  Ducey  sent 
the  Archbishop  the  following  letter  : 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  433 

"ST.  LEO'S  RECTORY,  No.  18  EAST  TWENTY-NINTH  STREET, 

"NEW  YORK,  November  17,  1894. 
"  Most  Reverend  M.  A.  Corrigan,  Archbishop  of  New  York. 

u  YOUR  EXCELLENCY  :  I  have  received  a  very  straoge  letter 
which  you  deemed  it  necessary  to  send  registered,  in  order,  I 
presume,  that  your  Excellency  might  have  my  receipt  for 
same.  I  am  glad  you  have  my  receipt. 

"I  regret  to  have  received  this  evidence  of  your  Excel 
lency's  want  of  appreciation  of  my  persistent  devotion  and 
sacrifice  in  the  interests  of  truth,  morality,  and  religion.  For 
years  I  have  felt  that  you  should  be,  next  to  the  Holy  Father 
now  reigning,  the  greatest  factor  for  good  in  the  whole 
Catholic  world.  Unfortunately  I  am  forced  to  say  that  here 
in  New  York,  the  greatest  power  in  the  world  for  good  arid 
humanity,  and  the  Catholic  Church,  has  been  thrown  to  the 
winds,  and  we  are  now  reaping  the  whirlwind.  I  am  not  the 
only  man  who  believes  and  thinks  that  the  greatest  oppor 
tunity  Heaven  has  thus  far  given  to  the  Catholic  Church  since 
the  days  of  our  Lord  and  his  apostles  for  good,  has  been 
sacrificed  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Had  the  Church,  through 
churchmen,  openly  acted  with  courage  in  opposing  the  cor 
ruption  and  corruptors  of  this  great  city,  the  Catholic  Church 
would  have  glory  throughout  the  world.  Now,  Dr.  Parkhurst 
has  won  ! 

"  Thank  God,  I  am  able  to  say  that  for  more  than  twenty- 
five  years  I  have,  as  a  Catholic  priest,  protested  without  ceas 
ing  against  the  efforts  of  Tammany  Hall  and  its  leaders  to 
prostitute  the  foreign-born  citizen  and  the  Catholic  name. 
Dr.  Parkhurst  has  had  many  elements  to  encourage  and  sup 
port  him.  I,  unfortunately,  have  had  no  personal  help  or 
organized  society  to  encourage  me,  but  I  have  had  the  con 
sciousness  that  I  wras  meriting  the  blessing  of  God  and 
Catholic  truth  and  morality.  I  have  been  the  one  voice  cry 
ing  in  the  wilderness  of  corruption  to  make  straight  the  ways 
of  the  Lord.  I  rejoice  that  Catholic  truth  has  triumphed.  If 


434  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

all  the  churches  and  churchmen  of  every  denomination  had 
known  their  duty,  and  cried  out  against  the  conditions  over 
turned  on  November  6,  God's  will  would  have  long  since 
been  done  on  the  earth  of  New  York  City. 

"  Now,  let  me  say  to  your  Excellency.  I  deem  it  the  duty 
of  every  good  citizen  to  assist  the  Lexow  committee  and  its 
counsel  in  the  effort  to  purify  the  city  by  removing  the  cess 
pool  of  crime  and  corruption  created  and  fostered  by  the 
corrupt  managers  of  Tammany  Hall.  The  defeat  of  this 
corrupt  power  in  the  city  of  New  York  proves  the  truth  of 
my  view.  I  am  pleased  to  know  that  I  have  been  a  humble 
factor  in  bringing  about  the  result  of  November  6. 

"There  is  nothing  in  my  course  '  now  that  the  elections  are 
over/  as  you  say,  that  calls  for  a  '  vindication  of  the  sanctity  of 
the  priesthood  '  by  you,  so  far  as  my  conduct  is  concerned.  I 
certainly  have,  by  my  course,  up  to  the  day  of  the  election, 
exerted  every  power  to  have  honor  reflected  upon  the  priest 
hood.  The  City  and  the  State  of  New  York  and  the  whole 
country  recognize  that  I  have  not  failed. 

"  I  do  not  know  in  what  way  I  have  exposed  myself  to  re 
ceive  'canonical  admonition,'  and  I  cannot  see  why  I  should 
'  be  commanded  to  abstain  in  future  from  going  to  the  sessions 
of  the  Lexow  Committee  without  permission  in  writing  '  from 
Your  Excellency.  I  have  given  my  word  that  I  would  attend 
the  sessions  of  this  committee  to  its  close,  when  not  prevented 
by  my  duties.  I  know  full  well  that  I  in  no  way  transcend  my 
rights  as  a  priest  by  my  interest  in  the  Lexow  investigation,  and 
the  best  people  of  our  city  think  and  say  that  most  certainly 
I  am  doing  good  work  as  a  citizen  by  exerting  every  power  to 
help  the  Lexow  Committee  to  give  us  good  government  and 
secure  and  safeguard  public  as  well  as  private  morality. 

"  You  say  that  you  would  not  allow  'any  other  priest  of  the 
diocese  to  exhibit  such  conduct.'  If  my  conduct  is  a  bad  ex 
hibit  I  regret  that  you  made  me  an  exception. 

"  I  think  it  is  well  known  to  the  Apostolic  Delegate  and  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  435 

the  Holy  Father  that  I  would  be  the  last  person  in  Your  Ex 
cellency's  diocese  to  place  the  Holy  See  in  a  compromising 
position.  I  trust  you  will  be  pleased  to  learn  that  I  have 
most  carefully  safeguarded  the  Holy  See  in  the  archdiocese 
of  New  York  and  throughout  the  country,  and  I  know  Your 
Excellency  will  be  pained  to  learn  that  I  have  in  my  keeping 
manuscript  evidence  from  the  very  highest  authority  recog 
nizing  that  here  in  the  city  of  New  York  we  have  had  the 
very  front  and  citadel  of  organized  opposition  to  the  action 
and  wishes  of  the  Holy  See. 

"  I  shall  be  greatly  pleased  if  Your  Excellency  will  inform 
me  under  what  canonical  rules  you  forbid  my  presence  at  any 
further  sessions  of  the  Lexow  Committee. 
"  Very  truly  yours, 

"FATHER  DUCEY." 

If  priests  and  laymen  would  follow  the  example  of  Father 
Ducey  and  assert  their  independence  and  sovereignty  as  citi 
zens,  Roman  Catholicism  would  speedily  be  divorced  from 
politico-ecclesiasticisru,  and  its  religious  work  would  command 
the  universal  gratitude  and  commendation  of  mankind. 

When  it  was  first  announced  that  Croker  would  not  allow 
Judge  Joseph  F.  Daly  to  be  renominated  for  the  Supreme 
Court  the  New  York  Herald,  owned  and  edited  by  a  Roman 
Catholic,  said  : 

"  Judge  Daly  is  one  of  the  most  prominent  and  powerful 
Roman  Catholic  laymen  in  the  city.  He  is  a  warm  personal 
friend  of  Archbishop  Corrigan,  and  he  took  a  prominent  part 
in  the  Archbishop's  jubilee,  as  he  is  accustomed  to  do  in  all 
church  affairs.  He  is  president  of  the  Catholic  Club  and  has 
the  support  and  backing  of  a  majority  of  the  wealthy  and  in 
fluential  Catholics  in  New  York  City. 

"  These  elements  are  deeply  incensed  at  the  suggestion  of 
his  retirement,  and  are  said  to  be  ready  to  fight  for  him. 

"  In  other  words,  there  is  a  threat  of  a  contest  at  the  polls 
between  the  Church  influence  and  the  organization.  In  Tam- 


436  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

many  Hall  such  a  contest  would  almost  certainly  rend  the 
machine  from  top  to  bottom. 

"  Judge  Daly's  partisans  are  saying  that  Mr.  Croker  cannot 
safely  ignore  the  influence  of  the  Church  of  which  he  is  a 
member,  and  that  if  he  persists  in  retiring  Judge  Daly  the 
consequences  will  be  disastrous  to  him." 

Here  it  is  again  !  The  strength  of  Judge  Daly's  candidacy 
did  not  consist  in  his  abilities  and  impartiality  as  a  judge,  but 
in  the  facts  that  he  was  a  "  prominent  and  powerful  Roman 
Catholic,"  and  that  he  would  have  "  the  Church  influence." 
Prominent  Roman  Catholic  priests  and  laymen  have  stated  to 
us  that  the  hierarchy  took  a  most  decided  attitude  in  the 
election  against  Judge  Daly  and  iu  favor  of  Croker's  Tam 
many  candidates.  Not  only  was  Daly's  opponent  a  Romanist, 
but  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  could  not  afford  to  divide 
their  vote  and  court  defeat.  The  returns  proved  that  the 
Roman  Catholic  vote  was  not  divided. 

One  hundred  and  thirty-five  thousand  Tammany  votes  in 
November,  1896,  meant  simply  the  necessity,  under  instruc 
tion,  of  solidarity  as  a  discipline  for  the  coming  successful 
contest  for  the  control  of  the  money  and  machinery  of  the 
Western  Metropolis. 

Tammany  Hall  has  no  power,  unless  by  either  ecclesiastical 
command  or  consent  it  can  mass  on  sectarian  grounds  substan 
tially  the  entire  Roman  Catholic  vote. 

Newspaper  estimates  of  the  political  forces  working  with 
Tammany  Hall  take  into  account  Bryanism  and  Crokerism, 
and  bossism  and  combinations  with  the  so-called  machine  poli 
ticians  of  different  parties  and  factions,  but  steer  clear  of 
naming  the  one  force  which  can  mass  a  sectarian  vote,  which 
readily  can  draw  to  its  conquering  legions  a  host  of  men  who 
realize  that  profit  and  preferment  come  with  majorities,  and 
that  the  party  which  enters  the  canvass  with  over  one  hun 
dred  thousand  votes  which  cannot  be  diverted  by  any  argu 
ment,  is  more  liable  to  win  than  the  party  in  which  the  slow 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  437 

process  of  convincing  and  counting  every  individual  sovereign 
must  obtain.  On  this  ground  alone  many  who  mean  to  be 
candid,  but  who  have  a  natural  ambition  for  preferment  in 
different  departments  of  human  endeavor,  enter  Tammany 
Hall  as  their  only  hope  for  public  advancement. 

This  enforced  solidarity  pays  but  a  moiety  of  the  taxes,  but 
determines  the  policy  which  levies  the  taxes  upon  others. 

Croker,  in  his  relations  to  disobedient  or  refractory  Tam 
many  men,  treats  them  as  the  hierarchy  treats  its  recalci 
trants — sends  them  into  retreat  for  a  period  of  humiliation 
and  repentance.  The  experiences  of  Senator  Grady  and  Sen 
ator  Cantor  and  ex-Lieutenant  Governor  William  F.  Sheehan 
and  his  brother  John  C.  Sheehau,  whom  Croker  left  for  a 
little  time  in  charge  of  his  minions  while  he  went  to  England 
to  look  after  his  horses,  furnish  illustrations  as  subjects  of 
politico-ecclesiastical  penalties. 

The  system  of  terrorism  practiced  by  Tammany  Romanism 
is  something  almost  beyond  belief.  It  makes  cowards  of 
otherwise  respectable  men.  Many  persons  connected  with 
different  departments  of  the  municipal  government,  who  have 
thought  it  to  be  their  duty  to  state  to  us  facts  concerning 
iniquities  which  have  been  forced  upon  their  attention,  have 
afterward  been  so  intimidated  that  they  have  come  to  us  with 
the  most  humiliating  pleas  that  the  incriminating  facts  which 
they  have  placed  in  our  possession  should  not  be  published, 
because  they  and  their  families  would  be  punished  and  be  made 
to  suffer.  Honest  citizens  cannot  render  honest  service  for 
their  fellow-citizens  without  suppressing  their  convictions,  or 
without  becoming  particeps  criminis  by  ignoring  or  concealing 
dishonesty  and  crimes. 

In  the  Tammany  Roman  Catholic  rule,  if  an  office-holder  of 
their  own  faith  ever  asserts  his  own  independence  of  charac 
ter  and  declines  to  accept  the  dictation  of  the  boss  in  making 
the  appointments  at  his  disposal,  the  screws  of  the  political 
inquisition  are  put  upon  him,  and,  if  he  holds  an  elective 


438  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

office,  when  the  time  comes  for  a  renoinmation  for  his  office, 
he  is  mercilessly  dropped,  no  matter  what  his  merits.  A 
notable  illustration  of  this  Spanish  boss  method  in  Tammany 
liomanism  is  found  in  the  case  of  Justice  Joseph  F.  Daly  of 
the  Supreme  Court  in  New  York.  Judge  Daly  was  one  of 
the  most  satisfactory  judges  in  the  State,  trusted  and  honored 
by  all  honest  members  of  the  bar.  He  was  president  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  Club  of  New  York.  But  he  had,  when  last 
elected,  declined  to  submit  to  Croker's  dictation  in  making 
certain  court  appointments,  and  the  boss  issued  the  edict  of 
political  damnation. 

When  the  reform  administration  came  into  office  the  patron 
age  of  the  Department  of  Charities  and  Corrections  as  it 
existed  on  January  1,  1898 — this  department  having  super 
vision  of  all  criminals,  prisoners,  workhouses,  insane  asylums, 
hospitals,  and  almshouses — was  under  the  control  of  the 
.Roman  Catholic  Church  authorities,  and  the  great  majority  of 
the  employees  of  these  departments  were  Irish  Catholics.  In 
one  division  of  the  department  where  there  were  in  the  year 
1895  about  90  employees,  2  only  were  non-Catholic,  while 
two  years  later  in  the  same  division,  in  1898,  there  were 
about  126  employees,  6  or  7  of  whom  only  were  non- 
Catholic.  This  condition  was  made  possible  by  the  constant 
supervision  of  the  departments  ;  so  that  the  authorities  of  the 
Church  were  promptly  notified  of  possible  vacancies,  and  they 
immediately  presented  a  candidate  for  the  vacant  position. 
In  the  almshouse  during  this  period,  according  to  the  records 
of  the  nativity  and  creed  of  inmates,  there  were  about  72 
per  cent,  of  foreign  birth,  about  00?  per  cent,  Roman 
Catholic,  and  about  50  per  cent.  Irish-born  Roman  Catholics. 

Because  of  the  honest  performance  of  his  duties  as  he  under 
stood  them,  irrespective  of  politics  or  creed,  one  of  the  officials 
of  the  department  under  Mayor  Strong's  administration  was 
subjected  to  much  abuse  by  anonymous  letters  and  threatening 
language.  Certain  statements,  letters,  and  other  documents 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  439 

were  placed  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  Commissioners  charg 
ing  the  official  with  harshness  toward  the  Roman  Catholic 
employees  of  his  division,  the  charges  being  made  by  one 
Father  Murray,  who  was  in  close  official  relations  with  Arch 
bishop  Corrigan,  and  prominently  identified  with  the  League 
of  the  Sacred  Heart.  The  Commissioner  and  the  official  thus 
charged  visited  the  priest  at  his  apartments  adjoining  the 
Cathedral,  where  the  matter  was  discussed.  The  documents 
and  statements  were  repudiated  by  the  official,  who  succeeded 
in  convincing  both  the  priest  and  the  Commissioner  that  the 
statements  and  charges  therein  contained  were  untrue.  Thus 
the  reform  administration  had  to  account  for  its  conduct  to 
the  ecclesiastical  Tammany  head. 

But  Mayor  Strong  had  repeatedly  said  he  appointed  Com 
missioner  O'Bierne  to  represent  the  Roman  Catholics  in  the 
Board  of  Charities,  and  the  Commissioner  loyally  reported  to 
his  master  on  Madison  Avenue,  and  not  at  the  City  Hall. 

The  Convent  of  Mercy  at  East  Eighty-first  Street  supplies 
most  of  the  attendants,  nurses,  and  helpers  to  the  institutions 
on  Randall's  Island.  The  recommendations  of  the  Mother 
Superior  of  this  institution  are  the  basis  upon  which  most  of 
these  appointments  are  made.  These  recommendations  usually 
have  a  cross  at  the  top  marked  with  a  pen  thus,  x,  and  this 
is  meant  to  signify  that  the  bearer  is  a  Roman  Catholic  and 
that  the  appointment  is  greatly  desired.  Recommendations 
not  having  such  mark  are  not  thought  to  be  worthy  of  serious 
consideration. 

Among  the  inmates  of  the  Almshouse  and  Hospital  for  the 
Incurable  supported  by  the  city  were  found  many  well-to-do 
persons,  who  were  members  of  Roman  Catholic  families,  and 
some  of  them  were  parents  or  relatives  of  influential  Tammany 
office-holders;  others  boasted  of  their  membership  in  Tammany 
Hall  committees,  while  one  had  formerly  been  the  official 
architect  for  the  department.  Another  boasted  that  he  was  a 
member  of  the  Divver  Club,  and  as  he  was  most  migratory  in 


440  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

his  habits,  having  been  admitted  and  readmitted  a  great  num 
ber  of  times  during  the  past  nineteen  years  in  the  Almshouse,  it 
was  evident  that  he  was  there  to  arrange  the  matter  of  secur 
ing  lodging  places  for  the  inmates  outside  about  election  time, 
so  that  they  could  be  voted  for  Tammany. 

The  newspaper  and  other  reports  show  that  great  numbers 
of  this  class  of  inmates  were  discharged  and  read  mission  re 
fused  them  during  the  reform  administration,  thus  effecting 
considerable  saving  to  the  city. 

One  inmate  claimed  to  be  the  wife  of  a  prominent  city  offi 
cial  high  in  the  councils  of  Tammany. 

Under  the  previous  Tammany  administration  the  first  ques 
tion  put  to  an  applicant  for  position  was  :  "  Are  you  a  Roman 
Catholic  ? " 

It  was  repeatedly  stated  by  one  of  the  officers  connected  with 
the  workhouse  that  anyone  who  was  not  a  Roman  Catholic, 
or  anyone  who  voted  for  Strong,  was  a  traitor  and  should 
have  no  place  on  the  Islands. 

When  Tammany  was  restored  to  power  in  1898  John  W. 
Keller  was  appointed  Commissioner  of  Charities  by  Croker, 
despite  the  fact  that  Thomas  J.  Mulry,  connected  with 
the  Roman  Catholic  Protectory,  with  many  Catholic  Chari 
ties,  and  with  the  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  Society,  was  a  promi 
nent  candidate  for  appointment  to  that  position,  indorsed  by 
the  Church  authorities. 

When  Croker  declined  to  appoint  Mulry  then  the  Church 
authorities  made  a  great  effort  to  secure  his  appointment  on 
the  State  Board  of  Charities.  Not  able  to  secure  this  ap 
pointment  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Democrat  by  a  Republican 
Governor,  a  feast  was  held  in  the  City  of  New  York,  at 
which  a  Roman  Catholic  Republican  was  discovered  and  his 
appointment  was  secured. 

When  Tammany  came  into  power  in  1 898  it  found  a  com 
pany  of  self-sacrificing  Protestant  women,  giving  time  and 
money  and  kindly  unsectarian  Christian  ministrations  for  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  JRomamsm.  441 

benefit  of  the  unfortunate  prisoners  in  the  Tombs  City 
Prison.  The  new  Tammany  Roman  Catholic  warden  imme 
diately  excluded  these  women  from  the  women's  ward  of  the 
prison,  requiring  them  to  hold  all  their  communications  and 
intercourse  with  these  poor  creatures  through  the  bars  of  the 
prison  doors.  The  warden,  however,  always  admitted  to  the 
women's  ward  all  women  visitors  dressed  in  the  garb  of 
the  Sisters  of  Charity. 

We  are  informed  by  an  official  that  Mr.  McCartney,  the 
Commissioner  of  Street  Cleaning,  issued  a  verbal  order  that 
on  pay  day  in  his  department,  Sisters  of  Charity  only  are  to 
be  permitted  to  be  present  to  collect  money  from  the  men 
when  they  are  paid  off. 

Just  before  elections — municipal,  State,  and  national — are 
to  take  place  the  tramps  and  worthless  wretches  are  gathered 
in  from  the  benches  of  City  Hall  Park  and  Madison  and 
Washington  Squares,  and  from  the  alrnshouses  and  other  Tam 
many  hotels,  and  given  lodgings  at  cheap  places  until  after 
election,  and  then  they  return  to  their  country-seats,  with  the 
noble  consciousness  of  having  done  their  duty  as  sovereigns 
in  placing  the  property  of  the  taxpayers  in  the  hands  of 
Tammany. 

Romanists  use  the  courts  to  keep  their  institutions  of 
charity  and  correction  filled  and  then  make  their  demands 
upon  State  and  municipal  treasuries  for  the  money  to  sup 
port  them,  and  they  have  uniformly  secured  it  under  the 
political  control  of  both  parties,  because  of  the  fear  of  their 
solid  voting  power. 

Preceding  the  State  election  in  New  York  State  in  the 
autumn  of  1898  men  were  appointed  as  workmen  and 
placed  on  the  pay-roll  between  August  1  and  October  16, 
who  were  pensioners  on  the  Department  of  Charities  in  the 
City  of  New  York  and  who  were  inmates  of  the  alrnshouses 
and  other  institutions  in  this  department.  The  salary  of 
these  men  was  fixed  at  sixty  dollars  a  year  and  upward,  and 


442  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

they  were  registered  as  voters,  but  continued  to  be  inmates  of 
the  institutions.  The  law  prescribes  that  an  inmate  of  these 
institutions  supported  either  wholly  or  in  part  by  the  State 
neither  gains  nor  loses  a  residence.  These  men  by  law  were 
obliged  to  work  if  they  were  able,  while  they  were  supported 
by  the  State,  but  then,  if  the  law  was  complied  with,  they 
could  not  vote. 

Forty- two  men  registered  from  the  Municipal  Lodging 
House,  where  men  can  only  lodge  at  most  for  three  nights, 
when  they  are  sent  to  some  charitable  or  penal  institution. 
Ninety  men  illegally  registered  from  Belle vue  Hospital. 

Many  of  the  city  magistrates,  appointed  under  a  reform 
administration,  were  afraid  in  this  election  of  1898  to  per 
form  their  duties  and  help  enforce  the  election  laws  when 
illegally  registered  men  were  brought  before  them,  because 
they  feared  Tammany  might  carry  the  State,  and  in  that  case 
they  would  be  legislated  out  of  office. 

While  Tammany  papers  and  politicians  assault  monopolies 
and  combinations  of  capital  for  the  purpose  of  breeding  dis 
content  among  their  following,  expecting  that  this  discontent 
wrill  prove  a  cohesive  power  to  hold  them  together,  the 
leaders  profit  from  street-railroad,  gas,  and  contract  monopo 
lies.  Many  Tammany  office-holders,  taking  advance  informa 
tion  from  their  chiefs,  invested  their  money,  supposedly  se 
cured  by  the  sweat  of  their  brows  in  the  service  of  the  city, 
in  Manhattan  and  Metropolitan  Railway  stocks  in  1898, 
when  the  war  scare  of  February  24  annihilated  their  invest 
ments.  Like  other  speculators  and  investors  they  would 
have  commanded  public  sympathy,  but  for  the  fact  that  the 
city  treasury  was  still  accessible. 

The  New  York  Journal,  January  21,  1899,  says: 

"  The  Tammany  Hall  clique  embraces  Richard  Croker, 
John  F.  Carroll,  c  P]d '  Kearney,  John  1).  Crimmins,  John 
Scannell,  'Tim'  Sullivan,  'Tom7  Dunn,  and  'Jimmy' 
Martin.  These  men  are  known  to  have  made  in  the  aggre- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  443 

gate  over  five  millioii  dollars  out  of  their  operations  in  Man 
hattan,  Metropolitan,  the  lighting  companies,  the  Brooklyn 
trolleys,  and  compressed  air — all  the  stocks  affected  by  munic 
ipal  action." 

The  Evening  Telegram  in  July,  1898,  fairly  stated  the  facts 
concerning  the  importance  and  control  of  the  Police  Depart 
ment  : 

"  The  Board  is  still  firmly  in  the  grasp  of  Tammany,  while 
the  appointment  of  Devery  as  Chief  puts  the  force  under 
Tammany  control  as  completely  as  it  was  in  the  halcyon  days 
of  the  Wigwam. 

"  Could  anything  signalize  more  conspicuously  the  return  of 
the  braves  to  their  old  hunting  grounds  than  the  evolution 
of  the  new  Chief  from  the  captain  pursued  by  Parkhurst, 
prosecuted  by  the  Society  for  the  Prevention  of  Vice,  hunted 
by  the  Lexow  detectives,  denounced  by  the  Roosevelt 
reformers,  widely  charged  with  police  dereliction,  and  after 
all  rewarded  for  his  loyalty  to  Tammany  and  devotion  to 
Croker  by  elevation  to  the  very  head  of  the  force  ? 

"  In  no  other  branch  of  the  municipal  service  does  control 
mean  so  much.  On  it  depends  whether  the  police  force  shall 
be  corrupt  and  inefficient  or  honest  and  efficient,  whether 
servility  to  politicians  or  loyalty  to  the  public  shall  prevail, 
whether  crime  shall  be  protected  or  punished — in  short, 
whether  New  York  shall  be  an  orderly,  well-policed  metrop 
olis  or  a  city  in  which  full  license  is  given  to  the  worst 
elements." 

In  the  police  department  under  Tammany  decent  and  true 
men,  and  there  are  hundreds  of  them,  are  humiliatingly  used 
to  suit  the  political  vagaries  and  necessities  of  their  masters. 
They  must  be  blind  to  law-breaking  as  a  rule,  and  then,  when 
protected  vice  gets  so  unblushing  as  to  become  a  public 
scandal,  or  an  election  places  a  Governor  and  Legislature 
in  power  that  may  curb,  expose,  and  punish  iniquity,  they 
are  compelled  to  violently  suppress  practices  which  they 


444  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

have  before  protected,  ami  drag  to  prison  characters  who 
supposed  themselves  privileged  as  the  constituents  of  a  boss 
whom  they  had  helped  enthrone  in  power.  Tammany  makes 
the  police  force  a  political  machine.  While  Colonel  Waring 
put  "  a  man  instead  of  a  voter  behind  every  broom,"  Tam 
many  aims  to  put  a  voter  instead  of  a  man  behind  every 
policeman's  club  and  street-cleaner's  broom.  The  Tammany 
boss  and  district  leaders  control  the  police  department  both 
in  its  discipline  and  appointments,  and  is  therefore  respon 
sible  for  its  derelictions  and  demoralization. 

Tammany,  on  return  to  power,  was  not  content  until  every 
Roman  Catholic  Tammany  police  officer  smirched  by  the 
Lexow  investigation  had  been  returned  to  place  and  promo 
tion.  Proven  rascality  in  office  seemed  to  be  a  sure  title 
to  reward.  She  also  punished  the  officers  who  under  oath 
had  told  the  truth  about  her  iniquities. 

As  late  as  January  16,  1899,  Hon.  Frank  Moss,  former 
President  of  the  Police  Board  and  a  man  whose  ability  and 
fairness  decent  citizens  respect,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Roose 
velt,  said  : 

"Respected  Sir:  It  is  generally  known  that  the  police  de 
partment  of  our  city  is  in  a  deplorable  situation,  and  that  the 
city  itself  is  in  an  outrageous  condition  of  immorality.  Some 
of  those  who  are  powerful  in  the  affairs  of  the  department  are 
openly  and  conspicuously  interested  in  law-breaking  enter 
prises,  the  morale  and  discipline  of  the  force  are  steadily  retro 
grading,  and  those  members  of  it  who  have  been  conspicuous 
for  decency  are  discriminated  against  most  severely. 

"The  notorious  officers  now  controlling  it  do  not  conceal 
the  fact  that  they  are  making  it  serve  the  purposes  of  the 
Tammany  organization.  In  my  judgment  the  condition  grows 
worse  steadily." 

A  party  without  a  single  moral  or  political  principle  is  em 
bodied  in  Tammany.  It  is  simply  and  unblushingly  a  conspir 
acy  for  plunder  and  office,  and  its  solidarity  is  maintained  by 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  445 

the  cohesive  power  of  ecclesiastical  domination  over  faith, 
morals,  and  political  affiliations. 

It  demoralizes  men  of  otherwise  high  character  in  the  legal 
and  other  professions  who  have  honorable  ambitions  for  pro 
motion,  by  obliging  them  to  be  affiliated  with  the  lowest  and 
most  disreputable  political  elements  and  submit  to  the  arbi 
trary  despotism  of  an  imperious  boss  as  the  price  of  their 
promotion. 

In  October,  1898,  after  Tammany  had  been  in  power  about 
ten  months,  and  just  preceding  a  State  election,  there  appeared 
in  Harper's  Weekly  an  article  by  Franklin  Matthews,  entitled 
u  Wide-open  New  York.  What  renewed  Croker  government 
means,  and  what  is  to  be  expected."  The  facts  stated  by  the 
writer  were  so  patent,  and  the  people  throughout  the  State 
so  thoroughly  believed  them,  that  they  had  a  very  important, 
if  not  a  decisive  effect  in  defeating  the  Croker  State  ticket, 
despite  the  fact  that  he  held  his  forces  together  in  the  city 
with  marvelous  solidarity — a  solidarity  only  possible  when 
ecclesiastical  and  political  power  are  in  alliance.  The  indict 
ment  drawn  up  by  Mr.  Matthews  was  simply  terrific,  not  only 
against  Tammanyism  as  an  institution,  but  against  individual 
offenders  against  law  and  decency.  The  chief  individual 
offenders  named  were  Roman  Catholics.  The  article  closes 
thus : 

"  This  is  what  Tammany  has  done  in  ten  months.  Around 
and  through  and  over  and  under  its  administration  runs  a 
branching  trail  of  vice,  corruption,  filth,  and  extortion.  The 
trail  leads  straight  up  to  Tammany  Hall,  as  straight  and  as 
unerringly  as  the  magnetic  needle  points  toward  the  pole. 
There  is  no  other  place  for  it  to  go.  Along  its  course  the 
money-chariot,  bearing  tribute,  rolls.  It  leaves  in  its  wake  a 
debauched  police  force,  and  hundreds,  yes,  thousands  of  young 
lives — men  and  women — the  '  come-ons  '  in  vice,  the  fresh  sup 
ply  without  which  the  system  of  plunder  could  not  exist. 
What  cares  Tammany  for  police  discipline,  what  cares  Tarn- 


446  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

many  for  the  lives  that  are  being  ruined  and  the  thousands 
that  are  yet  to  be  ruined,  so  long  as  blood-money  and  tribute 
roll  in  for  distribution  in  political  work  or  for  personal  en 
richment  ? 

"Tammany  has  set  its  eyes  on  the  plunder  of  the  State  cap 
ital.  There  are  saloons  all  over  the  State.  State  gambling 
privileges  should  be  worth  something.  Votes  are  to  be  con 
trolled  by  contracts,  and  money  is  to  be  gathered  in  by  scores 
of  ways." 

On  January  18,  1899,  Father  Doyle  of  the  Paulist  Fathers, 
in  a  temperance  sermon  to  men,  said  : 

"  There  is  not  a  doubt  that  the  saloon  as  it  exists  here  and 
now  in  this  city  is  responsible  in  a  great  measure  for  the  de 
struction  of  civic  honor  as  well  as  for  the  debasement  of  home 
and  virtue.  Whatever  the  reason  may  be,  I  know  that  never 
has  such  a  viciousness  grouped  itself  about  the  saloons  before 
as  now  surrounds  them  in  this  city. 

"  The  vilest  places  are  flourishing  right  under  the  eyes  of 
the  police,  and  if  they  do  not  know  of  them  it  is  because  they 
are  so  derelict  in  their  duty  as  to  overlook  what  ordinary  citi 
zens  see  without  half  trying.  Not  a  hundred  miles  from 
where  I  stand  there  are  criminal  violations  of  the  laws  and 
debaucheries  which  I  dare  not  name  in  this  sacred  place,  which 
a  vigilant  official  might  easily  suppress." 

The  dives  are  under  perfect  control — that  is,  they  pay  their 
regular  tribute  for  protection  and  thus  become  a  systematic 
part  of  the  Roman  Catholic  government. 

The  Church  authorities  never  repudiate  receipts  from  these 
disreputable  sources,  but  gladly  absorb  them  and  grant  par 
don  and  indulgence  to  the  wretches  who  contribute  of  their 
ill-gotten  gains. 

The  Tribune  of  December  19,  1898,  speaking  of  the  Board 
of  Aldermen  under  the  present  Tammany  Roman  combina 
tion  government,  says  : 

u  There  are  a  good  many  amusing  things  about  the  govern- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  447 

ment  of  the  city  of  New  York,  but  they  are  only  amusing  if 
one  can  forget  the  side  of  them  that  is  exasperating.  The 
taxpayer  is  the  man  least  likely  to  appreciate  the  humor  of 
the  municipal  administration. 

"  The  Board  of  Aldermen  has  always  been  an  interesting 
body  for  a  variety  of  reasons,  but  it  has  seldom  been  so  amus 
ing  as  it  is  at  present.  The  very  large  proportion  of  Tam 
many  members  is  responsible  for  this  circumstance.  Tammany 
office-holders  do  not  intend  to  be  amusing,  and  therefore  they 
are.  They  are  amusing,  in  the  first  place,  in  appearance. 
Most  of  them  are  Irish.  A  good  many  of  them  are  German. 
Here  are  some  of  their  names :  Byrne,  Geagan,  Dooley, 
Keegan,  McGrath,  Dunn,  Hennessy,  Geiser,  Hoddy,  Keahon, 
Schneider,  Cronin,  Gaffney,  McEneaney,  Flinn,  McKeever. 
These  be  the  rulers  of  the  American  metropolis.  If  the  vis 
itor  to  the  City  Hall  could  forget  where  he  was  he  might 
easily  be  induced  to  believe  that  he  was  attending  a  brewers' 
convention  or  a  meeting  of  the  Universal  Barkeepers'  Associ 
ation.  There  is  a  profusion  of  eighteen-inch  necks,  five-foot 
waists,  Bowery  mustaches,  and  crimson  noses.  There  is,  how 
ever,  such  a  conglomeration  of  various  sorts  of  English  as  can 
rarely  be  heard  in  any  one  place. 

"  Parliamentary  procedure  in  the  Board  of  Aldermen  is  a 
thing  to  roar  at  one  moment  and  shed  tears  over  the  next. 
Tammany  rides  roughshod  over  anything  that's  an ti -Tam 
many.  '  To  hell  with  reform ! '  was  Tammany's  campaign 
slogan,  and  now  that  the  victors  are  in  the  full  enjoyment  of 
the  spoils,  the  reformers  are  consigned  along  with  reform." 

Again,  on  February  2,  1899,  in  an  article  on  the  Tammany 
New  York  City  administration,  the  New  York  Tribune 
says : 

"  In  every  department  of  the  city  government  places  have 
been  made  for  Tammany  adherents  who  are  entirely  unfit  for 
public  office  and  have  been  appointed  to  places  with  large 
salaries  solely  for  political  reasons.  The  number  of  employees 


448  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

has  been  increased  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  create  salaries 
for  loafers  who  are  useful  in  carrying  Tammany  primaries  and 
keeping  the  district  leaders  in  power.  The  increased  burden 
to  the  city  by  such  appointments  and  by  wholly  unnecessary 
increases  of  salaries  will  amount  this  year  to  about  one  million 
dollars." 

After  the  heads  of  departments  in  the  New  York  City  gov 
ernment  had  been  appointed  and  the  Board  of  Estimate  and 
Apportionment  held  its  meetings  to  provide  for  the  expendi 
tures  in  the  different  departments,  so  thoroughly  were  these 
men  aware  that  they  were  the  creatures  of  a  boss  that  they 
permitted  themselves  to  be  insulted  and  abused  by  the  boss- 
owned  Mayor,  who  scolded  like  a  virago  at  almost  every 
meeting  of  the  Board,  and  pronounced  judgment  before  votes 
were  taken,  and  no  slave  ventured  to  make  a  protest  because 
he  knew  that  the  slave-driver's  tongue  wagged  at  the  will  of 
the  master  who  created  and  controlled  him. 

Tammany's  attack  on  the  schools  is  a  part  of  the  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanist  programme  to  discredit  them  and  thus 
give  excuse  for  the  extension  and  support  at  the  public  ex 
pense  of  parochial  schools.  Mayors  Grace  and  Gilroy  at 
tempted  to  place,  and  largely  succeeded  in  placing,  the  public 
schools  under  Roman  Catholic  control  for  sectarian  and  politi 
cal  purposes.  One  of  Mayor  Van  Wyck's  chief  inspirations 
for  the  exhibition  of  his  irritable  and  unmanly  temper  has 
been  the  improved  condition  of  the  public  schools  under  his 
predecessor,  and  his  inability  to  secure  Albany  legislation  to 
enable  him  to  Romanize  them.  His  first  opportunities  for  ap 
pointment  of  School  Commissioners  have  been  used  to  place 
men  over  the  schools  who  are  subservient  to  Rome,  and  who 
are  reactionary  in  their  views  and  methods. 

Public  sentiment  goaded  the  Mayor  until  he  hysterically 
made  a  great  show  of  friendliness  for  the  public  schools,  and 
even  posed  as  an  expert  in  their  management,  not,  however, 
until  the  time  arrived  when  he  was  able  under  the  law  to 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  449 

change  the  composition  and  character  of  the  Board  of 
School  Commissioners. 

An  eminent  citizen  of  the  borough  of  Brooklyn,  New  York 
City,  on  January  27,  1899,  wrote  as  follows: 

"  About  June  1  Mayor  Van  Wyck  will  name  fifteen  mem 
bers  of  the  Board  of  Education  for  Brooklyn.  Of  the  fifteen 
named  last  June  eleven  were  Romanists.  He  turned  out  long 
experienced  and  able  members  in  order  to  make  place  for 
the  eleven  Romanists.  There  was  a  howl  of  indignation, 
but  of  course  it  amounted  to  nothing,  as  his  appointments 
were  made.  He  may  be  planning  for  the  same  end  in 
his  next  appointments.  Can  anything  be  done  to  avert 
this  calamity?  Our  teachers  are  being  appointed  largely 
from  the  Romish  Church,  and  the  aggression  of  that  church 
is  unceasing." 

On  December  30,  1898,  School  Commissioner  Jacob  W. 
Mack  was  reported  in  the  daily  papers  as  saying,  concern 
ing  the  reappointment  of  two  former  Roman  Catholic 
Commissioners : 

"  The  destiny  of  the  schools  in  a  vital  measure  depends  on 
the  new  members  who  are  to  come  in.  If  they  are  such  men 
as  Mr.  O'Brien  and  Mr.  Moriarty  I  would  not  care  to  make  a 
prediction  as  to  the  future.  These  two  members  have  proved 
most  offensive,  even  in  the  short  time  they  have  been  con 
nected  with  the  Board  since  their  appointment.  They  were 
put  in  only  for  political  purposes  and  ends,  and  they  are  doing 
that  for  which  they  were  appointed." 

When  interviewed  concerning  the  indignant  response  of 
Commissioners  O'Brien  and  Moriarty  to  his  strictures,  Mr. 
Mack  replied : 

"  I  meant  all  I  said.  I  think  the  fate  of  the  schools  is  very 
dubious  if  such  ignorant,  illiterate  men  as  Mr.  Moriarty  are 
to  have  the  conduct  of  them.  There  was  one  error  in  the 
way  I  was  quoted.  I  said  that  these  men  who  had  been 
reappointed  by  the  Mayor  had,  when  in  the  Board  before, 


450  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

been  its  most  offensive  element,  not  that  they  had  proved 
offensive  now,  as  they  had  not  yet  had  time. 

"  The  Mayor  has  shown  what  lie  wants.  lie  has  announced 
publicly,  privately,  and  in  the  press  that  what  he  would  choose 
to  do  is  to  take  all  the  Board  members  and  throw  them  out. 
Then  he  would  give  a  system  of  the  three  'R1s.'  These  he 
has  given  us  already  in  Moriarty  and  O'Brien,  whose  names 
contain  the  traditional  '  three  R's.'  That  is  enough  for  the 
Mayor,  as  it  is  as  much  as  he  knows." 

The  reference  of  Mr.  Mack  to  the  classical  Roman  allitera 
tion  of  "  R.  R.  R."  would  indicate  that  his  experience  in  the 
Board  of  Education  had  convinced  him  that  the  classics  of 
the  present  New  York  school  system  were  dictated  by  modern 
and  not  ancient  Rome. 

That  some  cultured  and  candid  Roman  Catholics  are  humili 
ated  by  the  dominance  of  Crokerism,  while  they  seem  to  be 
unwilling  to  recognize  the  sole  source  of  its  power,  is  proven 
by  the  fact  that  Mr.  John  Brisben  Walker,  editor  and  propri 
etor  of  the  Cosmopolitan,  himself  a  Roman  Catholic,  on  No 
vember  19,  1898,  issued  through  the  press  of  New  York  City 
an  appeal  summoning  "Democrats"  to  rise  and  overthrow 
Richard  Croker.  The  appeal  says : 

"Notwithstanding  the  protest  by  the  votes  of  dissatisfied 
Democrats  at  the  late  election,  there  is  no  sign  of  weakening 
in  the  power  of  Richard  Croker.  The  immense  sums  which 
are  being  extracted  from  the  community  on  various  pretenses 
give  him  an  unlimited  corruption  fund  and  enable  him  to 
grasp  the  levers  of  his  political  machinery  with  a  hold  from 
which  no  power  within  the  organization  can  remove  him. 

"  I  have  hesitated  long  before  being  willing  to  enter  person 
ally  upon  the  arduous  struggle  which  a  conflict  with  Croker 
ism  involves.  But  there  must  be  a  beginning.  Someone  must 
initiate  opposition  to  usurpation. 

"  To  enter  upon  the  task  of  pulling  down  Crokerism  means 
a  long  fight.  Success  will  not  come  in  a  day  or  a  month. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Rom anism.  451 

The  work  will  be  resolutely  carried  on  until,  in  the  opportune 
moment,  Democracy  will  be  rescued  from  its  worst  foes. 

"  Given  over  absolutely  to  Crokerism,  the  City  and  State 
of  New  York  will  eventually  be  bankrupted.  Reputable 
business  men  are  to-day  being  forced  to  submit  to  levies,  direct 
or  indirect,  in  order  to  carry  on  their  affairs,  without  obnoxious 
interference.  The  poor,  through  the  medium  of  rents  and 
injury  to  the  business  under  which  they  are  now  receiving  em 
ployment,  will  equally  become  the  victims  of  such  a  system. 

"  Men  who  have  at  heart  the  good  of  their  communities  ; 
who  seek  to  protect  themselves  and  their  fellow-citizens 
against  aggression  ;  who  desire  the  advancement  of  the  cause 
of  labor;  who  would  have  the  courts  elevated  beyond  the 
dangers  of  prostitution,  must  pause  now  and  consider  in  what 
direction  Crokerism  is  carrying  them.  If  they  believe  with 
the  ideas  here  advanced,  they  owe  it  to  themselves  to  give 
active  support  to  this  movement  for  a  return  to  the  true 
ideals  of  Democracy." 

No  man  has  ever  ventured  to  suggest  that  Mayor  Van 
Wyck  had  anything  to  say  about  the  men  he  was  to  appoint 
to  the  large  number  of  lucrative  offices  within  the  gift  of 
the  Mayor  of  Greater  New  York.  Soon  after  the  municipal 
election  of  1897  Mr.  Croker  made  his  headquarters  at  Lake- 
wood,  N.  J.  Office-seekers  by  the  hundred  made  their  pil 
grimage  to  this  politico-ecclesiastical-Rornan-Catholic-Tammany 
Mecca,  and  the  Mayor-elect  presented  himself  at  Croker's 
hotel;  his  Honor  being  apparently  delighted  at  this  sub 
servient  humiliation  in  the  presence  of  that  conclave  of 
patriots.  Whenever  Croker  spent  a  Sunday  at  Lakewood 
the  papers  advertised  the  fact  that  he  and  the  men  whom  he 
afterward  appointed  to  office  attended  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  while  the  Mayor-elect  Van  Wyck,  in  the  interests  of 
religious  toleration,  attended  the  Episcopal  Church,  and  thus 
proved  the  unsectarian  character  of  an  absolutely  Roman 
Catholic  administration  about  to  be  inaugurated. 


452  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Here  Croker  on  week-days  and  Sundays  tyrannically  doled 
out  the  offices  at  his  own  sweet  will,  and  the  press  never  so 
much  as  hinted  at  Van  Wyck  having  anything  to  say  con 
cerning  the  distribution  of  political  spoils.  We  are  informed 
that  he  was  not  even  permitted  to  reward  ex-Mayor  Grant, 
who  conducted  his  campaign,  by  appointing  a  single  man  to 
an  office  of  his  nomination.  For  the  confidential  office  of 
private  secretary  to  the  Mayor,  Croker  selected  a  man  trained 
in  the  school  of  the  Jesuits. 

Usually  when  Croker  has  appointed  a  man  to  office  who  is 
not  a  Romanist,  and  this  number  is  very  small,  he  has  placed 
by  his  side  a  Jesuit  sentinel  in  the  person  of  a  secretary  or 
assistant. 

When  Tammany  had  been  installed  a  few  months  in  power, 
on  April  23,  1898,  Croker  went  back  to  England,  but  he  con 
siderately  left  the  Mayor  and  the  officers  of  the  metropolis  in 
charge  of  a  Roman  Catholic  triumvirate  consisting  of  John  F. 
Carroll,  Daniel  F.  McMahon,  and  John  Whaleu. 

While  Mr.  Croker  was  in  England  his  representatives  in 
New  York  declined  to  say  anything  on  political  matters. 
When  he  returned  to  New  York  on  July  29,  1898,  he  was  met 
as  usual  at  the  steamship  landing  by  his  faithful  satraps.  He 
went  to  the  Savoy  Hotel,  where  Mayor  Van  Wyck  and  the 
other  creatures  of  his  power  were  awaiting  his  arrival,  that 
they  might  report  the  condition  of  the  different  departments 
of  his  undisputed  domain  and  take  his  orders.  No  dictator 
in  any  land  or  in  any  period  of  history  has  ever  wielded  more 
absolute  power  over  his  subjects  than  this  man  wields  over 
his  Roman  Catholic  following  and  the  men  who  for  place 
and  political  ends  have  surrendered  their  destinies  to  his 
sovereignty,  while  most  of  the  intelligent  and  respectable 
tax-paying  part  of  the  citizenship  are  the  victims  of  his  papal 
temporal  rule. 

Croker  and  his  Roman  following  prating  about  reform  in 
State  and  national  affairs  and  seeking  to  control  them  in  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  453 

interests  of  reform,  with  the  iniquitous  administration  of 
municipal  affairs  in  New  York  City — which  are  absolutely 
under  their  control — "  wide  open  "  to  the  inspection  of  the 
world,  presents  an  audacious  spectacle  amounting  to  the 
sublime. 

In  the  report  of  an  interview  with  Croker  which  appeared 
in  the  papers  of  October  15,  1898,  he  said : 

"  Tammany  Hall  never  asks  the  religion  of  a  man  it  considers 
fitted  for  office.  Every  attempt  in  this  country  to  put  religion 
into  politics  has  failed.  Judge  Daly  will  find  that  in  his  case 
there  will  be  another  failure." 

The  public  knew  that  Croker  was  both  a  bruiser  and  a 
theologian,  but  this  utterance  will  establish  his  reputation  as 
a  humorist. 

Ill  October,  1898,  Croker  issued  the  following  proclamation  : 

"  I  wish  to  announce  now,  once  and  forever,  that  as  long  as 
I  am  alive  I  shall  not  retire  from  the  leadership  of  Tammany 
Hall.  Please  announce  this  for  me  in  the  words  that  I  have 
used.  The  fact  that  Mr.  Carroll  has  resigned  bis  court  clerk 
ship  means  that  he  is  to  aid  me  very  materially  in  conducting 
the  affairs  of  Tammany  Hall." 

What  a  relief  this  proclamation  brought  to  the  citizens  of 
this  proud  metropolis  of  the  Western  World ! 

The  government  of  New  York  City  being  concededly  Tam 
many  and  Roman  Catholic,  and  the  political  strength  of  each 
being  the  political  strength  of  the  other,  the  political  and 
ecclesiastical  chiefs  being  respectively  the  heads  of  these  two 
institutions,  the  combination  must  legitimately  be  counted  as 
representing  the  most  perfect  specimen  of  politico-ecclesiasti 
cal  Romanism  which  the  United  States  has  exhibited  to  the 
world.  Little  Tammanys  and  similar  combinations  can  be 
found  at  many  centers  of  population,  but  New  York 
is  the  proud  possessor  of  the  richest  monopoly  and  trust 
resulting  from  a  politico-ecclesiastical  combination  which  the 
world  can  show  since  the  Middle  Ages. 


454  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Tammany  Romanism  in  New  York 
City  has  an  ecclesiastical  head,  a  political  head,  and  a  figure 
head.  The  ecclesiastical  head  and  the  figurehead,  to  secure 
unity  in  action  from  trinity  of  persons,  speak  ex  cathedra 
through  the  will  of  the  political  head.  The  political  head  is 
Richard  Croker.  The  important  facts  in  this  conspicuous 
and  powerful  man's  career  are  stated  as  follows: 

Born  in  County  Cork,  Ireland,  fifty-five  years  ago.  Came 
to  America  when  three  years  of  age.  His  education  was 
secured  by  three  years'  attendance  upon  the  public  schools. 
His  youth  was  spent  among  the  disreputable  and  dangerous 
classes,  of  which  by  physical  prowess  he  became  a  recog 
nized  leader.  When  twenty-one  years  of  age  he  began  his 
political  career,  like  his  illustrious  predecessor  Tweed,  by 
joining  the  Volunteer  Fire  Department.  He  held  a  position 
of  court  officer  under  Judge  Barnard.  When  twenty-five 
years  of  age  he  became  an  alderman. 

Mr.  Croker's  early  political  activity  is  referred  to  in  the 
New  York  Trilune  of  October  13,  1868: 

"New  York  City  was  fast  emptied  of  many  of  her 
roughs  yesterday.  Sunday  evening  and  yesterday  their  ugly 
countenances  were  seen  congregating  around  the  Camden 
and  Amboy  Railroad  depot,  all  bound  for  Philadelphia. 
These  roughs  and  bullies  are  the  repeaters  who  intend  to 
swell  the  Democratic  vote  in  Philadelphia  to-day,  provid 
ing  they  are  not  apprehended.  They  have  been  recruited 
in  almost  every  ward  in  the  city,  and  each  delegation  is 
headed  by  a  prominent  'striker,'  who  is  to  receive  the 
lion's  share  of  the  funds.  Arnono;  them  were  members 

o 

of  the  'Pudding  Gang  from  the  Swamps'  in  the  Fourth 
Ward  ;  the  'Dead  Rabbits  Crowd,'  from  the  Five  Points  and 
Mulberry  Street,  in  the  Sixth  Ward  ;  the  '  Old  White  Ghost 
Runners;  from  the  Tenth  Ward;  the  'Old  Rock  Rangers' 
vacated  the  Fourteenth  Ward,  and  a  large  number  of  '  Mack- 
erelites,'  '  Flookites,' '  Fungtown  and  Bungtown  Rangers,'  and 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  455 

a  number  of  other  organized  bands  of  roughs  left  this  classic 
locality,  and  last,  but  not  least,  were  one  hundred  and  fifty 
Metropolitan  Bandits,  under  the  notorious  Dick  Croker,  all 
well  armed  and  spoiling  for  a  fight.  They  hail  from  the 
Twenty-first  Ward.  Fully  five  thousand  of  the  most  hardened 
desperadoes  of  this  city  are  now  in  Philadelphia." 

Editorially  the  Tribune  said  on  the  same  date :  "  The 
*  roughs'  of  this  city  and  Baltimore  have  swarmed  to  Phila 
delphia  by  thousands."  This  contest  was  a  preliminary 
skirmish  to  defeat  the  election  of  General  Grant  on  the  en 
suing  November  3. 

Mr.  Croker  held  for  a  time  the  office  of  superintendent  of 
markets. 

The  New  York  Times  of  September  8,  1871,  contains  the 
following  historic  statement : 

"  On  last  Tuesday,  September  5,  about  8.45  P.  M.,  ex- Alder 
man  Richard  Croker,  of  the  Twenty-first  Ward,  who  is 
the  leader  of  the  St.  Patrick's  Alliance  (Dick  Connolly's 
secret  organization  in  that  ward),  with  the  assistance  of 
another  individual,  who  can  be  identified  by  parties  who 
were  present,  assaulted  a  man  named  James  Moore  with  a 
slung-shot,  knocking  him  down  and  then  kicking  him,  at  the 
corner  of  Third  Avenue  and  Thirty-first  Street.  The  ex- 
alderman  is  now  holding  a  sinecure  position  under  Dick 
Connolly,  and  is  occasionally  appointed  as  a  commissioner  on 
street  openings.  He  is  also  the  individual  who  put  in  a  bid 
for  Washington  Market  (it  is  supposed)  as  a  blind  for  *  Slip 
pery  Dick.'  " 

His  closest  political  preceptors  when  he  was  being 
schooled  for  leadership  were  Richard  B.  Connolly  and  Henry 
W.  Genet.  He  was  baptized  and  received  into  the  Roman 
Catholic  Church  by  Father  Edward  McGlynn.  He  was  in 
succcession  coroner,  marshal,  fire  commissioner,  and  city 
chamberlain.  A  dispatch  received  at  the  Police  Head 
quarters  on  the  morning  of  November  4,  1874,  stated : 


450  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"  At  7.40  A.  M.  an  altercation  took  place  at  Second  Avenue 
and  Thirty-fourth  Street  between  llichard  Croker,  John 
Sheridan,  Henry  Hickey,  James  O'Brien,  and  John  McKenna. 
McKenna  was  shot  in  right  side  of  head ;  fatal  wound ; 
taken  to  Bellevue." 

The  Coroner's  inquest  was  a  sham.  McKenna  died,  Croker 
was  tried  for  murder,  when  the  jury  disagreed  and  was  dis 
charged. 

o 

John  Kelly  as  Tweed's  successor  sustained  a  relation  to 
Croker,  who  has  become  his  successor,  in  Croker's  connection 
with  the  McKenna  murder,  which  was  utterly  in  defiance  of 
all  the  forms  and  processes  of  justice,  as  the  newspaper  and 
court  records  of  the  time  show. 

The  New  York  Times,  November  17,  1874,  said  : 

"Anything  more  outrageous  than  the  way  in  which  this 
notorious  ruffian,  Croker,  has  been  taken  in  hand  and  pro 
tected  by  Kelly  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine." 

At  forty-three  years  of  age  he  was  constituted  boss  of 
Tammany  Hall.  He  has  become  rich  since  he  has  been  in 
the  political  business.  He  has  become  a  celebrated  turfman 
in  the  Old  World  and  the  New.  He  is  princely  in  the  prod 
igality  of  his  expensive  living.  He  has  become  the  greatest 
single  political  power  in  the  Empire  State,  if  not  in  the  nation. 
He  can  compel  the  obedience  of  Tammany's  Congressmen, 
State  Senators,  and  Assemblymen  in  the  performance  of  their 
legislative  duties.  He  orders  an  assault  upon  corporate  inter 
ests  in  New  York  City,  and  Mayor,  heads  of  departments,  and 
Municipal  Assembly  all  obediently  fall  into  line  in  what  he 
religiously  styles  a  "  holy  war,"  and  what  the  people  believe 
to  be  a  crusade  "  for  revenue  only."  Statesmen  do  him 
reverence  and  obey  his  behests,  and  office-seekers  and 
politicians  are  his  slaves.  Decent  men  who  have  political 
ambitions  despise  his  personality  and  hate  themselves  while 
they  fawn  at  the  foot  of  his  throne.  What  constitutes  the 
power  of  this  man  with  such  a  training  and  such  a  history  ? 


OF  THK 

UNIVERSITY 


Robert  A.   Van  Wyck.  Kichard  Croker 

.!//( lui<  I  Augustine  Corrigan. 

/(•////  /•'.  Carroll ' .  Hugh  McL 

THI-:  kr LICKS  OF  <;RKATKR  M:\V  YORK. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  457 

All  intelligent  men  know,  but  few  are  willing  to  state  what 
they  know.  Rob  this  uncrowned  despot  of  his  solid  Roman 
Catholic  following,  and  he  would  fall  to  his  proper  level  of 
obscurity. 

At  the  dawn  of  the  year  of  our  Lord,  1899,  we  indict  the 
politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  of  New  York  for  the  crimes 
of  Tammany,  because  Tammany  was  put  in  power  by  its 
solid  vote,  is  held  in  power  by  its  support,  and  it  profits  with 
out  protest  from  Tammany's  rascalities  and  ill-gotten  gains. 

We  make  the  following  points  in  our  indictment: 

(1)  The    absolute    and    unquestioned    ruler  of   Tammany 
Hall,  Richard    Croker,  is   an    honored  and   trusted    Roman 
Catholic,  a  true  son  of  the  Church,  who  is  praised   for  his 
liberal  and  religious  character  by  the  press  of  his  Church  and 
publicly  assured  that  he  is  prayed  for  at  the  altars  where  he 
worships. 

(2)  Mr.    Croker's    trusted   lieutenants — the   general   com- 
mitteernerj,    district    leaders,    and    immense    following — are 
chiefly  Roman  Catholics,  the  exceptions  constituting  only  a 
small  fraction. 

(3)  The  city  of  New  York  is  now  ruled  by  a  Tammany 
Administration  with  its  municipal  council  and  its  executive 
departments    almost    absolutely   in    the    hands    of   Roman 
Catholics  nominated  or  appointed  by  Mr.  Croker;   the  few 
office-holders  who  are  not  Roman  Catholics  being  subservient 
in  their  responsibility  to  their  creator. 

(4)  The  Tammany  President  of  Police  Commissioners  is  a 
Roman  Catholic,  and  he  has  restored  to  place  and  power  the 
Roman  Catholic  officers  who  were  disgraced  by  the  exposure 
of  their  crimes  by  the  Lexow  investigation,  which  exposure 
Archbishop  Corrigan  attempted  to   prohibit  Father  Ducey 

—an  honest  and  open  priestly  enemy  of  Tammany — from 
witnessing. 

(5)  The  Chief  of  Police   is  a   Roman  Catholic.     He  has 
been   restored   to   power  by  Mr.  Croker  "to  repeat  the  in- 


458  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

famous  practices  which  had  tarnished  his  previous  career," 
as  the  Governor  of  the  State  said  in  a  message  to  the 
legislature.  Considering  his  official  position  and  incident 
responsibilities,  only  one  of  two  conclusions  can  be  drawn 
concerning  the  status  of  this  Chief  of  Police :  he  is  either  an 
imbecile  and  personally  irresponsible  while  his  sponsors  are 
solely  responsible,  or  he  and  his  sponsors  are  partners  in  the 
most  amazing  catalogue  of  iniquities  which  ever  disgraced  a 
civilized  municipality.  Romanism  through  the  manipulations 
of  its  monastic  orders  in  Manila  never  excelled  in  the  com 
pleteness  of  its  degrading  work  the  Roman  Catholic  Police 
Department  of  New  York  City,  in  the  rapidity  with  which  it 
has  degraded  the  metropolis  of  this  civilized  nation. 

(6)  The  chief  offenders  against   the   laws   which   Roman 
Catholic   officials  not    only  decline  to  enforce,    but,    on   the 
contrary,  extend  protection  to  their  violators,  are  themselves 
Roman  Catholics. 

(7)  The  reform  administration  made  great  progress  in  put 
ting  the  public-school  system  on  a  creditable  basis,  but  re 
stored  Rome-ruled  Tammany  arrested  the  work  of  the  schools 
by  stopping  the  erection  of  necessary  buildings,  and  refused 
sufficient  money  even  for  heating  and  ventilating.     And  when 
the  first  opportunity   to   turn   out  efficient   School    Commis 
sioners  came,  the  most  disreputable   and  inefficient  Roman 
Catholic  Commissioners  under  a  former  Tammany  rule  were 
reappointed,  to  begin  the  work  of  restoring  the  school  system 
condemned  by  the  hierarchy  to  the  control  of  sectarians,  who 
insist  upon  ruling  the  system  where  they  cannot  ruin  it. 

(8)  The    politico-ecclesiastical    authorities   of   the    Roman 
Catholic  Church  in   New   York  City  know  these  facts  and 
have  it  in  their  power  to  change  the  wicked  and  criminal  con 
ditions  or  to  disci})! hie  the  leaders,  but  that  would  alienate 
their    Roman    Catholic  political  following,  which  constitutes 
their  chief  strength. 

The  politico-ecclesiastical   authorities  of  the  Roman  Cath- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  459 

olic  Churcli  in  New  York  City,  declining  to  stop  these 
iniquities  permitted  and  committed  by  their  members,  must 
stand  both  indicted  and  convicted  before  the  bar  of  decent 
public  opinion  of  participation  in  gambling,  drunkard-mak 
ing,  sale  of  virtue,  debauching  children,  brazen  prostitution, 
violation  of  official  oaths,  protection  of  crimes,  and  sapping 
the  foundations  of  civil  society. 

The  population  of  the  city  of  New  York,  which  is  now 
under  the  absolute  rule  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Tammany 
Romanism,  is  3,350,000.  This  is  larger  than  the  population 
of  the  thirteen  original  colonies  at  the  time  of  the  beginning 
of  the  republic.  It  is  larger  than  any  one  of  the  forty-five 
States  except  Pennsylvania,  Illinois,  and  Ohio.  It  is  three- 
fourths  as  large  as  the  present  population  of  Ireland.  It  is 
more  than  two-thirds  as  large  as  the  entire  number  of  people 
in  Spain  who  can  read  and  write. 

While  Croker  was  making  the  appointments  for  Mayor 
Van  Wyck,  preceding  and  at  the  time  of  the  inauguration  of 
the  restored  Tammany  regime,  the  wholesale  character  of  his 
work  seemed  to  stupefy  the  public  sense  into  silence,  but 
when  early  in  1899  on  account  of  the  death  of  Mr.  Peters, 
President  of  the  Borough  of  Manhattan,  a  single  important 
office  was  to  be  filled,  the  public  anxiety  was  somewhat 
aroused  as  to  the  successorship,  and  many  names  were  can 
vassed  for  the  place.  On  January  5  the  members  of  the 
Council  assembled  with  Mayor  Van  Wyck  in  the  chair. 
Croker's  representative  arose  and  nominated  James  J.  Coogan 
and  he  was  unanimously  elected.  But  for  the  charter  re 
quirements,  there  was  no  occasion  for  the  assembling  of  the 
Council. 

One  year  after  Tammany  was  restored  to  power  on  January 
11,  1899,  the  frew  York  Tribune  said  : 

"The  evolution  of  our  city  government  makes  progress. 
The  Municipal  Assembly  no  longer  pretends  to  be  responsible 
to  the  people.  Mr.  Croker  openly  tells  the  Tammany  district 


400  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

bosses  to  tell  their  Councilman  and  Aldermen  what  to  do. 
They  do  not  attend  meetings  because  they  are  public  officers, 
but  because  Mr.  Croker  tells  them  to  attend,  and  when  they 
fail  to  attend  he  lectures  them  like  school  children.  Mr.  Van 
Wyck  is  Mayor,  but  Mr.  Croker  is  the  government." 

Such  absolute  power  as  is  here  recorded  is  a  menace  to  re 
publican  government  and  an  affront  to  decency  among  citi 
zens.  Archbishop  Corrigan  could  call  a  halt  on  this  tyrant  by 
a  single  edict,  but  he  does  not  propose  to  dissolve  the  politico- 
ecclesiastical  partnership.  Again  we  repeat,  Croker's  abso 
lutism  rests  alone  upon  his  control  of  the  solid  Roman  Catholic 
vote.  How  long  will  the  citizens  of  the  goodly  city  submit 
to  this  tyrannical  personal  rule? 

Yet  in  the  face  of  all  this  New  Yorkers  are  proud  of 
New  York,  but  not  proud  of  the  facts.  The  legislation  of  the 
State  Capitol  in  Albany,  while  often  bad,  has  nevertheless 
hedged  about  property,  the  courts,  and  the  schools  in  the 
metropolis  with  such  safeguards  that  there  is  a  limit  to  the 
power  of  its  imported  Roman  rulers  and  masters  for  spoliation. 
These  subjects  of  a  foreign  monarch  are  constantly  crying  out 
for  larger  "home-rule"  for  the  city,  but  the  citizens  of  charac 
ter  have  reason  to  be  thankful  that  the  "  hayseed  "  or  suburban 
members  of  the  law-making  body  of  the  State  are  still  in 
the  majority,  and  that  most  of  these  are  of  American  origin 
and  instincts,  or  are  thorough  Americans  by  choice  and 
adoption. 

Inspired  with  civic  pride,  why  do  not  the  thinking  and 
patriotic  people  of  New  York  control  its  administrative,  finan 
cial,  educational,  and  civic  interests?  Because  they  are  not 
willing  to  be  informed  of  the  perils  and  are  not  organized  for 
results,  and  all  reform  movements  heretofore  have,  from  stub 
bornness  or  from  cowardice,  refused  to  recognize  the  one 
insuperable  barrier  to  reform. 

While  we  speak  plain  things  concerning  political  Romanism 
because  we  believe  its  power  over  the  individual  citizen  is 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  461 

baleful,  and  its  power  over  the  State  is  perilous,  we  make  no 
assault  upon  the  religious  faith  of  the  Roman  Catholic.  We 
appeal  to  him  as  a  man  and  citizen  to  assert  in  political  action 
his  freedom  of  conscience,  and  not  surrender  it  to  the  political 
dictation  of  another  under  the  guise  of  religion.  It  is  not  re 
ligion,  for  religion  is  the  relation  which  responsible  man  sus 
tains  to  his  God.  The  man  capable  of  exercising  judgment 
must  be  anchored  by  faith  to  a  principle  which  commends 
itself  to  his  enlightened  and  unfettered  conscience.  We  beg 
of  him  to  become  a  free  man  by  asserting  his  personal  political 
independence  and  thus  prove  his  right  politically  to  be  counted 
a  free  man. 

TO   THE   SPANISH- AMERICAN    WAR. 

The  honor  has  been  reserved  by  Providence  for  the  great 
republic  to  put  an  end  to  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  in 
its  perfected  form  as  represented  by  Spain  on  the  Western 
Hemisphere.  This  power  must  now  be  told  to  keep  its  hands 
off  the  institutions  that  have  made  us  strong  enough  to  do  this 
work  for  humanity. 

Future  historians  who  will  write  upon  the  Spanish-Ameri 
can  War  of  1898  will  depend  largely  for  their  data  upon  the 
records  preserved  in  State  papers,  Congressional  debates,  and 
in  accounts  published  in  the  daily  press  and  other  periodicals 
of  that  period.  It  is  now  too  early,  and  we  are  too  near  the 
enactment  of  the  events,  to  expect  a  standard  authentic  and 
philosophical  history  soon  to  appear.  But  it  will  prove  inter 
esting,  instructive,  and  profitable  to  pass  in  review  in  chrono 
logical  order  the  recorded  events  while  one  chapter  of  this 
wonderful  American  history  was  being  enacted.  We  made 
history  so  rapidly  in  1898  that  we  are  liable  to  appreciate  in 
adequately  some  of  its  most  pregnant  chapters.  The  chrono 
logical  record  of  the  Spanish- American  War  needs  to  be  read 
in  the  light  of  the  facts  of  our  origin  as  a  nation,  in  the  light 
of  what  our  American  institutions  are  and  what  they  cost. 


462  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  relation  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  the 
Spanish- American  War  as  a  war  of  civilizations  has  especial 
interest  for  the  American  citizen,  because  of  the  claims  of  the 
Papacy  over  the  faith,  morals,  and  political  action  of  all  its 
subjects  in  all  lands.  Many  of  those  subjects  being  American 
citizens  and  many  others  being  Spanish  citizens,  the  American 
people  were  interested  to  know  what  the  attitude  of  the  Sov 
ereign  Pontiff  would  be  in  a  controversy  in  which  his  subjects 
were  found  on  both  sides.  The  American  people  were  inter 
ested  to  know  if  the  Pope  would  recognize  the  conditions  of 
absolute  separation  of  church  and  state  in  a  nation  which 
would  not  permit  interference  on  the  part  of  any  domestic  or 
foreign  politico-ecclesiastical  power  in  either  its  national  or  in 
ternational  affairs,  or  if  he,  in  the  assertion  of  his  temporal  and 
spiritual  power,  Avotild  seek  to  obtrude  his  advice  or  inject  his 
personality  into  our  national  concerns. 

The  chronological  record  of  the  war  shows  both  the  attempt 
and  the  measure  of  success  of  the  Pope's  efforts  to  write  a 
chapter  in  the  history  of  a  republic  whose  origin  and  progress 
have  been  the  marvel  and  admiration  of  the  world  because  it 
has  stood  for  everything  in  both  civil  and  religious  liberty 
which  the  Papacy  has  condemned. 

The  historic  fact  cannot  be  concealed  that  the  Spanish- 
American  war  was  a  war  between  Rome  and  Washington  ; 
between  the  papal  power  and  republican  power ;  between  ec- 
clesiasticism  and  liberty;  between  the  bondage  of  superstition 
and  the  freedom  of  truth.  It  was  the  severest  blow  to  the 
arrogant  pretensions  of  political  ecclesiasticism  which  has  been 
struck  in  a  century  of  time.  It  took  a  heavy  burden  from  the 
shoulders  of  Christian  civilization  as  it  crosses  the  line  into 
the  twentieth  century. 

The  Vatican  was  true  to  its  unbroken  historic  record  of  ad 
vertising  itself  whenever  an  international  crisis  arises.  At 
tempts  of  the  Pope  at  mediation  were  especially  impertinent 
because  of  the  character  of  the  civilization  which  confronted 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  463 

us,  for  which  Romanism  was  responsible.  Not  only  were  the 
American  people  averse  to  receiving  any  more  politics  from 
Rome  than  they  had  on  hand,  but  the  Pope's  overtures  were 
illogical,  for  he  is  either  a  temporal  sovereign  or  he  is  not.  If 
he  is,  he  would,  like  any  other  foreign  ruler,  be  excluded  from 
meddling  in  our  affairs  by  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  concerning 
which  we  are  so  tenacious.  If  he  is  not,  he  has  no  more  right 
to  propose  to  the  President  to  act  as  the  arbiter  of  differences 
between  this  and  any  other  nation  than  has  the  head  of  the 
Church  of  England  or  of  the  Greek  Church,  or  a  conspicuous 
Israelite. 

Here  is  an  historical  sandwich  not  adapted  to  all  appetites. 
On  April  13,  1898,  the  House  of  Representatives  in  Washing 
ton  passed  Cuban  intervention  resolutions. 

"  LONDON,  April  1 5, 1 898.  A  dispatch  from  the  Central  News 
from  Madrid  says  that  Cardinal  Ratnpolla  has  advised  Prime 
Minister  Sagasta  to  abandon  Cuba  on  condition  of  the  estab 
lishment  there  of  a  Roman  Catholic  republic." 

On  April  16,  1898,  joint  resolutions  were  passed  by  Con 
gress  authorizing  the  President  to  continue  using  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States  to  force  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Spaniards  from  Cuba. 

As  a  last  resort  it  is  stated  by  Harold  Frederic  (New  York 
Times,  April  24,  1898),  "on  what  I  believe  to  be  quite  ac 
curate  authority,"  that  "in  order  to  save  that  wretched  point 
of  '  honor,'  about  which  Spaniards  haggle  so  much,  they  should 
be  induced  to  hand  over  Cuba  to  the  Father  of  Catholic 
Christendom."  In  what  relation  would  this  have  placed  the 
United  States  toward  the  one  remaining  prop  of  Spanish 
civilization?  In  the  interest  of  the  permanent  settlement  of 
the  republic's  relation  to  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  it  is 
almost  to  be  regretted  that  Spain  did  not  hand  over  Cuba  to 
Leo  XIII. 

Frederic  R.  Coudert,  an  eminent  Roman  Catholic  lawyer, 
according  to  newspaper  reports,  thinks  we  ought  to  have  done 


464  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

what  damage  we  could  at  Manila  and  then  have  left  the 
Philippines  to  their  fate,  which  simply  meant  to  re-enforce  the 
cruel  domination  of  ecclesiasticism. 

Father  Wai  worth  and  other  loyal  American  priests  disap 
proved  of  the  Pope's  attempted  interference  between  the 
United  States  and  Spain,  but  their  loyalty  was  not  extensively 
advertised  by  the  press. 

During  the  anxious  days  preceding  the  declaration  of  war, 
the  movements  and  acts  of  Archbishop  Ireland,  Cardinal  Gib 
bons,  Legate  Martinelli,  and  the  Pope  were  constantly  recorded 
by  the  press.  The  news  of  the  declaration  of  an  armistice  by 
Spain  in  response  to  the  Pope's  intervention  came  first  to  these 
papal  representatives  and  not  to  the  Spanish  Minister.  Noth 
ing  was  said  about  the  movements  of  the  chief  men  of  other 
denominations.  The  intelligently  patriotic  action  of  a  body 
of  Protestant  clergymen,  enunciating  the  principles  involved 
in  the  controversy,  was  immediately  branded  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  papers  and  their  defenders  as  injecting  the  sectarian 
question  into  the  controversy.  And  the  discussions  in  these 
papers  and  the  headings  of  the  articles  were,  almost  without 
exception,  glaring  falsehoods. 

On  May  10,  1898,  there  appeared  in  the  papers  the  letter 
from  the  Archbishops  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  of  the 
United  States  to  the  clergy  and  laity  of  the  country.  Let  it 
be  noted  that  while  the  public  was  discussing  the  attitude  of 
the  Roman  Church  on  the  war  with  Spain,  and  was  having 
serious  grounds  for  asserting  that  its  sympathy  was  with 
Spain,  and  while  public  attention  was  being  called  to  isolated 
cases  of  asserted  loyalty,  and  while  Martinelli  and  Ireland  as 
the  Pope's  representatives  were  seeking  to  inject  him  as  an 
arbitrator  into  the  controversy,  and  while  the  Latin  nations 
of  the  Old  World  were  expressing  their  unconcealed  sympathy 
with  Spain,  and  threats  of  intervention  were  being  made,  no 
word  comes  from  the  authorities  of  the  Roman  Church  in 
America  denning  her  position.  But  when  Commodore  Dewey 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  465 

had  crushed  the  Spanish  fleet  at  Manila,  silenced  the  forts  and 
had  the  city  and  the  island  at  America's  feet,  and  when  the 
Roman  Catholic  priests  and  nuns  at  Cavite  had  exhibited  a 
treachery  unsurpassed  in  history  by  even  Spanish  character, 
and  when  the  attention  of  the  whole  world  was  drawn  to  the 
fact  that  the  representatives  of  the  Church  of  Rome  were 
taking  active  part  with  Spain,  then  came  this  tardy  manifesto 
accommodating  itself  to  the  painful  necessities  of  the  case, 
instead  of  putting  the  Roman  Church  on  record  as  loyally  sus 
taining  the  government  in  the  initial  stages  of  the  controversy 
with  Spain,  when  it  would  have  possessed  some  virtue  and 
some  force. 

The  address  recognized  no  principle  involved  in  the  war. 
It  opens  with  the  statement  that :  "  The  events  that  have  suc 
ceeded  the  blowing  up  of  the  battleship  Maine  and  the 
sacrifice  of  266  innocent  victims,  the  patriotic  seamen  of  the 
United  States,  have  culminated  in  a  war  between  Spain  and  our 
own  beloved  country."  It  then  proceeds  to  state  that  in  view 
of  the  fact  that  war  has  been  declared  :  "  We,  the  members 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  are  true  Americans,  and  as  such  are 
loyal  to  our  country  and  our  flag  and  obedient  to  the  highest 
decrees  and  the  supreme  authority  of  the  nation."  Loyalty 
to  country  and  flag  is  inane  unless  that  country  and  that  flag 
stand  for  something  in  every  contest.  It  is  to  be  regretted 
that  there  was  not  one  American  among  those  prelates,  who 
could  have  suggested  that  religious  leaders,  in  addressing 
millions  of  their  adherents  concerning  their  duty  as  citizens 
in  time  of  war,  ought  to  say  something  about  the  principles 
involved  which  demanded  their  loyalty. 

The  address  never  referred  to  the  fact  that  the  war  with 
Spain  was  caused  by  the  cruelty  and  misgovernment  of  Spain 
in  Cuba,  and  that  the  United  States  was  engaged  in  the  work 
of  breaking  the  clutch  of  Spain  upon  the  people  it  had 
plundered  and  enslaved  for  centuries. 

The  Philippine  Islands  became  Spanish  colonies  in  1569, 


466  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

having  been  discovered  by  Magellan  in  1521.  Characteristic 
cruelty  was  exercised  in  reducing  to  subjection  the  native 
populations. 

The  people  have  purposely  been  kept  in  ignorance  and  in 
poverty  that  they  might  be  the  more  easily  controlled  by  their 
masters.  They  have  been  taxed  to  an  extent  that  has  ren 
dered  thrift  impossible,  and  the  penalties  for  delinquency  have 
been  so  cruel  that  manhood  has  been  crushed  and  womanhood 
has  been  degraded.  Here,  as  everywhere,  the  religious  orders 
of  Romanism  have  done  the  dastardly,  diabolical  work  of 
Spain  for  over  three  hundred  years. 

In  an  interview  on  September  18,  1898,  Archbishop  Noza- 
leda  de  Villa,  of  the  Philippine  Islands,  said : 

"  I  earnestly  hope  the  islands  will  not  remain  Spanish,  be 
cause  the  rebels  are  now  so  strong  that  such  a  course  would 
inevitably  cause  appalling  bloodshed.  The  reconquest  of  the 
natives  is  impossible  until  after  years  of  the  most  cruel  war 
fare." 

He  also  expressed  the  hope  that  the  islands  would  not 
become  absolutely  independent,  because  it  was  certain  that 
dissensions  would  occur  which  would  result  in  incessant 
strife,  and  a  lapse  into  barbarism  and  the  natural  indolence  of 
a  tropical  race.  The  only  hope,  the  Archbishop  declared, 
was  that  a  strong  Western  Power  would  intervene  now.  De 
lay  was  dangerous,  because  the  people  are  intoxicated,  vain 
glorious,  and  restless.  lie  said  it  was  undeniable  that  the 
religious  orders  must  go,  because  the  whole  people  had  de 
termined  to  abolish  them  now  that  they  were  able  to  render 
their  retention  impossible.  lie  laid  the  chief  blame  upon 
the  Dominicans,  Augustines,  and  Franciscan  llecoletans,  the 
richest  orders,  and  next  upon  the  Benedictines  and  Capuchins, 
which  are  of  less  importance.  The  Jesuits,  the  Archbishop 
says,  are  comparatively  blameless.  lie  added  that  the  rival 
orders  quarrel  among  themselves,  intrigue,  act  unworthily  and 
slander  their  opponents,  thus  increasing  their  general  disfavor. 


Politico-Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  467 

The  oppressions  resulting  from  the  union  of  church  and 
state,  in  the  Philippines  and  in  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico,  con 
stitute  the  chief  grievance  of  the  oppressed  people  against 
Spain.  Monastic  orders  in  the  Philippines  hold  a  very  large 
proportion  of  the  most  valuable  lauds,  which  are  exempt  from 
taxation  and  are  the  source  of  enormous  revenue.  The  un 
righteous  conditions  have  never  been  surpassed  in  countries 
which  have  been  compelled  for  the  safety  of  the  nation  to 
expel  these  orders  and  confiscate  their  property.  Spain  and 
Rome  have  made  pleas  for  the  protection  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  these  precious  scoundrels.  No  authorities  repre 
senting  the  United  States  would  dare,  unless  they  courted  the 
contempt  of  the  American  people,  which  would  mean  their 
political  annihilation,  to  support  an  ecclesiasticism  which  has 
been  the  source  of  all  the  woe  of  our  new  wards  and  forced 
this  nation  to  go  to  war.  Absolute  separation  of  church  and 
state  with  impartial  and  just  treatment  of  all  the  citizens  of 
the  new  lauds  we  rule,  with  guarantees  for  civil  and  religious 
liberty,  are  the  fundamental  conditions  of  peace  if  peace  is  to 
be  permanent,  and  if  this  nation  is  to  be  justified  before  God 
and  man  in  breaking  the  power  of  Spain  over  her  colonies. 

The  intensely  religious  character  of  the  solicitude  for  peace 
on  the  part  of  the  Vatican  is  revealed  in  its  anxiety  about  its 
investments  in  Spanish  bonds  and  in  property  in  the  Spanish 
colonies !  The  love  of  peace  and  good  will  among  men,  so 
ardently  advocated  by  the  Pope's  patriotic  representatives  in 
Washington  during  the  early  stages  of  the  Cuban  controversy, 
is  now  seen  to  have  had  a  financial  basis. 

Leo  XIII.,  "  Prisoner  of  the  Vatican,"  wanted  peace  of 
course.  He  loved  America  and  American  institutions.  When 
he  looked  upon  his  dear  people  in  Cuba,  and  saw  that  their 
shackles,  forged  by  his  most  loyal  children  of  Spain,  were 
about  to  be  broken  by  the  republic  he  loved  so  well,  and  real 
ized  that  this  republic  would  not  pay  the  bills  contracted  by 
Spain  in  forging  those  shackles,  his  emotions  were  mixed ;  and 


468  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

from  his  lonely  imprisonment  he  could  comfort  them  with  the 
words  of  St.  Paul :  "  Would  to  God,  that  not  only  thou,  but 
also  all  that  hear  me  this  day,  were  both  almost,  and  alto 
gether  such  as  I  am,  except  these  bonds." 

Paul  also  sent  a  message  to  the  Philippians  which  is  now 
appropriate  for  the  Pope  to  send  to  the  religious  orders  of  the 
Church  in  those  islands  :  "  Inasmuch  as  both  in  my  bonds,  and 
in  the  defense  and  confirmation  of  the  gospel,  ye  are  all  par 
takers  of  my  grace." 

In  the  close  of  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Colossians,  written  from 
Rome  by  Tychicus  and  Onesimus,  he  says :  "  Remember  my 
bonds."  Leo  XIII.  in  the  summer  of  1898  had  his  Tychicus 
in  Washington  to  whom  he  must  have  sent  from  Rome  a  dis 
patch  in  Paul's  language,  which  seems  to  have  been  inter 
preted  literally. 

The  landed  estates  of  the  religious  orders  in  our  new  pos 
sessions  must  pay  taxes,  like  other  property-holders. 

The  United  States  can  no  more  guarantee  the  investments 
of  the  Vatican  in  Spanish  bonds  than  it  can  guarantee  its 
investments  in  stocks  and  bonds  in  the  Metropolitan  Traction 
Company  in  New  York  City. 

However  mucli  well-meaning  people  may  deprecate  the 
very  prevalent  idea  that  the  war  was  a  religious  war,  certainly 
many  Romanist  prelates  held  that  idea — among  them  the  Pope 
himself.  Here  is  a  dispatch  showing  how  the  Archbishop  of 
Manila  regarded  it : 

"  PARIS,  May  18,  1808.— El  Comcrcio  of  Madrid  publishes  a 
long  pastoral  letter  by  the  Archbishop  of  Manila,  addressed 
to  the  faithful  of  his  diocese.  In  substance  it  says: 

"  '  Dark  days  broke  when  the  North  American  squadron 
entered  swiftly  our  brilliant  bay,  and  despite  the  heroism  of 
our  sailors  destroyed  the  Spanish  ships  and  succeeded  in 
hoisting  the  flag  of  the  enemy  on  the  blessed  soil  of  our 
country. 

"  *  Do  not  forget  that  in  their  auger  they  intend  to  crush  our 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  469 

rights ;  that  the  stranger  tries  to  subject  us  to  the  yoke  of  the 
liereticj  tries  to  break  down  our  religion  and  drag  us  from  the 
holy  family  of  the  Catholic  Church. 

"  '  He  is  an  insatiable  merchant  who  tries  to  make  a  for 
tune  from  the  ruin  of  Spain.  Her  possessions  are  tied  with 
fraternal  ties.  Sons  of  the  metropolis  and  colonies,  very  soon 
you  will  see  an  insuperable  wall  between  you  and  your  mas 
ters.  For  you  there  will  be  no  more  public  offices  or  employ 
ment  by  the  Government.  The  administration  of  this  country 
will  not  be  such  as  under  Spain. 

" '  You  will  soon  be  joined  in  a  sort  of  civil  republic  on  the 
low  level  of  pariahs,  to  be  exploited  like  miserable  colonists 
reduced  to  a  condition  of  slavery,  beasts  and  machines,  and 
miserably  fed.  They  soon  will  become  the  masters  of  the 
fruits  and  treasures  of  your  estates. 

" '  But  that  will  not  be  the  worst.  Your  temples  will  soon 
be  in  ruins ;  your  cliapels  converted  into  Protestant  Churches, 
where  will  not  be  the  throne  of  God,  the  God  of  the  Euchar 
ist,  not  the  holy  image  of  the  Virgin  Mary.  Your  faithful 
ministers  will  disappear. 

"  l  What  will  become  of  your  delicate  sons  and  daughters 
after  their  parents  are  gone  and  their  lot  is  cast  in  a  Protes 
tant  nation?  There  will  be  strange  customs  of  culture  and 
education,  and  a  propaganda  full  of  vices  and  errors. 

"  *  Poor  Filipinos,  unfortunate  in  this  life  and  in  the  life 
eternal ! 

"'Fortunately,  the  roar  of  the  enemy's  cannon  cries  the 
alarm  which  has  awakened  you  to  a  sense  of  present  danger 
as  one  man.  I  know  you  are  preparing  to  defend  your  coun 
try.  You  must  all  have  recourse  to  arms  and  prayers ;  arms, 
because  the  Spanish  population,  though  attenuated  and 
wounded,  shows  its  patriotism  when  defending  its  religion ; 
prayer,  because  victory  always  is  given  by  God  to  those  who 
Ib&ve  j'astice  on  their  side.  God  will  send  his  angels  and  saints 
to  be  with  us,  and  to  fight  on  our  side. 


47<>  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

u  '  To  us  the  holy  inspiration  comes  to  dedicate  the  Philip 
pine  Archipelago  to  the  holy  heart  of  Jesus.  When  free  of 
this  trouble  you  will  celebrate  annually  the  7th  of  June 
as  a  festival. 

"  *  The  Governor  General,  who  is  a  firm  Christian  and  a  pru 
dent  patriot  and  military  chief,  joins  my  prayers  to  invoke  the 
intercession  of  the  patron  saints? r 

Leo  XIII.  was  sorry  he  had  not  died  before,  when  he  heard 
of  Dewey's  victory  over  the  Spanish  at  Manila.  The  report 
was  that  four  hundred  were  killed  and  wounded.  We  heard 
nothing  of  his  consuming  desire  to  die  while  his  dear  Spanish 

O  o  I 

children  were  killing  and  starving  two  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  innocent  people,  mostly  Roman  Catholics,  in  Cuba, 
where  women  and  children,  and  old  men  and  women,  were  the 
victims. 

A  desperate  effort  has  been  made  by  the  Romanists  in  this 
and  in  other  lands  to  shift  the  blame  for  the  cruel  and  tyran 
nical  condition  of  affairs  in  the  Philippines  to  the  shoulders  of 
the  religious  orders.  This  cannot  be  allowed,  as  the  papal 
powers  have  absolute  control  over  the  orders,  and  benefiting 
by  the  successes  of  these  orders  these  powers  cannot  evade 
the  responsibility  for  conduct  which  furnishes  specimens  of 
ingenious  wickedness  beyond  the  capacity  of  common  secular 
sinners. 

We  indict  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  as  the  criminal 
responsible  for  the  condition  of  things  in  Cuba  which  brought 
on  the  war,  and  as  the  greedy  ingrate  which  sought  through 
Archbishop  Ireland  and  the  Pope  to  profit  by  the  results  of 
the  war  in  Cuba.,  Porto  Rico,  and  the  Philippines,  by  making 
the  United  States  Government  a  partner  with  the  Papacy  in 
holding  the  properties  of  the  Church  secured  by  cruelty  and 
theft;  and  all  under  the  guise  of  religious  liberty. 

While  Great  Britain  has  been  showing  such  friendliness  to 
the  United  States  in  the  time  when  her  friendship  is  vital  in 
its  import,  and  for  the  first  time  in  human  history  the  con- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  471 

quering  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  of  the  world  lias  presented 
an  undivided  front  to  the  cowering  and  retreating  remnant 
of  Latin  civilization,  the  only  discordant  note  has  sounded 
from  the  lips  of  members  of  that  section  of  our  Irish  citizens 
who,  while  they  are  under  the  dominion  of  Rome,  so  largely 
rule  us  in  the  interests  of  Rome. 

Romanists  oppose  any  Anglo-American  alliance  on  the 
ground  that  the  present  generation  of  English-speaking 
people  is  not  pure  Anglo-Saxon.  Admit  it,  but  we  insist 
upon  recognizing  the  fact  that  Anglo-Saxon  civilization  is  the 
bond  that  holds  the  English-speaking  peoples  together,  while 
politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  the  bond  that  holds  Latin 
civilization  together,  although  there  is  little  of  the  pure  Latin 
race  left  in  the  world. 

Another  blow  at  the  papal  power  resulting  from  the 
Spanish-American  war  is  found  in  the  fact  that  the  govern 
ment  and  people  of  the  United  States  are  ignoring  the  power 
of  the  Irish  Roman  Catholic  protest  against  an  alliance  in 
sympathy  and  in  purpose  if  not  in  a  written  treaty  with  Great 
Britain.  The  attitude  of  Irish  Roman  Catholic  orators  and 
editors  in  opposition  to  the  growing  friendly  feeling  between 
England  and  America  has  been  hysterically  violent. 

In  accord  with  historical  precedents,  the  perplexing  ques 
tion  which  nations  have  to  meet  in  adjusting  the  conditions 
of  peace  between  nations  which  have  been  at  war  on  account 
of  conflicting  civilizations  is  the  relation  of  politico-ecclesi 
astical  Romanism  to  the  causes  which  have  produced  the  war 
and  to  the  conditions  which  exist  afterward.  The  brazen 
audacity  with  which  this  power,  under  conditions  which 
ought  to  make  it  a  suppliant  penitent,  makes  its  demands 
for  protection,  seems  to  stupefy  the  sense  of  justice  and  right 
in  rulers  and  statesmen,  and  frequently  forces  them  into 
partnership  with  conscienceless  tyranny  and  cruelty.  This 
American  republic  is  based  upon  a  very  simple  and  equitable 
theory  of  the  relation  of  church  and  state,  of  entire  separation 


472  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

of  church  and  state,  of  absolute  equality  of  all  religious 
organizations  before  the  law,  with  special  privileges  for  none. 
And  yet  in  the  face  of  this  conceded  American  principle, 
when,  as  the  result  of  war,  new  colonies  come  under  American 
rule,  this  persistent  papal  power  comes  to  the  front  and 
makes  the  demand  that  its  cruel  machinery  shall  have  special 
protection. 

The  only  claim  the  Pope  had  to  act  as  meditator  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain  was  that  he  represented  Spain's 
type  of  civilization.  He  has  had  some  recent  experience  in 
the  arbitration  business. 

In  1885  Leo  XIII.  undertook  the  arbitration  of  the  differ 
ences  between  Spain  and  Germany  concerning  the  occupation 
of  the  Caroline  Islands  in  the  Pacific  Ocean.  The  result  is 
thus  recorded  in  Dr.  O'Reilly's  "  Life  of  Leo  XIII." : 

"  In  less  than  a  month,  on  October  22,  Cardinal  Jacobini 
sent  to  the  cabinets  of  Madrid  and  Berlin  the  Pope's  decision, 
which  consisted  in  four  points  on  which  both  governments 
were  to  agree,  the  fact  of  Spain's  ancient  discovery  of  the 
Carolines  and  of  their  occupation  by  her  being  laid  down  as 
one  ground  for  conciliation,  and  the  liberty  of  Germans  in 
the  Archipelago  to  occupy  land,  develop  agriculture,  cultivate 
industry  and  commerce  on  a  footing  of  equality  with  Spanish 
subjects  being  also  guaranteed,  together  with  a  naval  station 
for  Germany,  and  perfect  freedom  of  navigation  throughout 
the  Archipelago. 

"Thus  Spanish  sovereignty  and  German  interests  were  safe 
guarded  by  the  terms  proposed  from  the  Vatican.  It  was  an 
admirable  decision  ;  it  gave  satisfaction  in  both  countries  to 
governments  and  peoples,  and  all  danger  of  war  was  averted." 

This  historic  incident  may  throw  some  light  on  what  might 
have  resulted  had  the  same  Pope's  overtures  to  arbitrate  in 
our  Spanish- American  differences  been  accepted. 

In  the  relations  of  the  republic  to  the  peoples  of  the  islands 
which  have  recently  come  either  under  our  control  or  pro- 


I  TIN! 

V. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  473 

tection,  if  we  are  to  benefit  them  or  preserve  our  own  national 
character,  they  must  adjust  and  accommodate  themselves  to 
our  institutions,  but  we  must  not  adjust  our  institutions  to 
any  features  of  their  medievalism,  however  thoroughly  they 
may  be  intrenched,  or  however  they  may  be  wrenched  or 
even  uprooted  by  the  readjustment.  It  is  not  our  mission  to 
travel  back  through  the  centuries  and  meet  an  inferior  civili 
zation  and  by  concessions  induce  it  to  learn  a  new  lesson,  but 
to  flood  it  with  our  better  light,  and  when  its  iniquities  are 
thus  revealed,  compel  them  to  be  promptly  forsaken  by 
entering  upon  the  better  way. 

Sending  a  Roman  priest  of  the  Paulist  order  with  General 
Merritt  to  the  Philippines,  as  the  reports  say:  "  To  reassure 
the  islanders  that  their  religion  will  not  be  interfered  with 
by  the  Americans,"  must  be  looked  upon  by  the  decent  opinion 
of  the  civilized  world  as  a  disgusting  piece  of  truckling  to  polit 
ical  Romanism  on  the  part  of  some  public  functionary.  The 
priests,  monks,  and  nuns  have  been  the  chief,  cruel,  tyrannical, 
and  treacherous  offenders  in  the  Philippines,  and  are  mainly 
responsible  for  the  festering  rottenness  in  the  civil  govern 
ment.  Admiral  Dewey  and  General  Merritt  were  the  men 
to  teach  the  Pauline  doctrines  to  these  miscreants.  At  the 
time  this  Paulist  priest  was  shipped  to  Manila  representatives 
of  the  missionary  societies  of  the  principal  Protestant  denomi 
nations  in  the  United  States  had  conferred  and  determined  to 
send  some  missionaries  to  the  Philippines  to  represent  the 
Christian  civilization  which  has  made  the  Stars  and  Stripes 
and  Dewey  what  they  stand  for.  Why  should  not  our 
government  promptly  furnish  free  transportation  for  some  of 
these  men,  who  will  tell  the  poor  victims  of  superstition  and 
cruelty  what  the  Cross  of  Christ  means  in  America  ? 

The  Jesuits  are  always  a  peril,  in  whatever  capacity  they 
serve  the  state.  Every  one  of  their  number  admitted  as 
chaplain,  officer,  or  priest  in  army  and  navy  is,  from  the  very 
character  of  his  vows  to  his  order,  liable  to  be  guilty  of 


474  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

treachery  against  the  government  whenever  opportunity  pre 
sents.  It  is  to  be  assumed  that  they  seek  these  places  to 
promote  their  own  ends,  and  not  the  good  of  free  government 
or  the  liberties  of  man,  as  they  do  not  believe  in  either. 
Universal  history  ought  to  have  taught  our  government  to 
decline  in  both  war  and  peace  the  services  of  these  foes  to 
human  liberty.  It  has  been  an  interesting  study  in  the 
science  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  for  the  American 
people  to  watch  its  conspicuous  representatives  during  the  pre 
liminaries  to  the  controversy  between  the  United  States  and 
Spain.  How  they  have  been  embarrassed  by  the  changing 
conditions  !  A  blow  at  Spain  was  a  blow  at  politico-ecclesi- 
asticism  in  American  politics,  hence  the  anxiety  of  the  Pope 
and  his  representatives  here.  Such  is  its  universal  solidarity 
that  a  blow  struck  anywhere  vibrates  through  the  whole 
system. 

The  nations  where  the  Pope  has  influence  either  criticised 
us  or  preserved  a  self-interested  neutrality  toward  us  during 
our  controversy  with  Spain.  Still  when  Spain  appealed  for 
aid  to  Mexico  and  the  South  American  republics,  Austria, 
France,  and  Italy,  they  all  rejected  the  appeal.  It  was  the 
last  and  most  desperate  struggle  of  politico-ecclesiastical 
Romanism  to  maintain  its  hold  on  its  remnant  of  civil  govern 
ment  in  the  Western  Hemisphere  ;  but  not  one  of  the  South 
American  states  took  the  part  of  their  mother  country 
(Spain),  in  her  controversy  with  the  United  States.  How 
significant  !  The  mother  had  been  so  cruel  that  her  children, 
despite  the  bond  of  a  common  religion,  despised  her  when  the 
day  of  her  punishment  arrived. 

Despite  mutterings  of  Roman  Catholic  sympathy  with 
Spain,  when  the  President  needed  fifty  million  dollars  as  a 
peace  measure  to  provide  for  war,  if  necessary,  and  the  House 
of  Representatives  by  a  unanimous  vote  placed  it  at  his  dis 
cretionary  use,  Representative  Fitzgerald  of  Massachusetts,  in 
the  debate  on  this  measure,  found  it  necessary  to  assert  the 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  475 

loyalty  of  Roman  Catholics.  No  representative  of  any  otlier 
denomination  felt  bound  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  for  his 
people. 

When  the  appointment  of  the  Peace  Commission  was  under 
consideration,  on  August  18,  1898,  the  following  news  item 
appeared  in  the  daily  papers : 

"  As  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  is  interested  in  the  future 
of  the  Philippine  Islands,  as  well  as  Cuba,  many  distinguished 
members  of  the  Church  have  been  in  Washington  to  see 
whether  a  member  of  the  Church  would  be  appointed  on  the 
Commission.  Archbishop  Ireland  has  been  here  for  several 
days,  and  has  had  interviews  with  the  Cabinet  officers,  as 
well  as  prominent  Senators." 

Here  was  this  persistent  papal  lobbyist  again  at  his  work 
with  a  Republican  administration,  in  the  interests  of  that 
notoriously  vilest  type  of  Romanism  intrenched  in  the  Philip 
pines  and  in  Cuba.  Why  should  a  Roman  Catholic,  as  such, 
have  been  placed  on  the  Peace  Commission,  unless  it  was  to 
try  and  perpetuate  under  American  rule  the  barbarism  which 
Romanism  had  practiced  under  Spanish  rule  ?  The  propo 
sition  was  an  insult  to  the  sense  of  fairness  of  the  average 
American,  who  would  naturally  be  appointed,  and  an  auda 
cious  intrigue  in  the  interests  of  the  papal  power. 

Many  of  the  American  people  now  understand,  and  it  is 
time  politicians  understood,  that  this  Prelate  Ireland  is  one  of 
the  most  dangerous,  if  not  the  most  dangerous,  of  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  papal  power  in  this  country,  because  many 
public  men,  politicians,  and  other  citizens  accept  his  ardent 
utterances  concerning  his  loyalty  to  American  institutions  as 
honest  and  unreserved.  But  we  have  seen  that  on  the  rela 
tions  of  Romanism  to  Protestantism,  to  the  future  of  the  re 
public,  to  the  schools,  to  party  politics  and  party  platforms, 
to  sectarian  appropriations,  to  international  affairs  and  to 
legislation,  his  attitude  is  one  of  abject  loyalty  first  to  Rome. 
His  fluency  of  speech,  his  courtly  personality,  and  his  chame- 


476  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

leon  power  of  adaptation  make  him  dangerous.  It  is  time 
that  politicians  and  American  citizens  generally  made  a  study 
of  this  unique,  instructive,  and  persistently  conspicuous  per 
sonality  now  permitted  by  Koine  to  be  its  representative  in 
shaping  the  policy  of  the  party  in  American  politics  with 
which  it  casts  few  votes,  but  from  which  it  secures  many 
offices. 

A  news  item  from  Washington,  August  20,  1898,  says: 
"  Archbishop  Ireland  was  at  the  White  House  to-day,  his  sec 
ond  visit  this  week.  Subsequently  he  saw  Secretary  Gage  at 
the  Treasury  Department.  He  said  that  his  call  was  a  purely 
personal  one,  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  President.  As  he  re 
mained  some  time,  however,  gossip  had  it  that  his  visit  had 
some  relation  to  the  selection  of  members  of  the  Peace  Com 
mission.  His  interest  in  it,  aside  from  that  of  any  citizen,  is  as 
a  representative  of  the  Catholic  Church,  which  is  deeply  con 
cerned  over  the  settlement  of  the  war,  not  only  as  it  relates  to 
the  religious  orders  that  are  so  prominent  in  the  Philippines, 
but  as  a  holder  of  sixty  million  dollars  of  the  bonds  of  Spain, 
secured  by  the  Cuban  revenue.  These  bonds,  it  is  said,  were 
given  to  the  Vatican  in  exchange  for  church  lauds  in  Cuba 
and  the  Philippines,  and  some  provision  for  the  payment  of 
these  bonds  would  be  a  great  relief  to  the  Church.  It  is  not 
believed  by  anyone  here,  however,  that  Congress  would  ap 
prove  a  proposition  that  the  United  States  should  pay  the 
debt,  or  any  part  of  it,  incurred  by  Spain  in  prosecuting  the 
war  to  prevent  Cuba  from  securing  her  independence." 

This  Government  has  no  duty  call  to  protect  the  interests 
of  the  Pope  in  bonds  issued  to  help  Spain  to  perpetuate  her 
diabolical  rule  in  Cuba  and  the  Philippines. 

It  will  not  avail  to  say  that  the  purpose  of  Romanism  in 
America  is  different  from  its  purpose  in  other  parts  of  the 
world,  because  it  is  not  true.  It  has  one  all-comprehensive 
purpose  concerning  all  nations  and  peoples.  Therefore,  as  a 
system,  it  must  be  held  responsible  for  the  fruits  of  its  seed- 


Politwo- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  477 

sowing  in  the  Philippines  and  in  Cuba  as  thoroughly  as  for 
the  claimed  moderation  of  its  enforced  comparatively  civilized 
tilling  of  republican  American  soil.  But  even  here  the  Roman 
tares  are  so  troublesome  that  the  scanty  wheat  sown  is  neither 
fruitful  nor  nourishing.  Let  it  surrender  its  absurd  claims 
to  universality  of  dominion  and  adapt  itself  to  any  civilized 
and  democratic  environment,  and  we  will  then  consider  its 
merits  concretely. 

Loyalty  to  our  institutions  in  time  of  peace  is  as  important 
as  proffered  military  service  in  time  of  war.  The  main  issue, 
even  in  war,  cannot  be  obscured  by  citing  individual  or  col 
lective  instances  of  loyalty. 

Tardily  avowed  neutrality  did  not  atone  for  repeated  acts 
and  assurances  of  sympathy  for  Spain  as  against  the  United 
States.  The  war  was  the  hardest  blow  ever  struck  at  polit 
ico-ecclesiastical  Romanism,  and  with  it  the  light  dawned  and 
a  better  day  appeared  for  humanity. 

All  credit  is  accorded  to  the  men  in  army,  navy,  and  civil 
life  who  patriotically  give  their  first  loyalty  to  this  country  and 
to  their  fellow-citizens.  May  their  number  multiply  !  It  is 
the  system  we  assail  which,  in  its  political  operations,  humili 
ates  these  noble  men  by  causing  them  to  be  singled  out  for 
their  loyalty  and  independence,  instead  of  taking  their  loyalty 
and  independence  for  granted. 

METHODS  :   TO    MAKE    CONDESCENDING    CONCESSIONS    TO    AMERICAN 

INSTITUTIONS. 

Roman  Catholic  authorities,  in  accommodating  their  mediae 
val  civilization  to  American  institutions,  always  take  the  atti 
tude  of  making  concessions  as  though  they  were  conferring  a 
favor,  instead  of  loyally  adapting  themselves  to  the  institu 
tions  which  constitute  our  essential  character  and  make  our 
country  attractive  to  the  oppressed  of  all  nations,  by  guaran 
teeing  civil  and  religious  liberty  and  equal  rights  to  all,  and 
special  privileges  to  none.  We  are  not  asking  toleration  from 


4:78  Facing  the  Tiventieih  Century. 

any  effete  civilization,  ))iit  ungrudging  loyalty  from  those  who 
seek  the  benefits  of  our  Anglo-Saxon  civilization.  We  are 
not  apologizing  to  Rome  for  giving  her  adherents  refuge  from 
her  own  bondage,  poverty,  and  persecution  beyond  the  seas. 

They  are  antagonistic  to  American  institutions  unless  these 
institutions  are  accommodated  to  their  ecclesiastical  concep 
tions  of  sectarian  loyalty.  It  is  claimed  that  there  are  Lib 
erals  and  Bourbons  among  the  American  Romanists;  some 
being  called  Liberals  because  they  profess  loyalty  to  our  insti 
tutions.  This  is  claimed  as  a  virtue  for  which  they  expect 
praise.  What  does  this  imply  ?  That  such  is  their  general 
attitude  that  loyalty  constitutes  the  exception.  Our  institu 
tions  must  be  accommodated  to  their  mediaeval  conceptions 
if  they  are  to  avoid  conflicting  with  Latin  civilization.  AVhy 
not  the  reverse  ? 

This  enforced  hypocrisy  ought  to  stop,  both  in  the  interests 
of  American  self-respect  and  in  the  interests  of  Romanists  who 
would  be  Americans  without  apology  if  they  were  left  to  pur 
sue  the  bent  of  their  own  honest  natures. 

Zola  says  of  his  hero  priest :  "  He  had  beheld  the  real  Rome, 
the  ancient  city  of  pride  and  domination,  where  the  papacy 
can  never  be  complete  without  the  temporal  power.  It  was 
only  in  appearance  that  she  could  make  concessions,  and  the 
time  would  even  arrive  when  her  concessions  would  cease,  in 
the  presence  of  the  impossibility  of  going  any  further  without 
committing  suicide." 

The  following  quotations  are  from  a  sermon  on  "  The 
Church  and  the  Age,"  delivered  by  Archbishop  Ireland,  at 
Baltimore,  October  18,  1893,  at  the  Jubilee  of  Cardinal 
Gibbons : 

"The  Church  created  by  Christ  for  all  ages  lives  in  every 
age  and  puts  on  the  dress  of  everyone.  We  find,  conse 
quently,  in  her  outward  belongings,  the  variable  and  the 
contingent.  The  Church,  at  one  time  imperialistic  in  her 
political  alliances,  was  at  another  feudalistic,  but  she  never 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  479 

committed  herself  in  principle  to  imperialism  or  feudalism. 
She  spoke  Greek  in  Athens,  and  Latin  in  Rome,  and  her  sons 
wore  the  chlamys  or  the  toga,  but  she  was  never  an  institu 
tion  confined  to  Greece  or  Italy.  Her  scientific  knowledge  at 
different  epochs  was  scant  as  that  of  those  epochs ;  her  social 
legislation  and  customs,  as  theirs,  were  rude  and  tentative. 
Two  or  three  centuries  ago  she  was  courtly  and  aristocratic 
under  the  temporal  sway  of  the  Fifth  Charles  of  Spain,  or  the 
Fourteenth  Louis  of  France,  but  this  again  was  a  passing 
phase  in  her  existence,  and  she  may  be  at  other  times  as 
democratic  in  her  bearings  as  the  most  earnest  democracy 
would  expect.  Her  canon  law,  which  is  the  expression  of 
her  adaptability  to  circumstances,  received  the  impress  at  one 
time  of  the  Justinian  code,  at  another  that  of  the  capitularies 
of  Charlemagne,  at  another  that  of  the  Hapsburg  or  Bourbon 
edicts,  but  she  was  never  mummified  in  Justinian  or  Bourbon 
molds,  and  her  canon  law  may  be  as  American  as  it  was 
Roman,  and  as  much  the  reflection  of  the  twentieth  century 
as  it  ever  was  of  the  Middle  Ages." 

It  is  no  title  to  nobility  in  America  that  a  man  consents  to 
give  evidences  of  loyalty  to  our  institutions.  If  he  makes 
any  qualification  or  mental  reservation  concerning  his  loyalty, 
if  he  can  only  give  a  partial  or  conditional  allegiance,  he 
ought  to  be  required  to  emigrate  and  return  to  the  service  of 
the  sovereign  to  whom  he  is  loyal.  Personal  honesty  and 
the  safety  of  the  Republic  both  require  this. 

If  not  chargeable  with  offenses  against  American  institu 
tions,  why  so  prompt  to  give  individual  instances  of  loyalty  ? 
The  citations  prove  that  they  are  exceptions,  otherwise  they 
would  not  be  named.  Where  all  are  concededly  loyal,  dis 
criminating  individual  citations  are  not  only  absurd,  but  in 
sulting  to  the  unnamed.  Here  is  a  startling  illustration  of 
the  fact  that  exceptions  prove  the  rule. 

Political  Romanism  is  always  obliged  to  assert  its  loyalty 
to  civil  institutions  because  its  history  is  such  as  to  put  it 


480  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

under  the  ban  of  suspicion,  and  this  assertion  is  in  the  nature 
of  a  concession  to  its  environment  which  it  would  change 
were  it  within  its  power. 

It  seems  to  be  necessary  to  swear  frequently  to  its  conde 
scending  loyalty  lest  the  people  might  doubt  its  existence. 

A  loyalty  which  requires  frequent  assertion  and  oaths  of 
allegiance  is  always  open  to  suspicion  as  to  its  genuineness. 
Genuine  loyalty  proves  its  genuineness  by  acts  and  not  by 
asseverations.  Genuine  loyalty  is  taken  for  granted  among 
genuine  Americans. 

The  prelates  of  Romanism  try  to  accommodate  themselves 
on  school  and  other  questions  sufficiently  to  disarm  public 
wrath  and  retain  their  power  over  politicians  and  party 
leaders,  but,  as  we  have  seen,  they  do  not  in  any  essential 
particulars  change  in  either  principle  or  purpose. 

We  are  obliged,  as  we  have  elsewhere  seen,  to  have  expur 
gated  editions  of  school  books,  histories,  encyclopedias,  and 
of  the  Bible  and  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  accom 
modate  our  institutions  to  Romanism. 

The  Archbishop  of  New  York  in  his  condescending  refer 
ence  to  the  flag  at  his  jubilee  on  May  5,  1898,  gave  no  state 
ment  as  to  its  meaning,  but  he  told  us  what  it  must  not  mean 
when  he  supported  the  Bishop  of  Brooklyn  in  banishing  the 
flag  from  his  church. 

An  eminent  writer  on  historic  subjects  says :  "  Up  to  a 
recent  time  nothing  was  heard  about  the  love  of  the  Roman 
Catholic  priesthood  for  American  principles  and  institutions. 
There  was  not  a  word  of  approval  for  our  laws  and  liberties. 
There  was  instead,  however,  an  unremitting  stream  of  abuse, 
vilification,  and  opposition,  most  unjustifiable  and  unpatriotic. 
In  the  light  of  Papal  history  let  the  meaning  of  all  this  be 
read.  Rome  has  done  the  same  thing  before  in  France. 
When  she  tells  us  she  most  loves  us,  we  have  most  reason  to 
stand  guard." 

The  period  in  our  history  has  arrived  when  we  must,  with- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  481 

out  apology,  uncompromisingly  insist  that  politico-ecclesiasti 
cal  Romanism,  if  it  continues  to  exist  under  the  protection  of 
our  laws,  must  accommodate  itself  to  our  institutions  and  not 
persist  in  warping  them  to  fit  its  deformed  civilization  and 
repudiated  claims. 

CONCERTED    ACTION    AS     ROMANISTS:     PROMOTING    ISOLATION    AND 
SOLIDARITY,    AND    OBSTRUCTING    ASSIMILATION    IN    CITIZENSHIP. 

We  will  appropriately  open  the  discussion  of  the  methods 
of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  in  enjoining  and  requiring 
its  followers — in  their  civic  and  other  associations  with  their 
fellow-citizens — to  think  and  act  as  Romanists,  by  summoning 
three  witnesses :  first,  the  Sovereign  Roman  Pontiff ;  second, 
an  honest  Roman  Catholic  thinker;  and,  third,  an  honest 
American  patriot. 

Leo  XIIL,  in  his  Encyclical  of  1895,  puts  a  premium  on  the 
isolation  of  his  people  as  Romanists.  He  says : 

"  Unless  forced  by  necessity  to  do  otherwise,  Catholics 
ought  to  prefer  to  associate  with  Catholics,  a  course  which 
will  be  very  conducive  to  the  safeguarding  of  their  faith. 
As  presidents  of  societies  thus  formed  among  themselves, 
it  would  be  well  to  appoint  either  priests  or  upright  laymen 
of  weight  and  character,  guided  by  whose  counsel  they  should 
endeavor  peacefully  to  adopt  and  carry  into  effect  such  meas 
ures  as  may  seem  most  advantageous  to  their  interests." 

Dr.  Brownson  (Roman  Catholic),  in  his  Review,  said : 

"The  Church  has  here  a  foreign  aspect,  and  has  no  root 
in  the  life  of  the  nation.  The  Church  brings  here  foreign 
manners,  tastes,  habits,  a  foreign  civilization,  and  a  faith 
and  worship,  with  foreign  believers  and  worshipers,  and 
whatever  we  may  say,  or  whatever  may  be  the  case  here 
after,  the  Catholic  people  in  this  country  are  as  distinct  from 
the  American  people,  in  all  except  their  political  and  social 
rights,  as  the  people  of  France,  Italy,  Spain,  England,  Ger 
many,  or  Ireland.  As  yet  it  is  idle  to  pretend  that  both  are 


482  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

one  people,  living  one  common  national  life.  It  is  no  such 
thing.  When  the  priest  refers  his  people  to  their  ancestors, 
he  refers  not  to  our  American  ancestors,  but  to  an  ancestry  of 
some  foreign  nationality,  and  Catholics  themselves  distin 
guish  non  Catholics  as  Americans,  as  in  Ireland  they  call 
themselves  Irish,  and  Protestants  Sassenagh  or  Saxons.  They 
intrinsically  feel  that  they  are  not  Americans  in  the  sense  non- 
Catholics  are.  The  fact,  disguise  it  as  we  will,  is  that,  though 
for  the  most  part  American  citizens,  Catholics  in  this  country, 
speaking  in  general  terms,  are  a  foreign  people,  think,  feel, 
speak,  and  act  as  a  foreign  population.77 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  in  his  book,  "  American  Ideals  and 
other  Essays,"  says: 

"  The  third  sense  in  which  the  word  l  Americanism '  may  be 
employed  is  with  reference  to  the  Americanizing  of  the  new 
comers  to  our  shores.  We  must  Americanize  them  in  every 
way — in  speech,  in  political  ideas  and  principles,  and  in  their 
way  of  looking  at  the  relation  between  church  and  state. 
We  welcome  the  German  or  the  Irishman  who  becomes  an 
American.  We  have  no  use  for  the  German  or  the  Irishman 
who  remains  such.  We  do  not  wisli  German-Americans  and 
Irish-Americans  who  figure  as  such  in  our  social  and  political 
life.  We  want  only  Americans,  and,  provided  they  are  such, 
we  do  not  care  whether  they  are  of  native  or  of  Irish  or  of 
German  ancestry.  We  have  no  room  in  any  healthy  Ameri 
can  community  for  a  German-American  vote  or  an  Irish- 
American  vote,  and  it  is  contemptible  demagogy  to  put 
planks  into  any  party  platform  with  the  purpose  of  catch 
ing  such  a  vote." 

o 

When  Theodore  Roosevelt  was  a  member  of  the  New  York 
State  Legislature,  he  tells  us  in  his  published  essays  that: 

"  I  sat  for  an  entire  session  beside  a  very  intelligent  member 
from  Northern  New  York  before  I  discovered  that  he  was  an 
Irishman.  All  his  views  of  legislation,  even  upon  such  sub 
jects  as  free  schools  and  the  impropriety  of  making  appro- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  483 

priations  from  the  treasury  for  the  support  of  sectarian 
institutions,  were  practically  similar  to  those  of  his  Protes 
tant-American  neighbors,  though  he  was  himself  a  Catholic. 
Now  a  German  or  an  Irishman  from  one  of  the  great  cities 
would  have  retained  most  of  his  national  peculiarities." 

While  Mr.  Roosevelt's  honest  attitude  is  undoubtedly  in 
harmony  with  American  thought  and  purpose,  one  of  the  in 
consistent  infelicities  of  political  expediency,  enforced  by 
political  Romanism,  appeared  in  his  gubernational  campaign, 
of  which  the  papers  on  October  10,  1898,  made  the  following 
record : 

"  About  forty  prominent  Irishmen,  including  many  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  clergy,  met  at  the  Hoffman  House  on  Mon 
day  night  and  formed  the  Irish-American  Union  to  help  the 
Republican  party.  Patrick  Egan,  ex-Minister  to  Chili,  pre 
sided,  and  Daniel  J.  Naughton  of  Manhattan,  and  M.  J.  Hogan 
of  Brooklyn  acted  as  secretaries.  Yesterday  the  new  organi 
zation  secured  rooms  in  the  Sturtevant  House.  The  Union 
intends  to  make  a  thorough  canvass  of  Irish  societies  through 
out  the  State,  and  there  will  be  at  least  one  great  meeting  at 
which  Colonel  Roosevelt,  John  T.  McDonough,  and  other 
leaders  will  speak.  i  I  think,'  said  Mr.  Egan  yesterday,  '  that 
Colonel  Roosevelt  will  receive  more  Irish  votes  in  New  York 
than  any  candidate  since  James  G.  Blaine.  He  is  a  thorough 
American,  like  Blaine.' ' 

Why  cannot  Roman  Catholic  priests  when  they  act  as  chap 
lains  in  the  army  or  navy,  or  in  charitable,  reformatory,  or 
penal  institutions,  being  Christians,  so  conduct  their  general 
services  as  to  be  acceptable  to  all  the  persons  to  whom  they 
minister  who  believe  in  Christianity  ?  Why  persistently  put 
to  the  front  the  Roman  instead  of  the  religious  features  of  their 
Christianity  ?  Why  not  exalt  the  fundamental  teachings  of 
the  Scriptures  which  all  Christians  accept  instead  of  magnify 
ing  the  man-made  parts  of  religious  ceremonials  ? 

The  introduction  of  Roman  Catholic  speakers,  whenever 


484  .Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

they  consent  to  appear  with  their  fellow-citizens  on  humani 
tarian  or  reform  platforms,  is  generally  performed  in  a 
truckling  manner  by  Protestant  presiding  officers,  making 
sycophants  of  men  otherwise  gentlemen,  and  thus  putting 
a  premium  on  the  fact  of  isolation. 

During  Archbishop  Corrigan's  Jubilee  in  1898,  between  five 
and  six  thousand  parochial  school  children  presented  an  address 
to  the  Archbishop.  This  was  intended  to  accentuate  the 
attempt  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  to  isolate  the  ris 
ing  generation  of  youth  and  separate  them  as  Romanists  from 
the  rising  generation  of  Americans  of  which  they  ought  to  be 
a  homogeneous  part.  Where  were  the  scores  of  thousands  of 
Roman  Catholic  public-school  children  of  the  city  of  New 
York  on  this  occasion  ?  The  Cathedral  could  not  have  held 
them.  They  were  preparing  for  the  race  of  life  with  equal 
opportunities  with  other  American  youth,  and  becoming  a  part 
of  our  homogeneous  citizenship.  Thanks  to  the  Archbishop 
for  accentuating  this  religious  discrimination  against  boys  and 
girls  whose  parents  desire  to  make  Americans  of  them  ! 

The  ostentatious  exhibition  which  Chaplain  Chidwick  of 
the  Maine  has  made  of  himself,  advertising  his  church  con 
nections  on  all  occasions,  giving  brass  crosses  to  the  families 
of  the  dead  sailors,  his  picture  being  sold  at  the  laying  of  the 
corner  stone  of  a  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  New  York  labeled 
"  the  hero  of  the  Maine"  his  frequent  visits  to  New  York  with 
the  advertisement  that  he  was  to  celebrate  mass  at  such  an  hour, 
were  all  in  striking  contrast  with  the  conduct  of  the  efficient  but 
commendably  modest  chaplains  of  most  of  the  other  warships 
of  the  United  States  Navy.  However  creditable  this  priest's 
services  as  chaplain  may  have  been,  the  historic  relations  of 
Romanism  to  the  entire  Cuban  business  of  which  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  Maine  was  an  incident,  were  such  that  the  modest 
performance  of  his  duties  would  have  been  more  becoming 
than  the  persistent  advertising  of  his  personality. 

We  were  told  that  we  must    not  speak    the  truth   about 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  485 

Roman  Catholic  political  interference  with  our  civil  institu 
tions  in  the  midst  of  war  because  nothing  must  be  done  to 
alienate  Romanist  citizens  from  the  support  of  our  national 
cause.  Is  their  loyalty  of  this  stamp?  We  must  not  say 
that  it  was  a  war  between  Latin  and  Auorlo-Saxon  civilizations, 

O 

although  it  is  historic  truth,  because  expediency  requires  the 
suppression  of  the  truth  in  order  to  nurture  a  sensitive  loyalty. 

If  a  Roman  Catholic  becomes  conspicuous  for  service  to 
this  country  in  the  army  or  navy  or  in  civil  life  it  is  trumpeted 
through  the  press  and  elsewhere  that  he  is  a  Roman  Catholic, 
and  capital  is  sought  to  be  made  out  of  it,  although  frequently 
distasteful  to  the  subject  of  it. 

Every  Roman  Catholic  who  enters  the  army  as  an  American 
patriot  deserves  credit,  aids  his  country  and  his  church  as  a 
religious  institution,  and  strikes  a  telling  blow  at  politico- 
ecclesiasticism.  As  a  soldier  loses  his  identity  as  a  part  of  any 
other  organization  when  he  becomes  an  American  soldier,  so 
a  citizen  ought  to  lose  his  identity  as  a  member  of  any  other 
governmental  organization  when  he  becomes  a  member  of  the 
army  of  American  citizens. 

Romanism  has  had  phenomenal  success  in  securing  public 
money  and  political  offices.  It  is  the  most  persistent  lobbyist 
in  American  political  history.  It  has  been  audacious  and 
intimidating  in  its  demands.  The  opportunities  afforded  by 
popular  government  have  stimulated  its  rapacity.  It  is 
understood  that  when  it  asks  or  demands  political  favors  it 
has  votes  to  give  or  withhold  in  return  for  concessions  or 
refusals.  This  is  in  harmony  with  the  accepted  Romanist 
doctrine.  Its  adherents  are  first  Romanists,  and  afterward, 
citizens. 

The  Roman  Catholics  are  the  only  class  of  our  citizens  who, 
when  any  of  their  number  are  elected  or  appointed  to  office, 
consider  the  office  a  personal  possession  to  be  used  in  the 
interest  of  their  church  and  its  members,  making  profession 
of  their  faith  the  basis  of  appointment  to  positions  under  them. 


486  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

They  have  a  perfect  right  to  their  ratio  of  representation 
in  all  public  offices,  if  they  can  secure  it  because  of  fitness  and 
loyal  Americanism. 

In  making  up  a  party  ticket  at  a  political  convention  the 
rule  is  that  when  a  Romanist  is  nominated  lie  is  nominated 
because  he  is  a  Romanist. 

The  presence  of  Roman  Catholics  in  educational,  delibera 
tive,  legislative,  and  patriotic  or  other  bodies  is  always  a 
restraint  upon  the  patriotic  sentiment  based  upon  the  recogni 
tion  of  the  origin  and  sources  of  our  liberties  and  civilization, 
because  these  were  born  in  contest  and  protest  against  the 
cruelties  and  oppression  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism. 

Always  isolating  themselves  from  their  fellow-citizens  on 
matters  pertaining  to  the  public  weal,  they  become  the  dis 
turbers  of  harmony.  If  there  is  a  school  controversy  in  any 
community  they  are  at  the  bottom  of  it.  They  are  not 
allowed  to  fuse,  as  that  would  lead  to  individual  thinking  and 
that  would  destroy  solidarity  and  promote  individual  patriot 
ism.  This  must  not  be  allowed.  They  must  first  be  recog 
nized,  not  as  citizens  and  patriots,  but  as  Romanists. 

During  the  Spanish-American  war,  when  many  Roman 
Catholic  organizations  were  assuring  the  President  of  their 
loyalty,  and  were  dilating  upon  the  virtue  of  patriotism,  it  was 
not  only  a  good  omen,  but  a  good  time  to  detach  themselves 
permanently  from  the  power  of  politico-ecclesiasticism  and 
with  loyalty  to  their  country  and  to  their  religion  become 
loyal  American  citizens,  and  many  of  them  have  given  proof 
that  they  did  thus  detach  themselves.  Otherwise,  their 
previous  politico-ecclesiastical  masters  will  use  their  patriot 
ism  the  more  thoroughly  to  assert  their  power  over  political 
parties  and  leaders. 

Whenever  a  prominent  Roman  Catholic  takes  an  attitude 
in  harmony  with  the  generally  accepted  views  concerning  the 
character,  the  purpose,  and  the  protection  of  American  institu 
tions  he  is  immediately  assaulted  by  Roman  Catholic  editors 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  487 

and  speakers  apparently  for  the  only  reason  that  he  has  not 
acted  as  a  Roman  Catholic  in  the  performance  of  his  public 
duties  or  in  the  expression  of  his  opinion.  When  the  ven 
erated  ex-Chief  Judge  Charles  P.  Daly  in  New  York  City 
expressed  publicly  his  couviction  that  the  State  Constitution 
ought  to  be  amended  so  that  it  would  provide  for  and  thor 
oughly  protect  the  public-school  system,  and  that  it  ought 
also  so  to  be  amended  as  to  prohibit  sectarian  appropriations, 
he  was  assaulted  in  arguments  before  Committees  of  the  Con 
stitutional  Convention  by  paid  Romanist  lawyers  represent 
ing  the  interests  of  Romanism,  as  being  not  only  not  a 
representative  Roman  Catholic  but  as  presenting  views  un 
worthy  of  consideration,  because  he  was  in  his  dotage  ;  and 
these  assaults  were  made  by  men  who,  so  far  as  personal 
character  was  concerned,  were  not  worthy  to  unloose  the 
latchet  of  his  shoes. 

When  Judge  Joseph  McKenna  as  Attorney  General  of  the 
United  States  decided  that  the  Secretary  of  War  had  no 
power  to  grant  permission  for  the  erection  of  a  Roman 
Catholic  chapel  at  West  Point  without  legislative  action, 
although  legal  authorities  with  perfect  unanimity  approved 
the  decision  of  the  Attorney  General,  because  the  decision 
interfered  with  the  purposes  of  Romanism  in  the  matter  in 
question,  Roman  Catholic  editors,  priests,  and  lawyers  assaulted 
the  Judge  on  no  other  ground  than  that  he  had  not  rendered 
a  decision,  despite  the  legal  features  of  the  case,  as  a  Roman 
Catholic. 

Just  in  proportion  as  a  Roman  Catholic  is  detached  from 
the  political  claims  of  the  ecclesiasticism  of  his  church  does 
he  become  a  patriot  and  more  firmly  attached  to  the  religious 
claims  of  his  church. 

Bishop  Gilmour  of  Cleveland,  O.,  wrote  in  1873  :  "  Nation 
alities  must  be  subordinate  to  religion,  and  we  must  learn  that 
we  are  Catholics  first,  and  citizens  next.  God  is  above  man, 
and  the  church  above  the  state." 


488  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

To  keep  up  their  isolation  and  separation  they  insist  that 
everything  is  sectarian  that  is  not  Roman  Catholic. 

When  their  neglected  and  criminal  classes  enter  State  and 
undenominational  institutions  they  insist  upon  isolation  as 
Romanists  and  demand  their  own  chaplains. 

Henry  J.  Raymond  wrote  in  a  pungent  editorial  forty  years 
ago  in  the  New  York  Times,  sentiments  which  would  illumi 
nate  with  truth  the  editorial  columns  of  any  modern  daily 
paper :  "  Their  duty  is  to  become  Americans,  to  study  the 
institutions  of  the  country,  to  fit  themselves  for  the  discharge 
of  the  duties  which  American  citizenship  imposes.  If  they 
had  done  this  more  generally ;  if  they  had  acted  here  more 
uniformly  as  Americans  and  not  as  Irishmen  ;  if  they  had  been 
less  clannish,  less  anxious  to  perpetuate  here  their  foreign 
habits  and  feelings,  and  more  ready  to  adapt  their  conduct  to 
their  new  relations,  they  would  have  given  no  occasion  for  the 
political  movements  which  are  now  so  rife  and  so  strong 
against  them." 

Protestants  often  contribute  to  patriotic  movements  if  the 
fact  is  not  to  be  published,  but  great  pains  are  taken -4)  y 
Roman  Catholics  to  publish  the  names  of  Protestant  subscrib 
ers  to  their  funds.  When  from  religious  or  political  consid 
erations  a  person  of  prominence  joins  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  it  is  extensively  advertised.  Father  Young,  in  his 
"  Catholic  and  Protestant  Countries  Compared,"  gives  a  mus 
ter  roll  of  prominent  Protestant  political  and  other  sinners  who 
have  in  late  years  become  Roman  Catholic  saints.  It  is  an 
impressive  list  for  St.  Peter. 

Romanism  attempts  to  prohibit  the  parades  of  Orangemen 
and  other  celebrations  that  recall  the  oppression  and  persecu 
tion  by  Romanism  on  the  other  side  of  the  ocean,  but  insists 
upon  its  right  to  parade  the  streets  of  our  cities  and  flaunt  its 
foreign  banners  in  the  faces  of  our  people,  and  even  demands 
that  Roman  flags  shall  fly  from  governmental  buildings  on 
days  which  celebrate  historic  incidents  in  which  American 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  489 

citizens  not  only  have  no  interest,  but  which  recall  facts  that 
tell  of  obstacles  placed  in  the  way  of  securing  the  civil  and 
religious  liberties  which  we  now  enjoy.  They  might  with  as 
good  reason  protest  against  the  celebration  of  the  victories  of 
Manila  and  Santiago  ! 

We  hail  with  delight  the  many  evidences  that  individual 
Roman  Catholics  are  asserting  their  manhood  and  are  acting 
in  political  matters  as  responsible  men  and  individual  Ameri 
can  citizens,  and  are  declining  to  be  counted  among  the  num 
ber  whose  political  volitions  and  judgments  are  subject  to  the 
mandate  and  delivery  of  another.  Our  protest  is  not  against 
any  man's  religion,  which  ought  to  constitute  his  relations  to 
his  God  and  thus  determine  his  relations  to  his  neighbor,  but 
against  any  religious  leader  or  leaders  using  ecclesiastical 
power  to  dictate  a  man's  civic  and  political  action,  and  putting 
him  to  disadvantage  in  his  relations  to  his  fellow-citizens  by 
offensively  pushing  to  the  front  the  fact  that  he  is  acting  first 
as  a  Roman  Catholic  and  then  as  an  American  citizen. 

While  the  breaking  away  from  the  mass  of  Irish  Roman 
Catholic  voters  of  any  considerable  number  of  voters  to  act 
independently  and  assert  their  individual  sovereignty  is  a 
hopeful  omen  and  ought  to  be  encouraged,  it  is  a  misfortune 
to  have  them  do  it  as  Romanists  and  to  continue  the  solidarity 
based  on  race  and  religion  in  their  new  political  relations, 
which  has  made  the  condition  from  which  they  are  trying  to 
emancipate  themselves  a  social  menace  and  a  political  peril. 

Politicians  and  office-seekers  must  not  only  treat  Irish 
Romanists  as  Americans,  but  they  must  treat  American 
Americans  as  Americans.  Let  political  pattings  on  the  head 
be  gently  approving  in  both  cases  and  not  a  pat  for  the  Irish- 
American  and  a  blow  for  the  native  American.  Let  all  be 
treated  as  Americans. 

The  American  republic  has  a  right  to  expect  that,  sharing 
equal  privileges  and  responsibilities  under  our  institutions 
with  all  others,  Roman  Catholics  will  stop  this  unreasonable 


490  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

and  disloyal  isolation  -and  become  assimilated  as  Americana 
like  other  nationalities,  sectarians,  and  religionists. 

The  policy  of  concentrating  the  Roman  Catholics  in  cities 
and  also  in  definite  localities  of  sparsely  populated  States  and 
Territories  was  openly  announced  a  few  years  since.  Rome 
always  works  on  a  well-devised  plan  for  political  conquest. 
In  no  State  and  in  but  one  Territory  are  the  Romanist  popu 
lations  in  an  actual  majority,  but  in  several,  by  intrigue  and 
solidarity,  they  hold  the  balance  of  power. 

For  enhancing  political  power  they  resort  to  every  device 
and  put  forth  every  effort  to  keep  their  people  from  assimilat 
ing  with  their  fellow-citizens.  If  this  course  is  necessary  to 
preserve  their  people  for  their  church,  what  a  lamentable  con 
fession  it  is  that  Romanism  and  republicanism  are  necessarily 
antagonistic,  and  that  loyalty  to  the  one  must  mean  disloyalty 
to  the  other. 

So  long  as  party  lines  in  the  United  States  are  sharply 
drawn  between  the  Republicans  and  Democrats,  the  solid 
Roman  Catholic  vote  of  about  12i  per  cent,  of  the  entire  vote 
of  13,000,000  holds  the  balance  of  power  and  can  determine  a 
national  election  by  judiciously  transferring  even  one-fourth  of 
its  strength  solidly  to  either  political  party.  The  independent 
vote  in  the  country  is  estimated  at  two  per  cent,  of  the  entire 
vote,  which  just  about  represents  the  amount  of  the  average 
popular  majority  in  a  national  election.  Does  not  this  state 
of  facts  demonstrate  the  peril  of  the  possible  transfer  without 
argument  of  even  a  small  fraction  of  the  aggregate  vote  from 
one  side  to  another  at  the  dictation  of  a  single  will  ? 

In  a  political  campaign  we  hear  about  the  boss  massing  the 
German  vote,  and  the  Irish  vote,  and  the  Italian  vote.  The 
only  massing  of  the  representatives  of  these  different  nationali 
ties  which  can  always  be  made  effective  is  that  based  upon  the 
cohesive  power  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism. 

What  a  criminal  farce  the  sacred  and  responsible  privilege 
of  suffrage  becomes  in  the  hands  of  these  legions,  which  are 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  491 

subject  to  the  dictation  of  a  political  priest  and  can  be  deliv 
ered  in  the  mass  by  a  politico-ecclesiastical  boss  !  The  spec 
tacle  is  humiliating  and  its  effects  are  staggering  to  hopes  for 
the  perpetuity  of  free  institutions,  while  this  aspect  of  affairs 
is  not  transformed, 

The  political  necessities  of  subjection  and  solidarity  in  vot 
ing  force  compel  strenuous  and  persistent  efforts  to  keep 
their  force  in  isolation,  and  this  logically  requires  every  effort 
to  keep  them  away  from  companionships  not  dominated  by 
the  machine.  This  means  separation  from  their  fellow-citi 
zens,  lest  they  should  learn  to  think  and  act  for  themselves. 
All  this  is  antagonistic  to  the  American  theory  and  hostile  to 
homogeneity  of  citizenship. 

How  regrettable  it  is  that  while  there  are  such  shining  ex 
amples  of  patriotism  among  Roman  Catholic  American  citizens, 
the  common  pride  of  the  nation,  in  the  military,  naval,  and 
civil  service,  and  while  there  are  thousands  of  the  rank  and 
file  equally  patriotic,  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  seeks 
to  pervert  these  very  names  and  persons  to  its  political 
uses,  by  rating  them  in  the  common  solidarity  which  it  seeks 
by  its  system  to  control  in  molding  our  institutions  ac 
cording  to  its  pattern. 

In  his  letter  to  the  Pope  published  in  the  New  York  Herald, 
February  26,  1893,  Archbishop  Ireland  objects  to  the  policy 
of  isolation  advocated  by  certain  of  his  coreligionists  in  the 
United  States,  and  makes  the  following  remarkable  statement : 

"  So  long  as  this  unnatural  separation  continues  the  transi 
tion  of  the  sons  of  immigrants  from  one  side  to  the  other  will 
always  be  effected  in  a  violent  manner  and  very  often  will  be 
accompanied  by  the  loss  of  their  faith.  Consequently  the 
influence  of  the  Catholic  Church  upon  the  public  in  general 
has,  up  to  the  present  time,  remained  very  slight  and  the  num 
ber  of  converts  very  few ;  it  has  always  been  regarded  with 
suspicion  and  as  a  menace.  And  this  is  why,  when  a  young, 
ambitious  Catholic  has  wished  to  make  himself  a  name  either 


492  Facing  tlie  Iwentieih  Century. 

in  the  political  or  social  world,  he  has  invariably  separated 
himself,  at  least  in  the  public  eye,  from  all  connection  and 
sympathy  with  the  suspected  foreigner. 

"  No  Catholic  can  present  himself  for  election  to  a  high 
political  position  without  having  previously  broken  with  the 
Catholic  body  and  declared  himself  without  reserve  in  har 
mony  with  American  institutions.  Thus  it  is  that  to-day  not 
a  few  of  those  Catholics  who  occupy  high  political  positions 
in  the  United  States  have  abandoned  the  practice  of  their 
religion." 

If  the  Archbishop's  practice,  and  the  practice  of  his  church, 
had  conformed  to  what  he  states  to  be  the  facts  and  to  the 
corrective  theory  which"  he  bases  upon  these  facts,  multitudes 
of  Roman  Catholics  would  have  re-enforced  the  hosts  who 
are  unconditionally  loyal  to  their  country  as  Americans. 

But  this  same  Archbishop  said  in  his  address  before  the 
Baltimore  Congress  of  Roman  Catholic  laymen: 

"  Go  to  your  homes  with  the  enthusiasm  that  you  have 
shown  here  ;  spread  it  in  every  State  in  the  Union,  and  say  there 
is  a  new  departure  among  Catholics  in  the  United  States. 
Tell  them  there  is  a  new  mission  open  for  laymen.  The  long 
expected  day  has  come  when  Catholic  Bishops,  priests,  and 
laymen  rise  up  and  say,  Henceforth  we  will  act  as  one  man 
in  accordance  with  our  religion." 

The  platform  of  the  laymen  gave  this  response  to  the  Arch 
bishop's  heated  appeal : 

"  We  demand,  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  justice,  that  this 
freedom  [of  the  Holy  See  |  be  scrupulously  respected  by  all 
secular  governments.  We  protest  against  the  assumption  by 
any  such  government  of  a  right  to  affect  the  interests  or  con 
trol  the  actions  of  our  Holy  Father  by  any  form  of  legislation, 
or  other  public  act  to  which  7//.si  ft/It  approbation,  lias  not  been 
previously  given,  and  we  pledge  Leo  XIII.,  the  worthy  Pontiff 
to  whose  hands  Almighty  God  has  committed  the  helm  of 
Peter's  bark  amid  the  tempests  of  this  stormy  age,  the  loyal 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  493 

sympathy  and  unstinted  aid  of  all  his  spiritual  children  in 
vindicating  that  perfect  liberty  which  he  justly  claims  as  his 
sacred  and  inalienable  right." 

In  harmony  with  the  above  injunctions  and  instructions,  the 
always  orthodox  Catholic  World  says  : 

"  In  performing  their  duties  as  citizens,  electors,  and  public 
officers,  Catholics  are  always,  and  under  all  circumstances,  to 
act  simply  as  Catholics." 

In  the  critical  political  contest  of  the  autumn  of  1898 
as  important  issues  were  at  stake  as  the  American  elect 
ors  were  ever  called  to  pass  upon.  The  financial  credit  of 
the  nation  was  still  in  the  balance,  as  one  of  the  political 
parties  had,  in  its  platform  in  every  State,  either  definitely 
pronounced  for  free  silver  or  sought  to  evade  the  issue.  The 
United  States  Peace  Commissioners  in  Paris  were  facing  the 
Spanish  Peace  Commissioners  at  the  most  critical  juncture  of 
their  negotiations.  Sagasta  was  avowedly  procrastinating  in 
the  hope  that  our  Congressional  elections  would  prove  that 
the  American  people  were  opposed  to  reaping  the  legitimate 
harvest  of  their  successful  war  with  Spain.  The  intrenching 
of  the  United  States  in  her  new  and  commanding  place  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth  was  at  stake.  At  this  crisis  in  the 
history  of  the  republic  and  of  civilization,  the  Roman  Catholic 
religious  press  and  the  political  press  under  its  domination 
gave  "aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy,"  by  disloyally  magni 
fying  the  imperfections  of  the  business  management  of  the  war, 
by  ignoring  the  magnificent  results  of  the  war  and  the  prin 
ciples  involved,  and  by  seeking  to  heap  ridicule  upon  the  most 
prominent  characters  taking  part  in  the  contest,  from  the 
President  down,  by  disgraceful  cartoons.  The  results  of  the 
elections  for  Congressmen  and  for  members  of  legislatures, 
in  States  where  United  States  Senators  were  to  be  elected, 
show  that,  at  the  centers  of  population,  where  the  Roman 
Catholic  vote  is  massed,  almost  without  exception  the  elections 
resulted  in  an  assault  upon  the  financial  credit  of  the  country, 


494  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

in  a  vote  of  condemnation  of  the  administration  of  President 
McKinley,  and  in  extending  comfort  to  Spain.  But  the 
American  people  as  a  whole  neutralized  and  crushed  the 
enemy  within  our  gates. 

Whenever  a  regiment  of  soldiers  of  the  National  Guard  or 
regular  army  is  invited  to  attend  any  church  service  as  a 
regiment,  decent  propriety  would  seem  to  demand  that,  in 
case  they  wear  their  uniforms,  they  should  also  bear  their 
flag.  Here  we  record  an  interesting  historic  incident  occur 
ring  on  the  eve  of  our  war  with  Spain : 

Lieutenant  Colonel  Duffy,  temporary  commanding  officer  of 
the  Sixty-ninth  New  York  National  Guard  Regiment,  issued 
an  order  in  which  he  said  : 

"  In  acceptance  of  invitation  from  the  Most  Reverend  Arch 
bishop  Corrigan,  the  regiment  will  parade  in  fatigue  uniform, 
overcoats,  and  white  gloves,  on  Thursday,  March  17,  1898, 
and  proceed  to  St.  Patrick's  Cathedral,  to  assist  at  pontifical 


mass." 


It  is  the  custom,  established  by  years  of  usage,  for  the 
Sixty-ninth  to  attend  divine  service  on  St.  Patrick's  day, 
and  the  practice  has  never  caused  any  comment,  because  the 
organization  has  always  been,  until  recently,  an  exclusively 
Irish  command.  But  the  church  parade  attracted  observa 
tion  at  this  time  because  of  the  decree  of  the  Holy  Office, 
which  was  published  recently,  forbidding  the  use  of  "National, 
State,  or  other  emblems  of  purely  secular  organizations  in  any 
service  of  the  church,  whether  at  the  obsequies  of  officials  of 
standing  or  celebrations  where  flags  are  necessary."  The 
decree  was  issued  in  consequence  of  the  controversy  which 
resulted  from  the  order,  issued  by  Bishop  McDonnell  of 
Brooklyn,  directing  the  removal  of  a  flag  with  which  a  Catho 
lic  church  was  decorated.  A  prominent  Catholic  paper  de 
fended  the  action  of  Bishop  McDonnell,  and  in  order  to  show 
that  his  action  was  approved  by  the  Vatican,  the  Holy  Office 
issued  the  decree  that  only  blessed  banners  may  be  used  in 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  495 

the  church.  The  banners  which  may  be  used  must  be  em 
blems  of  an  organization  the  status  of  which  is  fully  approved 
by  the  Bishop,  and  the  society  must  be  under  the  Bishop's 
jurisdiction,  and  must  depend  on  his  authority.  The 
banner  must  also  bear  a  religious  mark.  The  dispatch  in 
which  the  decree  was  reported  said : 

"  The  decree  admits  that  the  American  flag  is  one  which 
should  be  to  all  Americans  an  emblem  of  freedom,  but  that 
it  can  never  be  considered  as  a  fitting  decoration  for  the  house 
of  God." 

Would  not  a  regiment  of  soldiers  consenting  to  appear  in 
uniform  without  their  flag,  under  any  circumstances,  as  Ro 
manists  instead  of  as  American  soldiers,  be  embarrassed  in  the 
presence  of  the  Spaniards,  to  determine  whether  they  were 
fighting  as  Americans  or  as  Romanists  ? 

On  the  30th  of  January,  1899,  the  members  of  the  "gallant 
Sixty-ninth  "  regiment  of  New  York  National  Guard  were 
weclomed  as  the  "  returning  braves,"  and  were  reviewed  at 
the  City  Hall  by  Mayor  Van  Wyck  and  the  Roman  Catholic 
Commissioners  and  heads  of  City  Departments,  and  at  the 
Archiepiscopal  palace  by  "  Archbishop  Corrigan  with  several 
priests  of  the  Cathedral.  .  .  When  they  broke  ranks,  they 
were  not  slow  to  make  complaints  against  the  acts  of  their  su 
perior  officers  while  the  regiment  was  in  camp  in  the  South," 
where  the  said  regiment  had  made  a  most  disreputable  record 
for  unmilitary  and  disorderly  conduct.  What  did  this  demon 
stration  over  the  Sixty-ninth  by  certain  newspapers  and  by 
the  municipal  government  mean?  Simply  to  impress  upon 
the  public  the  fact  that  this  was  a  Roman  Catholic  regiment 
which  both  marched  and  voted  mechanically. 

It  matters  not  how  high  the  official  political  position  a 
Roman  Catholic  may  hold,  he  still  recognizes  that  his  first 
loyalty  is  due  to  the  Pope.  Sir  Wilfred  Laurier,  the  Roman 
Catholic  Premier  of  the  Canadian  Government,  where  two 
millions  of  the  total  population  of  five  millions  are  Roman 


496  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Catholics,  delivered  an  address  in  May,  1898,  in  which  he 
admitted  that  he  had  signed  a  memorial  to  the  Pope  against 
the  interference  of  bishops  and  priests  in  the  Canadian  elec 
tions.  The  address  establishes  two  facts:  first,  that  ecclesias 
tics  dictated  to  the  voters,  and  second,  the  Premier  recognizes 
the  authority  of  the  Pope  over  himself  and  over  the  bishops 
and  priests,  and  through  them  over  the  voters ;  thus  subject 
ing  the  civil  government,  from  Premier  to  voter,  to  the  will  of 
the  Pope.  Sir  Wilfred  Laurier  said  : 

"  But  when  it  came  to  this,  that  electors,  poor  men,  farm 
ers,  laborers,  and  so  on,  were  ordered  to  violate  their  own  con 
sciences  ;  when  they  were  told  from  the  pulpit  that  they  could 
not  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage  as  they  saw  fit  to  do; 
when  they  were  told  that  it  was  a  grievous  sin  to  vote  for  one 
party  or  the  other — I  care  not  at  this  moment  which — what 
was  I  to  do  ?  Was  I  to  allow  these  things  to  go  on  ?  Sir,  as  a 
dutiful  Roman  Catholic,  I  thought  it  my  duty,  and  the  duty 
of  those  who  were  associated  with  me — not  in  the  Government, 
not  in  Parliament,  but  in  many  walks  of  social  life — to  appeal 
to  the  head  of  the  church,  to  declare  that  we  are  not  inferior 
to  any  other  class  of  men ;  that  we  could  exercise  our  civil  and 
political  rights  just  as  our  countrymen  of  the  Protestant  per 
suasion  could ;  that  the  privilege  they  had,  we  had." 

An  illustration  of  the  narrowness  and  bigotry  that  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  introduces  into  the  associations  of 
men,  even  in  the  face  of  death  and  grief,  is  found  in  the  ex 
perience  of  Bishop  FitzGerald  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  the  largest  Protestant  body  in  America,  who  was 
present  in  Havana  and  at  the  Palace  on  the  day  of  burial  of 
the  victims  of  the  destruction  of  the  Maine.  General  Lee 
cordially  welcomed  him.  Captain  Sigsbee  said  to  him  that 
"  his  presence  was  providential."  Tie  could  not  stay,  because 
of  the  sailing  of  his  ship,  to  attend  the  services  at  the  ceme 
tery.  He  could  have  taken  part,  however,  in  the  services  at 
the  Palace. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  497 

The  following  statement  by  Captain  Sigsbee  appears  in 
the  Century  Magazine  for  December,  1898  : 

"  Appreciating  the  sentiments  of  the  relatives  of  those  who 
were  lost,  I  previously  asked  Chaplain  Chidwick  if  some 
arrangement  could  not  be  made  whereby  prayers  might  be 
read  over  the  Protestant  dead  by  a  Protestant  clergyman  or 
by  myself.  He  had  referred  the  question  to  the  Bishop,  who 
had  politely  negatived  the  proposition.  I  did  not  like  this, 
because  I  desired  to  do  everything  in  my  power  to  comfort 
the  families  and  friends  of  the  deceased  men ;  therefore, 
when  I  was  presented  to  the  Bishop,  I  renewed  my  request, 
with  a  statement  of  the  difficulties  of  the  case.  The  Bishop 
was  very  kind,  but  had  to  regret  his  inability  to  concede  the 
point.  I  was  much  disturbed ;  in  fact,  I  was  indignant,  for 
my  mood  in  the  presence  of  those  coffins  was  one  requiring 
great  effort  at  self-repression ;  therefore  I  remarked  to  Dr. 
Congosto  that  if  I  had  been  fully  prepared  for  a  refusal  I 
should  probably  nojb  have  felt  free  to  accept  the  offer  of  the 
Spanish  authorities  to  take  charge  of  the  funeral  ceremonies 
—that  I  should  have  preferred  to  take  them  under  my  own 
charge,  in  such  a  way  that  I  could  have  given  to  each  creed 
freedom  to  bury  its  dead  after  its  own  forms.  In  this  I  was 
doubtless  lacking  in  tact.  Nevertheless,  I  was  sincere.  My 
position  was  so  difficult  that  I  felt  that  I  could  speak  plainly 
to  Dr.  Congosto,  who,  as  I  have  already  said,  had  lived  in  the 
United  States.  In  my  opinion,  the  Bishop  of  Havana  and 
Chaplain  Chidwick  were  quite  acceptable  to  officiate  at  the 
grave  of  any  Christian;  but  this  was  not  a  matter  for  my 
consideration  alone ;  others  were  to  be  considered." 

Undoubtedly  a  large  proportion  of  the  dead  sailors  were 
from  Protestant  families.  Anyway,  they  were  the  defenders 
of  a  Christian  and  not  of  a  sectarian  nation.  Rome  ought  to 
have  been  bi'oad  enough,  or  at  least  politic  enough,  to  recog 
nize  that  our  Christian  civilization  tolerates  all  forms  of 
religious  faith,  including  Roman  Catholicism. 


498  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  latest  phase  of  this  matter  will  be  seen  in  the 
following  from  the  New  York  Herald  of  January  31, 
1899: 

"  HAVANA,  Monday. — Bishop  Santander  has  served  notice 
that  no  Protestant  clergyman  can  take  active  part  in  the  cere 
monies  over  the  graves  of  the  Maine's  dead,  who  are  buried 
in  the  Cristobal  Colon  Cemetery.  The  women  who  are 
arranging  the  ceremonies  for  February  15  had  planned  that 
both  Catholic  and  Protestant  prayers  should  be  said.  The 
Bishop's  decision  has  thrown  them  into  confusion,  and  while 
most  of  them  are  inclined  to  accept  the  decision  without  pro 
test,  some  are  so  bitter  that  they  would  appeal  to  the  Presi 
dent  to  enforce  what  they  call  their  rights. 

"  I  found  Bishop  Santander  this  afternoon  boiling  over 
with  wrath  at  what  he  considers  an  outrage  and  insult  com 
mitted  by  General  Wilson  and  Colonel  Brown  in  Matanzas 
Province.  Speaking  of  February  15,  he  said: 

" '  The  Colon  Cemetery  has  been  blessed  according  to  the 
Catholic  ritual.  I  can  no  more  permit  a  Protestant  ceremony 
there  than  I  could  allow  one  in  the  Catholic  Church.  Many 
of  those  who  died  when  the  Maine  was  destroyed  were 
Catholics.  It  would  offend  their  memory  to  permit  a  Prot 
estant  ceremony,  and  none  can  take  place  within  the  ceme 
tery. 

"'I  know,'  the  Bishop  said,  '  that  similar  action  is  contem 
plated  in  Havana;  a  resolution  to  that  effect  having  been 
prepared  for  introduction  at  the  next  meeting  of  the  Ayunta- 
raiento.  The  cemeteries  were  built  with  our  money  and  the 
title  belongs  to  the  Church.  I  have  protested  to  General 
Brooke  and  will  carry  the  protest  to  Washington  and 
Rome,  if  necessary.  This  profanation  of  sacred  soil  cannot 
be.' " 

Humanity,  toleration,  liberty  of  conscience,  decency  on  the 
part  of  the  papal  rulers  in  the  Old  and  New  Worlds  would 
have  given  them  justly  the  dominion  of  the  entire  world 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Roman  ism.  499 

to-day,  but  they  preferred  in  the  past,  and  prefer  to-day,  the 
subjection  of  conscience  to  human  bondage  for  political  pur 
poses  rather  than  liberty  of  conscience  which  asserts  the 
rights  of  man  as  man. 

American  Romanists  must  honestly  recognize  historic  facts 
as  they  enjoy  our  civil  and  religious  liberty,  and  not  seek  to 
intrench  here  the  ecclesiastical  bondage  under  which  they 
suffered  beyond  the  seas.  They  have  perfect  political 
equality  and  religious  liberty  here;  let  them  be  loyally 
satisfied. 

Full  credit  and  praise  we  would  give  for  their  religious 
work,  but  they  shall  not  be  allowed  to  cry  religious  persecu 
tion  when  their  injustices  are  exposed,  to  cover  up  political 
moves. 

We  will  be  told  by  the  ignorant  commentator  and  the  clois 
tered  scholar,  and  the  compromising  citizen  and  the  unscrupu 
lous  politician,  that  we  are  alarmists.  We  are  also  told  that 
Rome  loses  great  numbers  of  adherents  through  the  power  of 
our  free  schools  and  free  institutions,  and  by  the  detaching 
power  of  our  independent  national  spirit,  and  that  thus  nat 
urally  these  matters  will  adjust  themselves,  and  that  therefore 
there  is  no  peril. 

No  peril!  to  the  coming  citizenship  and  to  the  republic 
under  such  educational  influences,  when  loyalty  to  republican 
institutions  is  the  only  security  for  the  perpetuation  of  lib 
erty,  and  when  we  are  boldly  confronted  by  a  power  that  has 
for  centuries  proved  to  be  a  politico-ecclesiastical  conspirator 
against  the  liberties  of  mankind  ? 

No  peril!  to  multitudes  of  American  youth,  when  the 
changeless  Jesuits  control  the  Pope,  and  teach  that  he  is  in 
fallible,  and  that  he  has  the  absolute  right  to  demand  the 
obedience  of  all  citizens  and  civil  powers  ? 

No  peril!  when  a  Roman  archbishop  announces  that  he 
and  his  brethren  hold  the  balance  of  power  in  Canada,  and 
through  it  have  controlled  the  elections,  and  asserts  that,  by  a 


500  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

similar  use  of  the  balance  of  power ',  Presidential  elections  will 
be  decided  in  this  republic  ? 

No  peril !  when  in  national  elections  the  States  are  so 
evenly  balanced  that  a  command  from  a  Roman  Pope  or 
Roman  American  Cardinal  Prince  can  order  Roman  legions, 
the  subjects  of  a  foreign  ruler,  in  sufficient  numbers  to  inarch 
to  the  polls  and  determine  one  way  or  the  other  the  most 
momentous  issues  ? 

No  peril!  when  members  of  constitutional  conventions  and 
the  people's  legislators  in  nation  and  State  are  cajoled  or  ter 
rorized  into  action  opposed  to  their  convictions  by  corrupt 
politico-ecclesiastical  combinations  and  lobbies,  and  when 
nominating  and  platform-making  conventions  of  the  great 
national  political  parties  can  be  induced,  either  by  the  influ 
ence  of  political  representatives  of  a  religious  sect,  or  by  the 
blandishments  of  a  single  priestly  political  wire-puller,  to  bar 
ter  the  assertion  of  righteous  principle  for  an  ignis  fatuus  of 
undeliverable  votes  ? 

No  peril !  when  an  honestly  and  truthfully  spoken  allitera 
tion,  in  wrhich  the  word  Romanism  appears  in  its  legitimate 
place  in  a  clerical  Presbyterian  sandwich,  can  determine  who 
shall  be  the  President  of  the  great  republic? 

No  peril!  when  in  many  of  the  States  and  municipalities 
this  foreign  political  power  has  such  domination  that,  for  the 
support  of  its  schools  and  other  institutions  where  youth  are 
trained,  its  sleepless  and  greedy  managers  thrust  their  arms 
elbow-deep  into  the  public  treasuries? 

No  peril !  when  "  political  damnation  "  is  openly  threatened 
by  this  power  against  citizens  who  dare  oppose  its  un-Ameri 
can  demands  and  aggressions  ? 

No  peril!  when  Jesuit  teachers  say,  ua  slave  state  in  the 
church,"  in  ears  that  are  not  permitted  to  hear  the  American 
doctrine  of  "a  free  church  in  a  free  state  "  ? 

No  peril !  when  the  secular  press  seems  to  be  largely  under 
Jesuitical  censorship,  and  is,  because  of  political  considera- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  501 

tions,  afraid  to  warn  the  people  of  dangers  from  a  power  that 
has  enslaved  the  intellect  and  conscience  of  man  in  every 
land? 

No  peril!  when  American  citizens  are  summoned  to  Rome 
to  answer  for  the  crime  of  loyalty  to  American  institutions  ? 

No  peril!  when  the  papal  dictator  of  over  nine  millions  of 
our  population  declares  that  "all  Catholic  teachers  should  do 
all  in  their  power  to  cause  the  constitutions  of  States  and  leg 
islation  to  be  modeled  on  the  principles  of  the  Church,"  and 
that  "  all  Catholic  writers  and  journalists  should  never  for  an 
instant  lose  sight  of  this  prescription  "  ? 

No  peril!  when  conscienceless  politicians  by  the  thousand 
in  this  republic  are  ready  to  barter  away  the  fundamental 
principles  of  republican  liberties  for  any  office,  from  alderman 
to  President? 

No  peril!  wrhen  already  throughout  the  land  millions  of 
dollars  are  annually  paid  from  public  funds  for  sectarian 
purposes  and  sectarian  teaching,  furnishing  the  beginnings  of 
a  courtship  designed  to  end  in  the  marriage  of  the  church  and 
state,  and  the  church  in  question  teaching  disloyalty  to  the 
state  it  would  wed  ? 

No  peril  vt\\\  menace  American  institutions  when  all  citi 
zens  who  enjoy  our  civil  and  religious  liberties  in  theory  and 
practice  conduct  themselves  as  Americans. 

DECLINE:   IN  NUMBERS  AND  IN  POLITICAL  POWER  THROUGHOUT 

THE  WORLD. 

The  march  of  the  papal  power  in  recent  history  toward 
annihilation  has  presented  a  most  magnificent  spectacle  to  the 
world's  advancing  civilization.  Its  defeat  on  every  field  of 
contest  has  been  marked  by  the  progress  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  and  the  rights  of  man.  Napoleon  III.  bolstered  the 
throne  of  the  temporal  power  of  Pius  IX.  with  French  bay 
onets,  and  placed  the  Austrian  Maximilian  on  a  throne  in 
Mexico  with  a  French  army  and  the  Pope's  blessing  to  sup- 


502  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

port  him.  Napoleon  III.  strangled  the  republic  in  France 
and  became  Emperor  with  the  Pope's  approval  and  blessing. 
Maximilian,  deserted  by  Napoleon  III.  in  Mexico,  was 
executed  by  the  struggling  and  outraged  people,  and  widowed 
Carlotta  wandered,  a  royal  maniac,  from  court  to  court  in 
Europe. 

Three  chapters  of  modern  history  in  which  the  papal  power 
had  vital  interests,  and  in  which  it  was  made  to  stagger  toward 
its  final  overthrow,  had  their  genesis  at  Sedan  :  the  overthrow 
of  imperialism  in  France;  the  exodus  and  destruction  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope  ;  and  the  creation  and  consolida 
tion  of  the  German  Empire.  The  countrymen  of  Luther, 
knocking  at  the  gates  of  Paris,  completed  the  work  begun  by 
Luther  at  Worms.  Victor  Emmanuel  entered  Rome  and 
made  it  the  capital  of  United  Italy,  and  completed  the  work 
for  Italy  which  was  initiated  at  Sedan.  Thiers  and  the 
Republic  in  France  freed  the  Gauls  from  ecclesiastical  bond 
age.  Juarez  had  already  annihilated  the  hideous  papal  in 
iquities  in  Mexico.  Then  the  nations  rested  for  a  period, 
impatiently  listening  to  the  piteous  pleadings  from  the 
prisoner  of  the  Vatican  for  the  restoration  of  his  temporal 
power,  while  the  ignorant  faithful,  who  forgot  the  age  in  which 

I  o  O  o 

they  were  living,  clinging  to  the  mummeries  of  a  mediaeval 
civilization,  poured  their  "Peter's  pence"  into  the  treasury  of 
the  man  whom  they  claim  to  be  St.  Peter's  successor  and 
God's  vicegerent  on  the  earth. 

Two  nations  still  remained  faithful  to  the  Pope  :  Austria, 
now  torn  with  internal  dissensions,  and  his  beloved  Spain. 
Spain's  continued  arrogance  and  cruelty  toward  her  colonial 
possessions,  and  the  revival  of  the  spirit  of  religious  liberty 
among  the  nations,  by  its  widely  diffused  light  made  her  dark 
ness  visible  and  her  murders  of  the  innocent  unbearable. 

Then  the  God  of  nations  summoned  the  people  who  knew 
what  absolute  civil  and  religious  liberty  mean  to  make  and 
write  some  concluding  chapters  in  the  history  of  that  nation, 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  503 

the  prop  of  whose  persecutions  and  iniquities  for  four 
centuries  has  been  the  papal  power,  and  in  ninety  days 
America  wrote  Manila,  Santiago,  and  Porto  Rico  with  all  their 
pregnant  import. 

R.  W.  Thompson,  in  "  Footprints  of  the  Jesuits,"  p.  456, 
says : 

"In  former  times  there  were  powerful  governments  sub 
ject  to  the  dominion  of  the  Popes,  but  all  these  have  passed 
away — not  a  single  one  is  left.  Protestant  governments 
have  risen  out  of  the  ruins  of  some,  and  are  now  rising  out  of 
those  of  others  of  them,  and  all  these  are  happy,  prosperous, 
and  progressive ;  while  the  Pope  himself,  with  the  vast  mul 
titude  of  his  allies  assisting  him,  is  devoting  all  the  power 
given  him  by  the  Church  to  persuade  them  to  retrace  their 
steps  and  return  to  the  retrogressive  period  of  the  Middle 
Ages." 

At  the  time  of  the  discovery  of  America  there  were  eighty 
millions  of  Roman  Catholics  in  Europe.  There  was  no  other 
religion  bearing  the  name  of  Christ.  Romanism  ruled  the 
temporal  as  well  as  the  spiritual  powers.  It  recognized  no 
such  right  as  individual  liberty  and  no  such  obligation  as 
individual  responsibility.  Prerogative  made  privilege  impos 
sible. 

The  Encyclical  and  Syllabus  of  Pius  IX.,  issued  in  1864 
against  what  his  Holiness  styled  errors,  has  been  appropri 
ately  designated  as  "  The  Pope's  bull  against  civilization." 
Almost  every  item  in  the  indictment  against  so-called  errors 
called  a  halt  to  the  advancing  forces  of  civilization.  But  the 
forces  seem  either  to  have  repudiated  or  misunderstood  the  or 
ders,  as  they  have  proceeded  systematically  to  do  all  of  the 
things  prohibited,  and  the  Papacy  has  moved  in  a  path  filled 
with  thorns,  while  the  nations  and  the  institutions  founded 
by  the  Pope  have  met  disaster,  and  papal  condemnation  has 
been  the  harbinger  of  prosperity.  He  blessed  Napoleon  III., 
and  he  lost  his  throne  and  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope 


504  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

was  also  lost.  He  cursed  Victor  Emmanuel,  and  Rome  and 
the  Pope  were  both  made  prisoners,  and  the  citizens  of 
the  conquered  city  indorsed  the  conquest  by  a  virtually 
unanimous  vote.  He  blessed  Austria,  and  the  defeat  at 
Sado\va  ensued.  He  blessed  Maximilian,  and  Mexico  killed 
him  and  wiped  out  the  property  and  power  of  the  Church 
of  Rome  on  her  soil.  He  cursed  France,  and  she  reared  a 
republic  on  the  ruins  of  a  Roman  Catholic  empire.  He 
cursed  Venezuela,  and  a  Catholic  President  repudiated  the 
Vatican.  He  warned  the  Catholic  nations  with  Encyclical 
and  Syllabus,  and  Chili,  the  Argentine  Republic,  and  other 
South  American  states,  with  France,  Italy,  and  Mexico,  met 
the  warning  with  adverse  legislation.  He  cursed  Catholic 
Brazil,  and  she  expelled  the  Jesuits  and  declared  separa 
tion  of  church  and  state.  He  blessed  Spain,  and  she  lost 
most  of  her  colonies.  He  has  from  time  to  time  said  some 
apparently  tolerant  thing  about  the  American  republic,  but 
in  the  light  of  history  the  American  people  have  ground  for 
praying  that  he  will  at  least  preserve  a  strict  neutrality  con 
cerning  our  destiny. 

Political  Romanism  must  continue  to  decline  in  power  in 
this  country  for  the  same  reason  that  political  Mormonism 
declined,  because  it  attempts  with  unyielding  persistency  to 
antagonize  the  spirit  and  letter  of  our  Constitution,  to  destroy 
the  molding  force  of  our  educational  system,  and  to  force 
upon  the  citizen  a  perverted  loyalty. 

The  Roman  Catholics  controlled  the  polls  in  New  Mexico 
and  they  voted  against  a  State  Constitution  which  provided 
for  popular  education,  and  this  fact  defeated  the  admission  of 
New  Mexico  into  the  Union. 

Our  free  institutions  constitute  a  detaching  power.  It  is 
a  confession  of  the  irreconcilable  relations  between  Roman 
Catholicism  and  free  institutions  when  their  children  must  be 
kept  in  parochial  schools  or  be  lost  to  them.  We  are  glad  to 
have  them  share  in  the  benefits  of  our  republican  civilization, 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  505 

but  we  will  not  permit  them  to  reconstruct  it  on  mediaeval 
lines. 

The  late  Archbishop  Spalcling  of  Baltimore  declared,  in 
1870,  that  if  the  public  schools  were  rigidly  maintained  in  this 
country,  and  the  public  funds  were  withheld  from  parochial 
schools,  and  compulsory  attendance  laws  were  enforced,  that 
Roman  Catholicism  would  lose  most  of  her  people  in  one 
or  two  generations,  unless  she  honestly  adapted  herself  to  the 
changed  conditions. 

It  is  claimed  by  Roman  Catholic  authorities  that  if  they  had 
held  their  children  in  the  Church  they  ought  to  have  at  pres 
ent  twenty-five  millions  of  the  population,  but  they  have  less 
than  ten  millions.  Why?  Their  exercise  of  ecclesiastical 
political  power  is  breaking  their  hold  upon  the  generation 
born  under  free  institutions. 

Father  Young  parades  in  his  book  a  catalogue  of  prominent 
American  Protestant  converts  to  Romanism.  He  did  not  have 
room  for  the  list  of  those  who  have  left  Romanism. 

It  is  a  notable  fact  that,  while  relatively  their  numbers 
decrease,  their  political  activity  and  demands  enormously 
increase. 

During  the  last  two  decades,  since  Jesuitism  has  again  be 
come  the  dominating  factor  in  the  Roman  Catholic  Church, 
there  has  unquestionably  been  a  revival  on  political  and  social 
lines  while  there  has  been  a  decline  in  numerical  strength.  In 
Germany  it  has  made  great  advances  in  politics  and  in  litera 
ture.  In  Great  Britain  it  has  wrought  great  doctrinal  changes 
within  the  Church  of  England.  In  the  United  States  it  has 
successfully  sought  to  enhance  its  political  power  and  social 
prestige,  and  while  unsuccessfully  seeking  to  control  the  pri 
mary  education  of  its  youth,  at  public  expense,  has  made  some 
progress  in  providing  for  higher  education.  Despite  all  this, 
while  the  hierarchy  has  increased  the  number  of  believers  has 
diminished.  Dr.  Stuckeuberg  declares  that  in  all  Catholic 
lauds  Roman  Catholicism  is  losing  its  hold;  in  Germany  and 


506  Pacing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Austria  the  conditions  remain  unaltered ;  in  England  the  in 
crease  does  not  keep  pace  with  the  growth  of  the  population, 
while  in  the  United  States  the  increase  of  Protestantism  is 
nearly  double  that  of  Roman  Catholicism. 

The  Protestant  Alliance  (London,  Eng.),  for  October,  1898, 
contains  a  valuable  article  on  the  "  Numerical  Strength  of 
Romanism."  After  giving  the  various  estimates,  ranging 
from  one  hundred  and  thirty  million  to  three  hundred  mil 
lion,  from  official  Roman  Catholic  sources,  of  the  numbers 
of  Romanists  in  the  world,  the  article  concludes  thus : 

"  A  glance  at  the  years  and  various  estimates  will  show  that 
the  priests  of  the  l  infallible '  Church  are  hopelessly  at  sea 
and  completely  at  variance  with  each  other.  We  sincerely 
hope  '  infallibility '  does  not  extend  to  such  a  matter  as  sta 
tistics. 

"  I  have  consulted  several  reliable  statistical  works,  and 
have  a  grand  total  of  about  two  hundred  and  three  million. 
I  sent  some  of  the  above  Roman  Catholic  estimates  (including 
those  of  his  friend  Dr.  Dollinger  and  of  Cardinal  Manning)  to 
Mr.  Gladstone,  asking  for  his  opinion  on  the  matter.  This 
was  his  reply  :  *  Dear  Sir. — So  far  as  I  can  judge,  the  estimate 
of  two  hundred  million  may  not  be  far  wrong,  but  I  suppose 
it  to  be  certain  that  now — owing  in  great  part  to  the  increase 
of  the  Slav  and  English-speaking  races,  and  the  falling  away 
in  France — the  Roman  Catholics  are  a  minority  of  the  total 
number  of  Christians.7 

"The  allusion  to  the  '  falling  away'  will  be  better  under 
stood  when  I  state  that  at  the  1881  census  no  less  than  seven 
million  six  hundred  and  eighty-four  thousand  nine  hundred 
and  six  pel-sons  returned  themselves  on  the  paper  as  believing 
in  no  religion  !  These  millions  of  unbelievers,  however,  are 
included  by  Rome  in  the  two  hundred  or  three  hundred  mil 
lions  of  her  children.  Mr.  Gladstone's  postcard  was  printed 
in  the  Daily  New*  of  August  31,  1897. 

"  In  America,  since  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  seven 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  507 

hundred  thousand  Americans  only  have  joined  the  Church 
'out  of  which  there  is  no  salvation.'  My  authority  is  the 
Catholic  Times  of  22d  of  September,  1893.  The  fact  is, 
Romanism  is  in  a  deplorable  state,  both  at  home  and  abroad. 
It  gathers  into  its  bosom  all  sorts  of  people.  '  The  Church ' 
(to  quote  Cardinal  Gibbons,  *  Faith  of  our  Fathers,7  1879  edi 
tion,  p.  43),  '  walking  in  the  footsteps  of  her  divine  Spouse, 
never  repudiates  sinners,  nor  cuts  them  off  from  her  fold,  no 
matter  how  grievous  or  notorious  may  be  their  moral  delin 
quencies.'  Just  so  !  and  Protestant  rate-payers  have  to  pay 
for  the  vice  and  drunkenness  of  the  'sinners? 
"  I  am,  Sir,  yours,  etc., 

"A.  LE  LIEVKE, 
"  Secretary  Protestant  Press  Agency." 

While  the  progress  of  politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism  in 
any  direction  is  sufficient  to  cause  all  friends  of  civil  and  reli 
gious  liberty  to  put  forth  every  effort  to  check  its  progress, 
yet  it  is  not  enough  to  make  them  faithless  and  hopeless  in 
contending  against  it. 

Look  at  the  condition  of  affairs  in  Rome  itself.  There  are 
about  47,000  voters  in  the  city,  and  in  any  contest  between 
the  Clericals  and  Liberals,  the  Clericals  cannot  muster  over 
8000  votes.  Out  of  1300  students  in  the  University,  only 
120  belong  to  the  Clerical  party,  and  the  proportion  of  anti- 
Clericals  in  the  other  universities  is  still  larger. 

An  article  in  the  Methodist  Times  of  London,  edited  by 
Hugh  Price  Hughes,  said  in  1898: 

"  We  have  frequently  added  that  one  of  the  greatest  delu- 
lusions  of  our  time  is  the  notion  that  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  is  prospering,  and  especially  that  it  is  making  rapid 
strides  in  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  The  actual 
fact  is  that  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  alone  of  Christian 
Churches,  is  declining  all  over  the  world." 

In  discussing  Romanism  in  England  the  editor  says :  "  If 
the  Irish  and  continental  Romanists  returned  to  their  own 


508  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

countries,  Romanism  in  England  would  disappear,"  proving 
that  immigration,  as  in  this  country,  is  almost  the  sole  source 
of  their  re-enforcements.  The  editor  concluded  thus : 

"  How  is  it  that  an  immense  delusion  to  the  contrary  is 
widely  spread  in  England  and  America?  It  is  due  to  one 
simple  cause.  Romanists,  to  their  great  credit,  hang  together 
and  act  together.  At  all  elections  they  vote  in  solid  blocks  in 
the  interests  of  their  own  communion  and  in  obedience  to  the 
Pope.  AVe  have  been  taught  by  terrible  experience  that  a 
Protestant  mob  cannot  successfully  overcome  a  clerical  army, 
even  if  the  army  is  much  smaller  than  the  mob.  When  Prot 
estants  have  learned  to  be  as  loyal  to  Christ  as  Romanists  are 
to  the  Pope,  the  unnatural  victories  of  Romanism  will  end  for 


ever." 


Concerning  the  sovereignty  of  races  the  following  figures  are 
interesting :  One  hundred  and  forty  million  are  ruled  by  rep 
resentatives  of  the  Greek  Church,  240,000,000  by  representa 
tives  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  520,000,000  by 
representatives  of  the  Protestant  Church.  Spanish  is  spoken 
by  42,000,000,  French  by  51,000,000,  Russian  by  75,000,000, 
and  English  by  130,000,000. 

In  a  paper  read  at  the  Catholic  Congress,  Columbian  Expo 
sition,  Chicago,  September,  1893,  Miss  M.  T.  Elder  of  New 
Orleans,  said  to  be  a  niece  of  Archbishop  Elder  of  Cincinnati, 
made  the  following  statements  : 

"  Why  is  it  that  the  greatest  men  of  our  nation  are  non- 
Catholic  ?  It  is  because  the  vast  majority  of  these  great  men 
are  from  sturdy  rural  stock,  and  the  rural  stock  of  the  United 
States  are  solidly,  stanchly  Protestant.  Let  us  not  whine 
about  prejudice  and  intolerance,  anti-popery  and  secret  socie 
ties.  Let  us  tell  the  truth  to  ourselves.  Our  inferior  posi 
tion,  and  it  certainly  is  inferior,  is  owing  almost  wholly  to 
ourselves.  The  great  men  of  this  nation  have  been,  are,  and 
will  continue  to  be  Protestant.  I  speak  not  of  wealth,  but  of 
brain,  of  energy,  of  action,  of  heart.  The  great  philanthro- 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  509 

pists,  the  great  orators,  the  great  writers,  thinkers,  leaders, 
scientists,  inventors,  teachers  of  our  land,  have  been  Protes 
tants.  What  surprises  me  is  the  way  we  have  of  eulogizing 
ourselves — of  talking  buncombe  and  spread-eagle  and  of  giv 
ing  taft'y  all  round.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  I  cannot  well  join 
in  this  enlivening  pastime.  When  I  see  how  largely  Catho 
licity  is  represented  among  our  hoodlum  element,  I  feel  in  no 
spread-eagle  mood.  When  I  note  how  few  Catholics  are 
engaged  honestly  in  tilling  the  honest  soil  and  how  many 
Catholics  are  engaged  in  the  liquor  traffic,  I  cannot  talk  bun 
combe  to  anybody.  When  I  observe  the  increasing  power 
and  ascendency  of  the  Jews,  when  I  see  the  superior  vigor, 
originality,  and  opportuneness  of  Protestant  lay  charity  over 
similar  attempts  on  our  part,  and  when  I  observe  the  immense 
success  and  influence  of  secret  societies,  even  here  in  this  most 
Catholic  city  of  the  Union,  I  have  no  heart  for  taffy-giving. 
When  I  reflect  that  out  of  the  seventy  millions  of  the  nation 
we  number  only  nine  millions,  and  that  out  of  that  nine  mil 
lions  so  large  a  proportion  is  made  up  of  poor  factory  hands, 
poor  mill  and  shop  and  mine  and  railroad  employees,  poor 
Government  clerks,  I  still  fail  to  find  material  for  buncombe, 
or  spread-eagle,  or  taffy-giving." 

Some  despondent  citizens  hold,  or  seem  to  hold,  that  the 
battle  is  already  lost ;  that  "  the  foreign  colony,"  as  Dr. 
Brownson  called  it,  sent  to  convert  or  subject  us,  has  for  fifty 
years  been  quietly  pursuing  the  way  to  successful  conquest ; 
that  it  has  undermined  the  press,  and  cajoled  the  people,  and 
organized  a  political  force  on  the  principles  of  Ignatius  Loyola, 
with  which  to  demand  of  politicians  what  it  likes,  and  to  gov 
ern  or  betray  at  pleasure  whichever  party  it  might  join.  One 
asks :  Have  they  not  secured  the  control  of  caucuses  and  con 
ventions  by  the  most  corrupt  practices,  dickering  first  with 
one  party  and  then  with  another,  until  they  control  the  great 
metropolis  of  New  York,  multiplying  the  offices  and  enlarging 
the  salaries  of  the  city,  saddled  as  it  is  with  enormous  debts 


510  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

for  the  plunder  gathered  by  men  like  Tweed  and  his  associ 
ates  who  were  elected  by  the  Romish  vote  ?  Does  not  Father 
Ilecker  boast  that  their  wealth  in  the  United  States  increased 
from  nine  millions  in  1850  to  sixty  millions  in  1870?  That 
while  in  the  same  period  the  wealth  of  the  country,  under  the 
stimulus  of  American  institutions,  American  skill,  and  Ameri 
can  industry,  had  increased  by  eighty-six  per  cent.,  the  wealth 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  under  the  management  of  for 
eign  ecclesiasticism,  the  manipulations  of  party  managers  and 
conventions,  municipal  councils,  and  State  legislatures,  with 
threats  and  promises  based  upon  the  Romish  vote,  had  in 
creased  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-eight  per  cent.? 

It  was  not,  we  are  truly  told,  the  unusual  wealth  or  supe 
rior  thrift  of  the  lay  members  of  the  Roman  Church  which 
enabled  its  clerical  orders  and  charitable  and  reformatory 
institutions  to  accumulate  this  enormous  overplus  of  wealth. 
It  is  simply  that  the  taxpayer  has  been  despoiled  under  pre 
tense  of  law,  and  by  every  form  of  taxation  and  imposition. 

Father  Hecker  makes  the  following  astounding  statement: 
"The  defense  of  the  Church  and  the  salvation  of  the  soul 
were  ordinarily  secured  at  the  expense  necessarily  of  those 
virtues  which  properly  go  to  make  up  the  strength  of  Catho 
lic  manhood."  In  this  way  he  accounts  for  the  fact  that 
"  fifty  million  Protestants  have  generally  had  a  controlling 
influence  for  a  long  period  over  two  hundred  million  Catholics 
in  directing  the  movements  and  destinies  of  nations." 

More  than  fifteen  millions  of  people  in  this  country  to-day 
who  by  heredity  should  be  Roman  Catholics  are  lost  to  that 
Church  as  the  result  of  breathing  the  free  and  tolerant  Ameri 
can  air  and  of  contact  with  American  republican  institutions. 

The  matter  of  relative  numbers  must  be  the  determining 
factor  in  this  country  in  making  any  adequate  estimate  of  the 
advance  or  decline  in  the  political  power  of  any  particular 
politico-ecclesiastical  organization,  because  we  are  a  voting 
people. 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism. 


511 


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Total  populatic 

Fractional  par 
whole  populj 

512  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Father  Hecker  writes :  "  We  give  below  [above]  a  table  to 
show  the  gradual  increase  of  the  Catholic  Church,  so  far  as  the 
data  were  attainable,  from  the  time  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence  to  the  year  1878,  inclusive.  As  for  the  number  of 
Catholics,  we  have  taken  what  may  be  considered  an  average 
estimate  : 

"  Admitting,  then,  all  that  has  been  said  as  true,  it  may  be 
added  that,  as  the  faith  of  the  greater  part  of  Catholics  who 
come  here  from  abroad  rests  on  a  traditional  and  historical  basis 
almost  exclusively ;  conceding  that  this  traditional  faith  will 
be  firm  enough  to  keep  its  hold  upon  the  immigrants  and  re 
tain  them  in  the  fold  of  the  Church  until  death — granting  all 
this,  the  question  starts  up  forcibly  here  :  But  will  not  the 
Catholic  faith,  under  the  influence  of  republicanism,  lose  its 
hold  in  one  or  two,  or  at  most  in  three,  generations  on  their 
children  ?"— "  The  Catholic  Church  m  the  United  States"  by 
Rev.  I.  T.  Hecker,  pp.  18-22. 

Twenty  years  after  Father  Hecker's  statistical  statement  of 
1878,  we  give,  from  Hoffmann's  u  Catholic  Directory  "  for  1898, 
the  claim  of  Romanism  concerning  the  Roman  Catholic  popu 
lation  in  this  country,  which  is  9,856,622.  A  fair  estimate  of 
the  population  of  the  United  States  in  1898  is  70,000,000. 
This  gives  the  Roman  Catholics  less  than  one-seventh,  or 
about  the  same  ratio  they  sustained  in  1850.  The  fact,  then, 
is  patent  that,  in  forty-eight  years,  Romanism  has  relatively 
made  no  progress,  but  has  most  startlingly  declined. 

Dr.  Dorchester,  a  philosopher  and  an  able  statistician,  says : 
"  Romanism  has  passed  the  period  of  her  most  rapid  increase 
in  the  United  States,  and  must  henceforth  relatively  decline." 

From  his  book  u  Christianity  in  the  United  States "  we 
make  the  following  extracts : 

"From  1790  to  June  30,  1894,  17,654,400  immigrants 
landed  in  the  United  States.  Of  these,  according  to  wise 
estimates,  three-fifths,  or  10,592,640,  were  originally  Roman 
Catholics,  which  is  nearly  two  millions  more  than  all  the 


Polit ico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism. 


513 


Roman  Catholics  in  the  United  States  at  the  present  time,  as 
given  in  their  Year  Books,  not  to  speak  of  growth  by  nat 
ural  increase.  That  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  has  grown 
very  largely  in  the  United  States  is  unquestionable,  and  it  is 
likely  to  grow  more  ;  for  everything  grows  in  this  country. 
But  the  gains  have  been  almost  entirely  by  immigration  and 
its  losses  have  been  greater  than  its  gains.  By  its  own  ac 
knowledgment  it  has  lost  millions  here. 

"  In  the  following  table  three  leading  points  of  comparison 
are  placed  side  by  side.  But  inasmuch  as  the  Roman  Catho 
lic  population,  as  given  in  their  Year  Books,  comprises  their 
entire  adherents,  the  adherents  of  the  evangelical  churches  are 
put  in  the  same  form,  multiplying  the  communicants  by  three 
and  a  half. 


YEAR. 

CHURCHES. 

CLERGY. 

CHURCH  POPULATION. 

Roman 
Catholic. 

Evangel 
ical. 

Roman 
Catholic 
Priests. 

Evangel 
ical 
Ministers. 

Roman  Catholic. 

Evangelical. 

1800 
1850 
1870 
1880 
1890 

1,245 
3,912 
5,856 
7,631 

3,030 
43,072 
70.148 
97,090 
151,172 

50 
1,302 
3,966 
6,402 
8,778 

2,651 
25,655 
47,609 
69,870 
107,335 

100,000 
1,614,000 
4,600,000 
6,367,330 
8,579,966 

1,277,052 
12,354.958 
23,356,886 
35,230,870 
48,382,663 

YEAR. 

INHABITANTS  TO 
ONE  CHURCH. 

INHABITANTS  TO 
ONE  CLERGYMAN. 

PERCENTAGE  or 
THE  WHOLE  POPULATION. 

Roman 
Catholic. 

Evangel 
ical. 

Roman 
Catholic 
Priests. 

Evangel 
ical 
Ministers. 

Roman  Catholic. 

Evangelical. 

1800 

ia5o 

1870 
1880 
1890 

18,627 
9,866 
8,564 
8,600 

1,751 
538 
549 
516 
414 

106,118 

17,812 
9,722 
7,834 
7,134 

2,001 
900 
809 
718 
583 

1.8 
6.9 
11.9 
12.6 
13.7 

24.0 
53.2 
GO.  5 
70.5 
77.3 

"  111  the  foregoing  exhibit  the  growth  of  the  Roman  Catho 
lic  Church,  both  actually  and  relatively,  is  seen  to  be  very 
large  from  1800  to  1870,  From  1850  to  1870,  the  period  of 


514  Facing  tJie  Twentieth  Century. 

the  large  Irish  emigration,  were  the  years  of  its  greatest 
growth." 

Romanism,  as  the  legitimate  result  of  its  exercise  of  politi 
co-ecclesiastical  power  over  its  members  in  a  free  land,  loses 
its  own  children  in  the  first  and  second  generations  born 
in  America, 

The  numerical  strength  of  Roman  Catholicism  in  the  United 
States  is  almost  entirely  recruited  from  two  sources  :  Catholic 
immigration  and  the  acquisition  of  territory  previously  inhab 
ited  by  Catholics ;  the  accessions  by  conversion  from  among 
the  native  populations  are  insignificant  in  numbers. 

The  Irish  constitute  the  chief  part  of  the  Romanists  in 
America,  and  they  amount  to  less  than  one-eighth  of  the 
population. 

Statistics  of  Roman  Catholicism  compared  with  Protestan 
tism  in  the  United  States  show  the  great  disparity  in  numbers, 
and  yet  the  Romanists  hold  the  balance  of  power  and  cause 
the  taxes  for  reformatory  and  penal  institutions.  Perhaps 
this  fact  explains  the  "rapid  strides"  referred  to  by  the  Pope 
in  the  following  record  : 

On  December  11,  1898,  the  New  York  Journal  printed  an 
interview  of  its  correspondent,  Philippe  Tonelli,  with  Leo 
XIII.,  in  which  the  Pope  is  reported  to  have  said :  "  What 
suffering  my  being  endured  in  the  face  of  the  conflict  of  two 
nations  that  I  love — one  for  its  fidelity  through  the  centuries, 
the  other  for  its  virile  youth  and  for  the  hope  of  seeing  it 
enter  entire  into  the  bosom  of  the  Catholic  Church.  It  is 
marching  into  it  with  rapid  strides." 

In  regard  to  Catholic  losses  the  Providence  Visitor  (R.  C.) 
said  in  January,  1898  :  "  In  the  city  of  Chicago,  with  its  present 
population  of  1,700,000,  it  is  estimated  that  there  are  500,000 
Catholics.  Of  this  number  not  more  than  200,000  can  be 
called  practical  Catholics.  In  this  estimate  we  include  in 
fants  and  others  incapable  of  observing  the  requirements  of 
the  Church.  The  remaining  300,000  men  and  women  may 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  515 

virtually  be  regarded  as  dead  to  the  Church.  A  similar  con 
dition  prevails  in  all  our  large  cities. 

"  The  Catholic  population  in  the  archdiocese  of  New  York 
was  given  as  800,000  for  the  year  1891.  Only  825,000  are 
now  reported  by  Catholic  journals  for  1897.  Probably 
25,000  Italian  immigrants  have  settled  in  the  archdiocese 
since  1891.  What  became  of  the  natural  increase?  What  of 
the  other  immigrants  ?  What  of  the  converts  ?  Witli  the 
exception  of  seven  or  eight  dioceses,  the  increase,  where  there 
was  any,  may  be  considered  natural.  Where  then  did  the 
missing  New  York  Catholics  go,  some  of  whom  may  have 
obtained  spirituous  drinks  from  the  '  Catholic  Club,  120 
Central  Park  West.'  They  have  not  gone  to  the  archdiocese 
of  Baltimore,  where  an  annual  excess  of  6000  baptisms  over 
funerals  ought  to  show  an  increase  of  24,000  instead  of  a 
total  increase  of  5000  in  four  years.  They  have  not  gone  to 
the  dioceses  of  Albany  and  Syracuse,  which  had  no  increase 
in  many  years.  They  have  not  gone  to  Cincinnati,  which  has 
less  Catholic  population  than  two  years  ago ;  nor  to  Louis 
ville,  Peoria,  and  Denver,  which  have  no  more  Catholic  souls 
now  than  four  years  ago ;  nor  to  San  Francisco,  which  has 
5000  Catholic  souls  less  than  four  years  ago." 

Rev.  George  Z archer,  pastor  of  St.  Joseph's  Church, 
Buffalo,  N.  Y.,  was  the  author  of  "  Monks  and  their  Decline," 
a  pamphlet  from  which  the  foregoing  statements  are  taken. 
The  Sacred  Congregation  on  September  1,  1898,  proscribed 
this  pamphlet,  and  Father  Zurcher  made  his  "submission." 
Thus  the  pamphlet  and  the  priest  were  both  crushed.  Father 
Zurcher  maintained  that  in  the  present  system  of  civiliza 
tion  and  enlightenment  the  orders  of  monks  had  outlived 
their  usefulness  and  should  be  disbanded  by  the  Church. 
Spain's  decadence  and  that  of  the  Latin  countries  he  attrib 
uted  to  the  influence  and  power  of  the  monks,  and  he  sug 
gested  that  the  United  States  should  suppress  all  the  orders 
if  it  hoped  to  preserve  law  and  order  in  its  new  Spanish 


516  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

possessions.  Of  course  a  priest  who  has  the  temerity  to 
state  such  patriotic  and  unpalatable  truths  ought  to  be 
silenced  by  a  system  which  has  the  exclusive  right  to  do  the 
thinking  for  all  men. 

The  three  Roman  Catholic  United  States  Senators  who 
had  made  themselves  offensive  by  their  opposition  to  safe 
American  legislation,  and  who  had  opposed  the  Anglo-Ameri 
can  Arbitration  Treaty  and  all  measures  designed  to  nurture 
the  growing  friendly  relations  between  America  and  Great 
Britain,  were  relegated  to  private  life  in  the  elections  of  1898, 
by  the  great  Commonwealths  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
California,  which  they  had  misrepresented  all  too  long,  and 
whose  original  election  to  the  Senate  (notably  in  the  cases  of 
two  of  them),  was  never  based  upon  intellectual  ability  or 
upon  any  hint  that  they  were  statesmen,  but  solely  upon  the 
ground  that  they  were  Roman  Catholics,  with  the  political 
power  of  their  Church  back  of  their  demands  for  place, 
which  demands  their  party  was  afraid  to  ignore. 

The  same  patriotic  sentiment  which  retired  Senator  Murphy 
in  New  York  State  vetoed  the  extension  of  Boss  Croker's 
ambition  to  control  the  State,  despite  the  fact  that  the  Roman 
legions  continued  to  present  an  unbroken  front  under  his  lead 
in  New  York  City,  while  the  rejected  Judge  Daly,  President 
of  the  Roman  Catholic  Club  of  New  York  City,  in  his  judi 
ciary  candidacy  was  hardly  able  to  detach  enough  Romanists 
from  Croker  to  make  a  respectable  body  guard. 

There  are  multiplied  indications  that  within  the  pale  of 
Romanism  there  is  an  increasing  number  of  honest  and  intel 
ligent  men  who  are  about  ready  to  assert  their  rights  as 
sovereigns,  and  demand  political  independence  from  ecclesi 
astical  domination. 

We  must  recognize  and  help  to  cultivate  the  loyal  and 
honest  Americanism  of  the  Roman  Catholics  who  educate 
their  children  in  the  public  schools,  who  breathe  the  free  air 
of  the  republic  and  appreciate  its  distinctive  institutions,  who 


Politico- Ecclesiastical  Romanism.  61  If 

permit  and  seek  assimilation  with  the  American  character, 
who  care  little  for  the  politico-ecclesiastical  pretensions  of 
the  hierarchy  and  resent  its  interference  with  their  political 
rights,  and  who  at  the  same  time  rigidly  adhere  to  the  re 
ligious  faith  of  Catholicism.  This  class  of  Roman  Catholics 

o 

is  rapidly  increasing  in  this  land.  They  have  adopted  the 
motto  of  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  their  number,  when  he 
said :  "  I  take  my  religion,  but  not  my  politics,  from  Home." 

The  Roman  Catholics  at  present  in  combination  with  strict 
party  adherents  outvote  the  friends  of  honest  government  in 
most  centers  of  population,  but  there  are  hopeful  omens  that 
the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  loyal  American  citizens 
among  their  number  will  join  with  other  American  citizens  of 
all  religious  and  political  faiths  and  vote  as  Americans  for 
honest  principles  and  honest  administration  of  public  affairs, 
without  dictation  from  any  foreign  or  domestic  power. 


PART  V. 
POWERS  TO  PROTECT  AMERICAN  INSTITUTIONS. 

CONSTHTTIONAL    IXTRENCHMENT     OF    AMERICAN    PRINCIPLES 

AND    INSTITUTIONS    IN    THE    ORGANIC    LAWS    OF    THE 

NATION    AND    OF    THE    STATES. 

THE  American  Republic  is  a  constitutional  government, 
therefore,  whenever  principles  are  to  be  defended,  and  insti 
tutions  made  permanent,  they  must  be  intrenched  in  the 
organic  law  of  the  land.  Most  of  the  principles  essential  to 
the  safety  and  development  of  the  republic  were  embodied 
in  the  original  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Several 
amendments  were  adopted  in  our  early  history  to  meet  cer 
tain  defects  soon  discovered.  Other  amendments  were  made 
necessary  by  the  Civil  War  which  effected  the  abolition  of 
slavery.  Only  fifteen  amendments  thus  far  have  been  incor 
porated  in  the  national  Constitution.  During  the  last  decade 
the  National  League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institu 
tions  has  been  concededly  the  most  important  practical  force 
in  America  in  effecting  legislative  action  and  in  advocating 
changes  in  the  organic  laws  of  the  States  and  of  the  nation 

o  o 

for  the  protection  of  our  distinctive  institutions.  This  or 
ganization  has  been  conservatively  aggressive,  and  has  enlisted 
in  its  work  the  best  patriotic  elements  of  all  political  and  re 
ligious  faiths.  We,  propose  to  give  something  of  a  chrono 
logical  summary  of  the  work  of  the  League,  as  indicating  the 
character  and  progress  of  the  work  in  patriotic  protective 
lines.  The  hearty  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  secular  and  re 
ligious  organizations  is  most  gratefully  acknowledged  by  the 


members  of  the  League. 


518 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  519 

THE    NATIONAL     LEAGUE     FOR     THE     PROTECTION     OF     AMERICAN 

INSTITUTIONS. 

The  organization  styled  "  The  National  League  for  the  Pro 
tection  of  American  Institutions "  was  the  outcome  from  a 
convention  composed  of  patriotic  men  from  different  parts  of 
the  country,  assembled  at  Saratoga  Springs  in  the  month  of 
August,  1889.  It  was  incorporated  December  24,  1889, 
pursuant  to  the  Act  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  New 
York  entitled,  "  An  Act  for  the  Incorporation  of  Societies  or 
Clubs  for  certain  lawful  purposes,"  passed  May  21,  1875. 

The  incorporators  and  first  Board  of  Managers  were  the  fol 
lowing-named  gentlemen : 

John  Jay,  James  M.  King, 

George  S.  Baker,  Peter  Donald, 

Clinton  B.  Fisk,  Warner  Van  Norden, 

John  D.  SI  ay  back,  H.  H.  Boyesen, 

Churchill  H.  Cutting,  James  M.  Montgomery, 

William  Fellowes  Morgan,  William  H.  Parsons, 

Charles  E.  Whitehead,  Constant  A.  Andrews, 

Peter  A.  Welch,  Alexander  E.  Orr, 

A.  J.  D.  Wederrneyer,  Manuel  A.  Kursheedt, 

James  McKeen,  F.  P.  Bellamy. 

The  first  President  of  the  League  was  the  late  John  Jay, 
who  served  for  three  years.  He  was  succeeded  by  William  H. 
Parsons,  the  present  President.  The  late  AVilliam  Strong  was 
Vice  President  until  1894,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  the 
present  Vice  President,  Dornian  B.  Eaton.  James  M.  King, 
General  Secretary,  William  Fellowes  Morgan,  Treasurer,  and 
John  McLellan,  Office  Secretary,  have  held  their  respective 
offices  from  the  beginning  of  the  organization.  The  original 
Law  Committee  was  composed  as  follows  :  Win.  Allen  Butler, 
Dorman  B.  Eaton,  Cephas  Brainerd,  Henry  E.  Howlaud,  and 
Stephen  A.  Walker.  This  Committee  has  had  but  one  change 
in  its  composition,  which  occurred  as  the  result  of  the  de- 


520  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

cease  of  Mr.  AValker,  who  was  succeeded  by  Wheeler  H. 
Peckham. 

The  objects  of  the  League,  as  set  forth  in  Article  II.  of  its 
Constitution,  are  as  follows  : 

"  The  objects  of  the  League  are  to  secure  constitutional  and 
legislative  safeguards  for  the  protection  of  the  common-school 
system  and  other  American  Institutions,  and  to  promote  public 
instruction  in  harmony  with  such  institutions,  and  to  prevent 
all  sectarian  or  denominational  appropriations  of  public  funds." 

On  April  22,  1890,  the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  League 
adopted  the  following  proposed  form  of  the  Sixteenth  Amend 
ment  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  prepared  and 
submitted  by  the  Law  Committee  of  the  League : 

PROPOSED    FORM    OF    THE    SIXTEENTH    AMENDMENT   TO    THE 
UNITED    STATES    CONSTITUTION. 

"  No  State  shall  pass  any  law  respecting  an  establishment 
of  religion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof,  or  use  its 
property  or  credit,  or  any  money  raised  by  taxation,  or  author 
ize  either  to  be  used,  for  the  purpose  of  founding,  maintaining 
or  aiding,  by  appropriation,  payment  for  services,  expenses,  or 
otherwise,  any  church,  religious  denomination,  or  religious 
society,  or  any  institution,  society,  or  undertaking  which  is 
wholly,  or  in  part,  under  sectarian  or  ecclesiastical  control." 

On  the  date  above  mentioned  the  managers  of  the  League 
adopted  a  "  Statement  of  Purposes  and  Principles,"  and  active 
measures  were  taken  for  corresponding  with  United  States 
Senators,  State  superintendents  of  education,  college  presi 
dents,  lawyers,  jurists,  and  others  interested  in  educational 
and  patriotic  work  throughout  the  country. 

The  League  had  previously  taken  a  helpful  part  in  further 
ing  the  confirmation  by  the  United  States  Senate  of  the 
nominations  of  General  T.  J.  Morgan  as  Commissioner  of 
Indian  affairs,  and  of  Dr.  Daniel  Dorchester  as  Superintend 
ent  of  Indian  Schools. 


Wm.  H.  Parsons.  Dorman  B.  Eaton. 

John  Jay. 
James  M.  King.  Wm.  Strong. 

FORMER   AND   PRESENT   EXECUTIVE  OFFICERS  OF   THE   NATIONAL   LEAGUE 
FOR   THE   PROTECTION   OF   AMERICAN   INSTITUTIONS. 


\BRARy, 

OF    THR 

jNIVERSITY 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions. 


On  May  28,  1890,  the  American  Baptist  Home  Mission 
Society  in  annual  session  at  Chicago,  111.,  by  unanimous  vote 
took  the  following  action  : 

"  .Resolved,  That  this  body  heartily  approves  the  object  of 
the  National  League  for  the  Protection  of  American  Institu 
tions,  and  regards  its  action  as  timely  and  as  providing  a  safe 
guard  against  very  grave  existing  abuses,  and  yet  graver 
possible  dangers.  This  body  approves  of  the  proposed 
Amendment  to  the  national  Constitution  and  urges  that  Con 
gress  take  the  needful  steps  for  its  adoption." 

On  June  17,  1890,  the  National  Convention  of  the  Junior 
Order  of  United  American  Mechanics  assembled  at  Chicago, 
adopted  in  full  the  proposed  form  of  Sixteenth  Amendment 
to  the  United  States  Constitution  and  the  statement  of  pur 
pose  and  principles  of  the  National  League. 

During  the  summer  of  1890,  the  National  League  issued  its 
document  Number  Two,  giving  "  reasons  and  suggestions  for 
the  formation  of  auxiliary  leagues  and  local  organizations," 
and  took  its  first  active  steps  in  opposition  to  sectarian  appro 
priations  by  the  National  Government  for  Indian  Education, 
by  petition  and  personal  work  in  the  United  States  Senate 
against  three  items  of  increased  appropriation.  The  Senate 
Committee  in  response  to  the  protest  struck  out  the  objec 
tionable  items  and  inserted  a  clause  placing  all  Indian  schools, 
and  the  expenditure  of  appropriations  for  the  same,  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Interior  Department.  The  Senate  by  its 
vote  restored  the  items,  but  the  passage  of  the  supervisory 
clause  was  secured. 

Prior  to  the  election  held  in  New  York  State  in  November, 
1890,  the  League  prepared  and  submitted  to  the  candidates 
of  all  parties  for  the  various  offices  questions  touching  the 
protection  of  American  Institutions,  and  especially  of  the 
public  school  and  of  the  elective  franchise. 

These  questions  elicited  general  reply,  and  the  answers 
were  almost  uniformly  favorable,  and  in  many  instances  cor- 


522  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

dial  in  their  indorsement  of  the  work  and  principles  of  the 
League. 

In  November,  1890,  the  League  presented  a  memorial  to 
Hon.  Benjamin  Harrison,  President  of  the  United  States, 
bringing  to  his  consideration  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amend 
ment,  and  requesting  executive  commendation  in  his  Annual 
Message  to  Congress. 

In  the  prosecution  of  its  labor  for  the  prevention  of  secta 
rian  appropriations  of  public  funds  the  League  in  December, 
1890,  took  an  important  step. 

An  appeal  was  mailed  to  all  officers  and  managers  of  mis 
sionary  boards  connected  with  the  various  religious  bodies 
receiving  Government  aid  for  the  support  of  Indian  education, 
appealing  to  their  patriotism  and  asking  them  to  withdraw 
their  applications  for  Congressional  grants,  and  to  refuse  here 
after  to  accept  such  grants. 

Responses  were  received  from  all  the  bodies  addressed,  and, 
with  the  single  exception  of  the  Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian 
Missions,  the  justice  of  the  position  taken  by  the  National 
League  was  admitted  by  all,  and  the  desire  expressed  that  the 
partnership  between  the  religious  denominations  and  the 
National  Government  might  speedily  terminate. 

Conferences  of  different  American  patriotic  orders  meeting 
in  May  and  June,  1890,  indorsed  the  purposes  and  principles 
of  the  National  League,  as  did  also  on  February  24,  1891,  the 
National  Council  of  Patriotic  Organizations  in  the  LTnited 
States,  representing  over  ninety  American  Orders  and  more 
than  a  million  and  a  half  of  active  members. 

During  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-first  Congress  the 
National  League  vigorously  opposed,  by  petition  and  personal 
appeal,  a  proposed  increase  in  the  appropriations  for  sectarian 
education  among  the  Indians  amounting  to  $125,000. 

The  final  issue  in  the  educational  features  of  this  appropria 
tion  bill  was  very  satisfactory  to  the  friends  of  the  educational 
policy  of  the  Indian  Bureau.  Instead  of  $125,000  advance 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  523 

for  sectarian  schools,  as  the  House  amendment  proposed,  there 
was  a  decrease  from  the  previous  year's  appropriations  for 
contract  schools  of  $20,000,  and  an  advance  for  general  school 
purposes  under  the  control  of  the  Indian  Bureau  of  $200,000, 
the  entire  sum  for  contract  schools  being  fixed  at  $535,000 
against  $555,000  for  the  previous  year.  The  Government 
schools  were  well  cared  for,  the  status  quo  was  preserved,  and 
a  halt  was  called  on  the  matter  of  sectarian  appropriations, 
and  Congress  and  the  country  were  informed  of  the  embar 
rassments  and  dangers  incident  to  the  partnership  between 
the  General  Government  and  the  numerous  churches  in  the 
work  of  Indian  education.  The  following  important  compul 
sory  education  clause  was  embodied  in  the  bill : 

"  The  Commissioner  of  Indian  affairs,  subject  to  the  direc 
tion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  is  hereby  authorized  and 
directed  to  make  and  enforce  by  proper  means,  such  rules  and 
regulations  as  will  secure  the  attendance  of  Indian  children  of 
suitable  age  and  health  at  schools  established  and  maintained 
for  their  benefit.'' 

Early  in  July,  1891,  the  United  States  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  felt  compelled  by  the  arrogant  attitude  assumed 
toward  the  Indian  Department  by  the  Bureau  of  Catholic 
Missions,  to  sever  the  relations  existing  between  the  Depart 
ment  and  that  Bureau  by  declining  to  enter  into  contracts 
with  it  for  the  education  of  Indian  children.  Extraordinary 
pressure  was  at  once  brought  to  bear  by  the  Bureau  upon  the 
President  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  to  compel  the  Com 
missioner  to  recede  from  his  position. 

The  managers  of  the  National  League  promptly  determined 
that  the  Commissioner  ought  to  be  sustained  in  his  policy 
of  limiting  the  extension  of  the  contract  schools  and  foster 
ing  the  establishment  of  Government  schools  among  the 
Indians. 

The  League  furnished  the  press  throughout  the  entire 
country  with  documents,  giving  the  facts  in  relation  to  the 


Facing  tlit  Twentieth  Century. 

controversy;  and  sent  letters  of  similar  import  to  Lund  reds  of 
influential  citizens  in  every  State. 

These  efforts  so  strengthened  the  hands  of  the  National 
Executive  that  the  Commissioner  was  fully  sustained  and  his 
policy  received  the  emphatic  indorsement  of  the  Government. 

The  managers  of  the  National  League  on  March  5,  1891, 
took  action  looking  to  the  amendment  or  defeat  of  a  bill  intro- 

o 

duced  into  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of 
New  York,  entitled  "  An  Act  with  reference  to  the  payment 
of  moneys  to  incorporated  institutions,  societies  and  associa 
tions,'7  otherwise  known  as  the  "  Freedom  of  Worship  Bill." 

The  League  contested  the  passage  of  measures  of  this  kind 
through  many  years.  The  character  and  result  of  the  contest 
will  be  found  recorded  elsewhere  in  this  volume. 

During  the  summer  of  1891  the  League  conducted  an  ex- 

o  o 

tensive  correspondence  with  a  view  to  securing  local  secreta 
ries  in  leading  cities  in  all  the  States,  with  very  satisfactory 
results. 

United  States  Senators  and  Representatives  were  also  com 
municated  with  and  documents  furnished  them,  preparatory 
to  the  introduction  of  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment. 

Blank  forms  of  memorial  and  petition  to  the  United  States 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  for  the  passage  of  the 
Sixteenth  Amendment,  were  prepared  and  scores  of  thousands 
of  them,  with  letters  of  instruction  and  return  postal  cards, 
were  mailed  to  the  local  secretaries,  adherents  of  the  League, 
and  clergymen  throughout  the  entire  country. 

A  compilation  was  made  of  the  constitutional  provisions  of 
the  various  States  concerning  sectarian  appropriations  and  the 
public-schools  funds,  which  was  published,  with  other  val 
uable  information. 

During  the  year  1891,  as  a  direct  result  of  correspondence 
and  suggestions  from  the  office  of  the  National  League,  the 
principles  advocated  by  the  League  were  incorporated  in  the 
new  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Kentucky  and  the  Con- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  525 

stitution  of  the  proposed  new  State  of  Arizona.  Strong  pro 
hibitions  against  sectarian  appropriations,  and  against  any 
diversion  of  the  school  funds,  were  also  inserted  in  the  new 
Constitution  of  Mississippi  and  in  the  Constitution  of  the 
recently  admitted  States  of  Montana,  North  and  South 
Dakota,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  and  Washington. 

At  the  annual  meeting  of  the  League  plans  were  adopted 
for  the  presentation  of  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Fifty-second  Congress. 

On  January  10, 1892,  the  New  York  Independent  published 
a  valuable  symposium  on  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment, 
consisting  of  articles  contributed,  in  response  to  requests  from 
the  General  Secretary,  by  a  number  of  able  and  influential 
adherents  of  the  League.  This  symposium  elicited  extended 
notice  from  the  religious  and  secular  press. 

It  was  the  expressed  desire  and  purpose  of  the  Board  of 
Managers  that  the  introduction  of  the  proposed  Sixteenth 
Amendment  into  Congress  should  be  effected  in  such  a  man 
ner  as  should  hold  it  free  from  party  bias  and  disarm  all 
partisan  prejudices. 

On  Monday,  January  18,  1892,  the  Amendment  was  pre 
sented  in  the  House  of  Representatives  by  Mr.  Springer,  was 
twice  read,  and  referred  to  the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary. 

On  the  same  day  Senator  O.  H.  Platt  presented  the  Amend 
ment  in  the  United  States  Senate,  where  it  was  read,  ordered 
to  be  printed  as  a  document,  and  referred  to  the  Committee 
on  the  Judiciary. 

Aprft  12,  1892,  was  the  date  fixed  upon  for  the  hearings  on 
the  Amendment,  and  on  that  day,  the  General  Secretary  of 
the  League  and  Hon.  Wm.  Allen  Butler,  chairman  of  the  Law 
Committee,  accompanied  by  several  members  of  the  Wash 
ing  Branch  League,  appeared  before  the  House  Committee  on 
the  Judiciary,  nine  of  the  fifteen  members  of  the  Committee 
being  present. 

The   arguments  presented  for  the  Amendment  were   list- 


526  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

ened  to  with  great  courtesy  and  attention.  Many  questions 
were  asked  by  various  members  of  the  Committee,  and  at  the 
close  of  the  hearing  the  chairman  informed  the  representatives 
of  the  League  that  he  would  have  the  arguments  printed  for 
the  use  of  the  Committee.  On  the  same  day  the  sub-com 
mittee  of  the  Senate  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  gave 
audience  to  the  League's  representatives,  and  in  the  course  of 
an  extended  conversation  gratifying  interest  was  shown. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1892  the  League  took  measures  for 
securing  action  from  the  national  conferences  and  assemblies 
of  the  various  religious  denominations,  concerning  the  pro 
posed  Sixteenth  Amendment  and  the  granting  of  sectarian 
appropriations  by  the  National  Government  for  Indian  edu 
cation. 

Memorials  substantially  uniform  in  tenor  were  prepared 
and  presented  to  each  of  these  legislative  bodies,  and  the 
highly  gratifying  results  which  were  obtained  are  here  given 
in  chronological  order. 

At  the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal 
Church,  held  in  Omaha,  Neb.,  on  May  9,  1892,  favorable  and 
unanimous  action  was  taken. 

Harmonious  action  with  the  foregoing  was  taken  by  the 
General  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Woman's  Home  Missionary 
Society  of  the  Methodist  Episcopal  Church,  having  the 
Indian  Mission  work  in  charge,  at  their  annual  meeting  in 
Grand  Rapids,  Mich.,  on  October  28,  1892. 

The  General  Assembly  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  the 
United  States  of  America  in  Annual  Session  at  Portland, 
Ore.,  on  May  23,  24,  unanimously  adopted  a  special  commit 
tee  report  condemning  sectarian  appropriations  of  public 
money  and  approving  the  League's  proposed  Amendment  to 
the  United  States  Constitution  with  an  important  addition, 
making  it  apply  to  Congress  as  well  as  to  the  States,  in  the 
words :  "  Neither  Concjrexx  nor  ant/  State  shall  pass  any  law 
respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,"  etc. 


Poivers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  527 

The  League  has  accepted  this  change  as  a  wise  one. 

On  May  26,  1892,  the  General  Conference  of  the  Methodist 
Protestant  Church,  in  quadrennial  session  at  Westminster, 
Md.,  adopted  the  Amendment  and  appealed  to  Congress  for 
its  passage. 

The  Annual  Meeting  of  the  American  Baptist  Home 
Mission  Society  held  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  on  May  27,  1892, 
adopted  a  memorial  to  Congress  in  favor  of  the  Amendment. 

On  May  30,  1892,  the  American  Baptist  Publication 
Society,  in  session  in  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  took  similar  unanimous 
action. 

On  May  31,  1892,  the  General  Assembly  of  the  United 
Presbyterian  Church  of  North  America,  convened  at  Alle 
gheny,  Pa.,  unanimously  adopted  the  Amendment  and  made 
its  appeal  to  Congress  for  its  passage. 

The  National  Council  of  the  Congregational  Churches  of 
the  United  States  in  triennial  session  at  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  on 
October  17,  1892,  adopted  the  Amendment  and  entered  its 
protest  against  sectarian  appropriations  for  Indian  education. 

The  American  Missionary  Association,  at  its  Annual  Meet 
ing  in  Hartford,  Conn.,  on  October  27,  1892,  supplemented 
the  action  of  the  National  Council. 

The  General  Convention  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church 
in  the  United  States  of  America,  sitting  in  triennial  session,  as 
the  Board  of  Missions,  at  Baltimore,  Md.,  on  October  19,  1892, 
indorsed  the  Amendment.  In  accordance  with  this  action 
the  Board  of  Managers  of  the  Domestic  and  Foreign  Mission 
ary  Society  of  the  Protestant  Episcopal  Church,  meeting  in 
New  York  City,  on  December  13,  1892,  withdrew  from  the 
receipt  of  national  money  for  its  work  among  the  Indians. 

It  may  be  instructive  here  to  note  that  the  seven  great 
Protestant  denominations  included  in  the  foregoing  enumera 
tion,  and  which  have,  by  the  action  of  their  highest  executive 
councils,  indorsed  the  principles  advocated  and  the  work 
undertaken  by  the  National  League,  constitute  a  representa- 


5*28  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

tion,  by  adherence,  of  not  less  than  one-third  of  the  entire 
population  of  the  United  States. 

A  large  number  of  organizations,  patriotic,  religious,  and 
secular,  representing  varied  constituencies,  took  similar  ap 
proving  action.  The  Republican  National  Convention  was 
held  in  Minneapolis,  Minn.,  June  7,  1892,  and  a  memorial 
was  presented  and  copies  were  placed  in  the  hands  of  each 
delegate. 

The  action  secured  was  not  as  satisfactory  as  was  hoped 
for,  owing  to  the  injection  into  the  discussions  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  the  vexed  school  question  in  the  State  of  Wisconsin. 

The  Democratic  National  Convention  met  at  Chicago,  111., 
on  June  21,  1892.  A  memorial  similar  in  tenor  to  that  pre 
sented  to  the  Republican  Convention  was  presented  to  the 
Democratic  National  Committee,  and  to  each  delegate.  The 
declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform  was  as  little  satis 
factory  in  definiteuess  as  the  Republican  platform. 

At  the  Annual  Session  of  the  Grand  Orange  Lodge  of  the 
United  States,  held  in  Allegheny,  Pa.,  on  June  14-16,  1892, 
the  principles  and  purposes  of  the  League  were  indorsed. 

During  the  summer  of  1892  exhaustive  inquiries  were 
made  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  all  the  facts  concerning 
the  experiments  at  Faribault  and  Stillwater,  Minn.,  looking 
to  a  partnership  between  the  public  and  parochial  schools. 
The  results  were  embodied  in  a  document  which  was  largely 
circulated. 

On  December  14,  1892,  in  Portland,  Me.,  the  Maine  League 
for  the  Protection  of  American  Institutions  perfected  its 
organization  by  the  election  of  a  Board  of  Managers,  and 
at  once  entered  upon  an  active  campaign  for  securing 
such  an  amendment  to  the  State  Constitution  (which  is 
entirely  without  safeguard  of  that  nature)  as  would  in  the 
future  prevent  appropriations  for  sectarian  purposes. 

The  result  of  this  contest  will  be  noted  in  its  appropriate 
place,  later  on. 


William  Allen  Butler, 
Wheeler  H.  Peckham. 


Dot-man  B.  Eaton. 
Henry  E.  Howland. 


MEMBERS   OF  THE   LAW  COMMITTEE   OF  THE  NATIONAL   LEAGUE  FOR    THE 
PROTECTION   OF   AMERICAN   INSTITUTIONS. 


'   O 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  529 

In  pursuance  of  its  purpose  of  appealing  to  the  highest 
authorities  of  the  churches  receiving  Government  appropria 
tions  for  Indian  education,  the  League  on  November  17,  1892, 
addressed  the  Conference  of  Archbishops  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  the  United  States,  then  in  session  in  New  York  City. 

The  receipt  of  the  communication  was  acknowledged  by 
Cardinal  Gibbons  without  argument  or  statement.  Ascer 
taining  that  there  was  a  higher  power  in  Romanism  than  the 
Archbishops,  and  with  the  same  end  in  view,  a  communica 
tion  was  addressed  on  December  29,  1892,  to  Archbishop 
Satolli,  the  representative,  in  the  United  States,  of  Pope  Leo 
XIII.,  and  its  receipt  was  recognized  by  him  without  comment. 

The  Indian  Appropriation  Bill  for  1893  being  under  con 
sideration  during  the  second  session  of  the  Fifty-second  Con 
gress,  a  petition  was  prepared  and  addressed  to  the  Appro 
priation  Committees  of  both  Houses,  with  explanatory 
documents. 

This  petition  was  re -enforced  by  many  letters  to  Hon. 
W.  S.  Holman,  Chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Appro 
priations,  sent  by  prominent  citizens. 

So  crowded,  however,  was  the  business  of  this  final  session 
that  no  discussion  was  possible,  and  no  legislation  could  be 
secured  in  the  direction  indicated  in  the  petition. 

The  managers  of  the  League  determined  to  secure  a  series 
of  sermons  or  addresses  on  subjects  connected  with  the  work 
of  the  League  with  a  view  to  their  subsequent  publication  in 
whole  or  in  part. 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose  a  circular  letter  was  mailed 
early  in  January,  1893,  to  a  selected  list  of  prominent  clergy 
men  in  the  larger  cities  of  every  State. 

This  request  was  largely  responded  to,  and  many  valuable 
papers  were  contributed. 

On  February  2,  1893,  an  important  organization  of  patriotic 
women  was  formed,  with  headquarters  in  Boston,  which 
became  auxiliary  to  the  League. 


530  Facing  iht  Twentieth  Century. 

On  March  6,  1893,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  the  Legisla 
ture  of  the  State  of  New  Jersey,  the  evident  purpose  of  which 
was  to  secure  a  division  of  the  public-school  funds  on  sectarian 
lines.  The  League  at  once  prepared  and  circulated  through 
out  the  State  of  New  Jersey  an  effective  protest. 

This  undisguised  assault  upon  the  American  free  common 
school  proved  abortive. 

As  previously  noted,  the  Maine  Branch  of  the  National 
League  conducted  the  efforts  to  secure  an  act  of  the  Legisla 
ture  submitting  a  Constitutional  Amendment  to  the  voters  of 
the  State,  with  great  energy  and  promise  of  success. 

Petitions  in  favor  of  the  Amendment  were  presented  from 
every  section  of  the  State,  signed  by  a  remarkable  body  of 
representative  citizens  of  all  parties. 

The  result  in  favor  of  the  Amendment  in  the  House  of 
Representatives,  on  March  28,  was  the  overwhelming  vote  of 
92  to  12, 

The  issue  of  the  contest  was  defeat  in  the  Senate,  where,  on 
the  succeeding  day,  the  vote  stood  11  to  11. 

Tliis  struggle  in  Maine  emphasizes  in  an  especial  manner 
the  unsectarian  character  of  the  work  of  the  National  League. 
The  chief  aggressors  in  this  State,  demanding  sectarian  appro 
priations  for  educational  purposes,  are  the  authorities  of 
Protestant  institutions. 

The  Constitution  of  Maine  is  perhaps  the  most  defective  in 
this  regard  of  any  of  the  forty-five  States,  and  a  victory  here, 
which  is  inevitable  at  another  session  of  the  Legislature,  will 
be  a  victory  for  the  nation. 

In  April,  1893,  a  letter  was  mailed  by  the  National  League 
to  all  its  local  secretaries,  and  to  superintendents  of  educa 
tion  arid  prominent  adherents  in  every  State,  asking  detailed 
particulars  concerning  the  character  and  sources  of  support  of 
the  public-school  system  and  concerning  efforts  at  compromise 
between  parochial  and  public  schools. 

Responses  to  these  inquiries  were  received  from  a  large  pro- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  531 

portion  of  the  States,  and  furnished  information  of  interest 
and  value  to  the  work. 

Satisfactory  arrangements  were  made  for  the  distribution  of 
the  documents  of  the  League  and  for  securing  signatures 
to  the  appeal  to  Congress  for  the  passage  of  the  Six 
teenth  Amendment,  at  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition 
at  Chicago. 

Desirable  space  was  secured  in  the  Women's  Building,  and 
with  the  co-operation  of  the  Loyal  Women  of  American 
Liberty,  an  attendant  was  engaged  and  the  space  properly 
fitted  up  for  the  purpose  in  view.  A  special  document  was 
prepared  for  distribution  and  cards  for  autograph  signatures 
furnished  in  large  quantities. 

Provision  having  been  made  by  the  Legislature  of  the 
State  of  New  York  for  the  election  of  delegates,  in  Novem 
ber,  1893,  to  a  convention  for  the  revision  of  the  State  Con 
stitution,  the  managers  of  the  League  determined  to  take 
active  measures  for  securing  the  incorporation  of  the  princi 
ples  advocated  by  the  League  in  the  new  Constitution. 

With  this  in  view,  printed  request  was  made  of  all  candi 
dates  for  election  as  delegates  to  the  Constitutional  Conven 
tion,  for  their  opinion  in  reference  to  questions  touching  the 
protection  of  American  institutions,  and  especially  of  the 
separation  of  church  and  state  and  of  religious  liberty. 

In  addition  to  mailing  a  copy  of  the  request  to  each  candi 
date,  a  circular  letter  was  prepared  and  sent  with  a  copy  of 
the  questions  and  a  tabulated  statement  of  sectarian  appro 
priations  in  the  City  of  New  York,  to  a  large  number  of 
prominent  citizens,  requesting  their  co-operation  in  securing 
responses  from  delegates. 

The  questions  aroused  considerable  interest,  and  but  few 
adverse  responses  were  received. 

The  League  was  represented  at  a  conference  held  in 
Chicago,  on  October  24,  of  the  representatives  of  the  different 
American  patriotic  orders. 


532  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  Sixteenth  Amendment  and  the  principles  of  the 
National  League  were  indorsed,  and  steps  were  taken  to  call  a 
National  Convention  of  the  various  American  patriotic  orders 
and  organizations  to  crystallize  patriotic  sentiment,  to  adopt 
a  common  platform  of  principles,  and  to  unify  action  on  the 
three  lines  of  present  agreement,  viz.:  the  defense  of  the 
integrity  of  the  funds  and  of  the  character  of  the  American 
free  public-school  system,  the  perpetuation  of  the  separa 
tion  of  church  and  state  by  the  adoption  of  the  Six 
teenth  Amendment,  and  the  wise  and  safe  restriction  of 
immigration. 

During  the  month  of  October,  1893,  a  symposium,  con 
temporaneously  conducted  in  over  sixty  religious  journals, 
discussed  the  separation  of  church  and  state.  Documents 
and  data  from  these  offices  were  sent  to  all  of  these  journals, 
and  were  printed  wholly  or  in  part  by  most  of  them. 

On  November  19,  1893,  the  New  York  Sunday  Democrat 
started  a  bold  movement  for  the  division  of  the  public-school 
funds  on  sectarian  lines,  and  simultaneously  a  move  of  the 
same  character  was  made  in  Baltimore,  both  of  Roman  Catho 
lic  origin,  and  to  which  we  have  referred  at  length  elsewhere. 
The  League  took  un  important  part  in  frustrating  this  move 
ment. 

In  January,  1894,  a  document  was  issued,  being  a  petition 
to  the  Fifty-third  Congress  against  the  Government  making 
further  appropriations  for  sectarian  Indian  education,  and  in 
favor  of  a  definite  policy  providing  for  the  education  of  all 
Indian  children  in  government  schools. 

In  the  month  of  January,  1894,  the  Law  Committee  of  the 
League  prepared,  and  the  Managers  of  the  League  approved, 
a  proposed  form  of  Amendment  for  submission  to  the  forth 
coming  New  York  State  Constitutional  Convention. 

During  February,  1894,  much  preliminary  work  was  done 
in  preparation  for  the  Convention  which  was  to  begin  its  ses 
sions  in  May,  and  hearty  expressions  of  approval  were  received 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  533 

from  a  large  number  of  the  most  eminent  lawyers  and  other 
citizens  of  the  State  of  the  proposed  Amendment  to  the  State 
Constitution. 

In  March  the  League  issued  a  document  which  was  an  ad 
dress  to  the  citizens  of  the  State  of  New  York,  in  support  of 
the  League's  proposed  form  of  Amendment  to  the  State  Con 
stitution.  Statistics  were  secured  and  tabulated,  concerning 
the  use  of  the  school  funds  for  the  support  of  sectarian 
schools  in  the  chief  cities  of  the  State,  and  everything  possi 
ble  was  done  to  render  the  work  effective. 

Early  in  June  the  League  presented  to  the  Convention  the 
autograph  petitions  of  about  forty  thousand  citizens  of  stand 
ing  and  reputation,  representing  every  Senate  district  in  the 
State,  and  many  thousands  additional  were  sent  directly  to 
the  Convention  through  the  district  delegates. 

Certified  memorials  in  favor  of  the  Amendment  passed 
through  the  League's  office  and  were  laid  before  the  Conven 
tion,  from  conventions,  assemblies,  and  conferences  of  the 
various  Protestant  religious  bodies,  and  from  many  secular 
organizations,  representing  a  membership  of  about  650,000 
and  a  constituency  of  about  2,500,000.  It  is  safe  to  say  that 
through  the  work  of  the  League  the  expressed  convictions  of 
not  less  than  3,000,000  of  the  population  of  the  State  reached 
the  Convention  in  authoritative  form. 

Two  hearings  were  given  the  League  before  the  joint  com 
mittees  on  education,  charities,  and  powers  and  duties  of  the 
Legislature ;  the  first  on  June  6,  and  the  second  hearing  on 
July  11.  The  opposition  to  the  Amendment  came  exclusively 
from  Roman  Catholic  and  Hebrew  sources. 

The  result  finally  achieved,  in  view  of  the  character  and 
methods  of  the  opposition,  was  a  most  decisive  victory  for  the 
principles  advocated  by  the  League. 

At  the  general  election  held  in  New  York  State  on  Novem 
ber  6,  1894,  the  revised  Constitution,  containing  the  articles 
on  charities  and  education,  was  adopted  by  the  people  by  a 


534  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

majority  of  83,295  votes,  the  total  vote  being  410,697  for  the 
Constitution,  and  327,402  against. 

A  conference  was  held  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  on  August 
28,  29,  1894,  of  delegates  from  the  different  American  patri 
otic  orders.  The  sessions  of  the  conference  were  full  of 
interest,  and  the  final  action  accepted  the  principles  of  the 
League. 

o 

These  principles,  accompanied  with  the  proposed  form  of 
Sixteenth  Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution, 
together  with  a  series  of  questions  based  thereon,  were  pre 
pared  for  presentation  to  every  candidate  for  election  to  Con 
gress,  asking  his  acceptance  or  rejection  in  writing  of  the 
principles  embodied. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Board  of  Managers,  held  on  January 
10,  1895,  the  attention  of  the  Board  was  called  to  the  neces 
sity  of  securing  legislation  in  harmony  with  the  new  Consti 
tution  of  New  York  State  and  with  the  Compulsory  Attend 
ance  Law ;  to  provide  for  more  adequate  accommodation  for 
children  in  the  public  schools  of  the  larger  cities  of  the 
State. 

With  a  view  to  the  formulation  of  a  proper  school  census 
bill,  extensive  inquiry  was  made  from  the  office  of  the  League 
concerning  the  working  of  school  census  laws  in  various 

o  O 

States,  much  valuable  information  was  obtained,  and  a  bill 
was  prepared  for  submission  to  the  New  York  State  Legisla 
ture.  The  bill,  as  prepared,  was  passed  by  the  Legislature, 
and  became  a  law  on  May  7. 

The  hearty  unanimity  of  opinion  among  the  members  of  the 
Board  of  Indian  Commissioners  and  the  decided  action  taken 
fit  its  January  meeting  in  1895  in  opposition  to  the  further 
continuance  of  sectarian  grants  by  the  National  Government 
for  Indian  education,  were  in  interesting  contrast  with  the 
previous  attitude  of  these  same  members  concerning  the  line 
of  policy  steadfastly  advocated  by  the  League. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  also,  in  his  annual  report  to 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  535 

Congress,  with  a  view  to  carrying  out  the  announced  policy 
of  the  Government,  recommended  that  the  appropriations  to 
contract  Indian  schools  be  reduced  twenty  per  cent,  each  year 
for  five  years,  and  that  corresponding  provision  be  made  for 
the  education  of  Indian  children  in  government  schools. 

On  January  18,  1895,  the  League  secured  the  introduction 
in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  the  form  of  a  joint  resolu 
tion  of  the  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment  to  the  United 
States  Constitution,  as  amended  by  the  League's  Law  Com 
mittee,  and  approved  by  the  Board  of  Managers.  Document 
Number  Twenty-six,  being  a  compilation  of  extracts  showing 
"  the  attitude  of  the  press  toward  the  principles  and  work  of 
the  League,"  was  issued  early  in  February  and  given  wide 
circulation. 

In  March  a  convention  composed  of  representatives  of 
different  American  patriotic  orders  was  held  in  New  York 
City.  A  temperate  and  safe  platform  was  adopted,  upon 
which  all  patriotic  citizens  ought  to  be  able  to  stand. 

The  final  outcome  of  the  contest  in  the  Fifty-third  Congress, 
on  sectarian  appropriations  for  Indian  education,  was  the 
adoption  of  the  following  clause  in  the  Indian  Appropriation 
Bill: 

"  And  the  Government  shall,  as  early  as  practicable,  make 
provision  for  the  education  of  Indian  children  in  Government 
schools." 

A  Constitutional  Convention  in  Utah  ended  its  labors  on 
May  8, 1895,  having,  in  response  to  the  appeals  of  the  League, 
adopted  safe  provisions  concerning  schools  and  charities. 
The  new  Constitution  was  adopted  by  the  people  in  the  fol 
lowing  November  by  more  than  a  three-fourths  majority. 

In  the  fall  of  the  same  year  the  League  appealed  to  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  South  Carolina,  and  the  new 
Constitution  adopted  by  the  Convention  embodied  the  prin 
ciples  advocated  by  the  League. 

During   the   fall   of    1895,  an   interesting   school   contest 


586  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

developed  in  West  Troy,  N.  Y.,  in  wliicli  the  advice  and  aid 
of  the  League  were  sought  and  given.  An  active  Committee 
of  citizens  appealed  to  the  State  Superintendent  of  Public 
Instruction  against  the  renting  by  the  local  school  board,  at  a 
rental  of  one  dollar  per  month,  of  St.  Bridget's  Parochial 
School  building,  its  occupancy  as  a  public  school,  and  the 
employment  of  teachers  known  as  "  Sisters,"  wearing  the 
dress  and  insignia  of  their  order,  and  whose  examinations  for 
certificates  were  claimed  to  have  been  irregular.  Copies  of 
the  papers  on  both  sides  were  secured  by  the  League  and 
submitted  to  eminent  legal  counsel,  and  the  action  of  the 
school  board  was  pronounced  by  them  to  be  a  violation  of 
both  the  letter  and  the  spirit  of  the  new  Constitution  of  the 
State.  Forcible  presentation  of  the  grounds  for  this  judg 
ment  was  made  to  the  State  Superintendent,  who  finally  de 
cided  in  accord  with  the  clear  intent  of  the  Constitution. 

As  the  result  of  extended  correspondence,  much  valuable 
information  was  secured  by  the  League,  concerning  the 
management  of  schools  in  leading  cities  of  the  country. 

Document  Number  Twenty-eight  was  issued  and  widely 
mailed  to  the  press,  to  Congress,  and  to  the  adherents  of  the 
League,  together  with  Document  Number  Twenty-nine,  con 
cerning  the  status  of  the  question  of  sectarian  Indian  educa 
tion,  and  also  a  revised  table  of  government  appropriations  to 
religious  bodies. 

Early  in  the  year  1896  the  Secretary  of  the  Mennonite 
Mission  Board,  in  a  letter  to  the  League,  intimated  that  it  was 
probable  that  during  the  year  the  Menuonites  would  withdraw 
from  the  receipt  of  government  appropriations  for  their  edu 
cational  work  among  the  Indians.  This  completed  the  with 
drawal  of  all  the  denominations  to  which  the  League  appealed 
in  1890,  with  the  single  exception  of  the  Roman  Catholics. 

Inquiry  was  instituted  and  useful  information  obtained 
concerning  the  progress  of  kindergarten  instruction,  in  con 
nection  with  the  public  schools  in  the  various  States. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  537 

The  discussions  and  action  taken  in  the  first  session  of  the 
Fifty-fourth  Congress,  relative  to  government  appropriations 
for  sectarian  Indian  education  and  for  sectarian  charities  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  were  of  great  interest  ancT  signifi 
cance.  The  sentiment  in  the  House  of  Representatives  was 
largely  in  favor  of  the  discontinuance  of  all  such  appropri 
ations,  as  was  indicated  by  the  passage  on  February  24, 1896, 
by  a  vote  of  93  ayes  to  64  noes,  of  the  following  amendment 
to  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill: 

"  And  it  is  hereby  declared  that  it  is  the  intention  of  this 
act  that  no  money  herein  appropriated  shall  be  paid  for  edu 
cation  in  sectarian  schools ;  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior 
is  hereby  charged  with  the  duty  of  so  using  and  administer 
ing  said  appropriations  as  to  carry  out  said  object ;  and  he  is 
hereby  authorized  and  required  to  make  all  needful  rules  and 
regulations  necessary  to  prevent  the  use  of  any  part  of  said 
fund  for  education  in  sectarian  schools." 

Still  more  emphatic  evidence  was  given  in  the  House,  of  its 
attitude  on  these  questions,  by  its  action  on  April  9,  1896,  on 
the  District  of  Columbia  Appropriation  Bill. 

By  a  vote  of  134  ayes  to  21  noes  the  bill  was  passed,  leav 
ing  out  many  specific  appropriations  for  sectarian  charities ; 
placing  a  sum  of  $94,700  in  the  hands  of  the  Dictrict  Com 
missioners  for  distribution  for  the  relief  and  care  of  the  poor 
and  destitute  ;  making  provision  that  no  contract  provided 
for  in  the  clause  relating  to  charities  should  extend  beyond 
the  30th  day  of  June,  1897 : 

"  Provided  further  that  no  part  of  the  money  herein 
appropriated  shall  be  paid  for  the  purpose  of  maintain 
ing  or  aiding  by  payment  for  services  or  expenses,  or  other 
wise,  any  church  or  religious  denomination,  or  any  institu 
tion  or  society  which  is  under  sectarian  or  ecclesiastical 
control." 

When  these  two  measures  reached  the  Senate  active  opposi 
tion  developed,  and  after  extended  debate  and  many  confer- 


538  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

euces  between  committees  of  both  Houses,  the  following 
results  were  reached  in  each  case : 

On  the  Indian  Appropriation  Bill,  the  House  receded  from 
its  action  of  February  24,  and  agreed  to  a  substitute  origi 
nating  in  Conference  Committee,  as  follows  : 

"  And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the 
Government  to  hereafter  make  no  appropriations  whatever 
for  education  in  any  sectarian  school ;  Provided  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior  may  make  contracts  with  contract 
schools,  apportioning  as  near  as  may  be,  the  amount  so  con 
tracted  for  among  schools  of  various  denominations,  for  the 
education  of  Indian  pupils  during  the  fiscal  year  1897,  but 
shall  only  make  such  contracts  at  places  where  non-sectarian 
schools  cannot  be  provided  for  such  Indian  children,  and  to 
an  amount  not  exceeding  fifty  per  cent,  of  the  amount  so  used 
for  the  fiscal  year  1895." 

On  the  District  of  Columbia  Appropriation  Bill,  the  final 
action  may  be  summarized  as  follows  :  Specific  appropriations 
to  various  charities,  stricken  out  in  the  House,  were  replaced 
in  the  bill,  and  a  joint  committee  was  appointed,  consisting  of 
Senators  Harris  of  Tennessee,  Faulkner  of  West  Virginia,  and 
McMillan  of  Michigan,  with  Representatives  Pitney  of  New 
Jersey,  Blue  of  Kansas,  and  Dockery  of  Missouri,  to  investi 
gate  the  various  charitable  and  reformatory  institutions  in  the 
District  and  report  at  the  next  session : 

"  Whether  it  is  practicable  for  the  Commissioners  or  other 
authority  in  the  District  to  make  contracts  for  such  care  of 
the  poor  and  destitute  with  any  of  such  institutions,  and  if  so, 
which  of  them  and  to  what  extent,  within  the  limits  of  the 
policy  hereinbefore  declared,  and  if  not,  the  probable  expense 
of  providing  and  maintaining  public  institutions  for  such 
purpose." 

In  addition  to  this  the  following  was  embodied  in  the  bill: 

"  And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  to  make  no  appropriation  of  money 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  539 

or  property  for  the  purpose  of  founding,  maintaining  or  aid 
ing,  by  payment  for  services,  expenses  or  otherwise,  any 
church  or  religious  denomination,  or  any  institution  or  society 
which  is  under  sectarian  or  ecclesiastical  control :  And  it  is 
hereby  enacted  that  from  and  after  the  30th  day  of  June, 
1897,  no  money  appropriated  for  charitable  purposes  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  shall  be  paid  to  any  church  or  religious 
denomination,  or  to  any  institution  or  society  which  is  under 
sectarian  or  ecclesiastical  control." 

AVhile  it  was  evident  from  the  remarks  of  various  Senators, 
in  the  discussion  immediately  preceding  the  .final  passage  of 
the  District  of  Columbia  Appropriation  Bill,  notably  Senators 
Vest,  Teller,  Sherman,  and  Hill,  that  the  action  above  recorded 
was  not  considered  by  them  as  setting  the  question  at  rest 
except  temporarily,  it  is  still  true  that  the  possibility  of  secur 
ing  such  action  indicated  increased  regard  for  piiblic  senti 
ment  on  these  questions  on  the  part  of  the  people's  servants 
in  legislative  halls.  Those  best  entitled  to  judge  concede  that 
to  the  educational  work  done  and  the  data  furnished  by  the 
National  League  the  chief  credit  is  due  for  these  important 
results. 

The  League  appealed  this  year,  as  it  had  done  in  1892,  to 
the  National  Conventions  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic 
parties,  for  declarations  in  their  respective  platforms  in  har 
mony  with  the  principles  embodied  in  the  proposed  Sixteenth 
Amendment.  The  results  of  the  appeals  were  unsatisfactory 
to  the  League  and  discreditable  to  the  dominant  political 
parties. 

The  League  was  mainly  instrumental  during  this  year  in 
checking  another  attempted  sectarian  aggression.  Informa 
tion  came  to  the  office  of  the  League,  during  the  summer  of 
1896,  that  a  plot  of  land  had  been  granted  by  the  Secretary 
of  War  within  the  Government  Reservation  at  West  Point, 
N.  Y.,  for  the  erection  of  a  Roman  Catholic  chapel  which 
was  to  cost  for  the  building  alone  not  less  than  $20,000. 


540  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

A 111  pip  accommodation  already  existed  for  conducting  religious 
services  by  all  the  denominations,  and  the  League  was 
appealed  to  for  advice  in  the  matter.  It  at  once  advised 
that  separate  petitions  be  prepared  and  extensively  signed  by 
members  and  adherents  of  the  various  other  denominations, 
demanding  from  the  Secretary  of  War  similar  grants  of  land 
for  their  respective  denominations,  within  the  Reservation. 
The  completed  and  unpatriotic  history  of  this  movement  for 
a  sectarian  chapel  on  the  grounds  of  the  United  States 
Military  Academy  at  West  Point  appears  in  another  con 
nection  in  this  volume. 

Prior  to  1875,  only  eleven  State  Constitutions  contained 
restrictions  of  any  sort  against  sectarian  appropriations  of 
public  funds. 

In  the  fourteen  years  from  1875  to  1889,  when  The 
National  League  was  incorporated,  seven  additional  States 
were  added  to  the  list,  and  since  1889,  fourteen  new  or 
revised  State  Constitutions  (including  that  prepared  for 
Arizona,  awaiting  statehood)  have  been  adopted,  containing 
provisions  asserting  the  principle  of  the  separation  of  church 
and  state,  by  prohibiting  sectarian  appropriations  and  protect 
ing  the  public-school  funds. 

The  work  which  the  League  inaugurated  in  1890,  by 
appealing  to  all  the  religious  bodies  receiving  money  from  the 
National  Government  for  Indian  education,  has  had  gratifying 
results.  All  these  bodies,  with  one  exception,  have  with 
drawn  from  this  partnership  with  the  Government.  Congress 
has  in  two  successive  Appropriation  Bills  enacted  as  follows : 

"And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the 
Government  to  hereafter  make  no  appropriation  whatever  for 
education  in  any  sectarian  school." 

The  appropriations  for  such  schools,  in  consequence  of  the 
withdrawal  of  religious  bodies,  and  by  the  action  of  Congress, 
have  been  reduced  from  $611,570  in  1892  to  $212,954  in  1898, 
and  the  Chairman  of  the  House  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  541 

in  presenting  the  Appropriation  Bill  for  the  current  year, 
which  makes  a  further  reduction  in  the  appropriations  for 
contract  schools,  said  :  "  If  the  policy  which  has  been  declared 
to  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  Government  is  followed  in  the 
next  session  of  Congress,  there  will  be  no  provision  for  mak 
ing  contracts ;  there  will  be  no  appropriation  in  the  bill  for 
sectarian  schools." 

Closely  related  to  the  foregoing,  and  emphasizing  the 
progress  made  in  the  acceptance  and  assertion  of  the  prin 
ciples  and  policy  advocated  by  the  National  League,  is  the 
action  of  Congress  on  the  appropriations  for  charities  in 
the  District  of  Columbia.  The  joint  select  committee  has 
made  an  exhaustive  examination  into  their  administration 
and  methods  of  working,  and  in  an  elaborate  report  made 
many  recommendations  for  improvement  in  their  control  and 
supervision.  In  two  successive  District  of  Columbia  Appro 
priation  Bills  the  following  declaration  has  been  incorporated  : 

"  And  it  is  hereby  declared  to  be  the  policy  of  the  Govern 
ment  of  the  United  States  to  make  no  appropriation  of  money 
or  property  for  the  purposes  of  founding,  maintaining,  or  aid 
ing,  by  payment  for  services,  expenses,  or  otherwise,  any 
church  or  religious  denomination,  or  any  institution  or  society 
which  is  under  sectarian  or  ecclesiastical  control;  and  it 
is  hereby  enacted  that  from  and  after  the  30th  day  of  June, 
1898,  no  money  appropriated  for  charitable  purposes  in  the 
District  of  Columbia  shall  be  paid  to  any  church  or  religious 
denomination,  or  to  any  institution  or  society  which  is  under 
sectarian  or  ecclesiastical  control." 

These  great  results  during  the  past  ten  years  are  conceded ly 
due  to  the  movement  of  which  the  National  League  is  the 
acknowledged  leader,  and  largely  the  outcome  of  the  League's 
active  wrork  in  Congress  and  in  the  individual  States. 

The  League  has  been  watchfully  active  in  the  interests  of 
safe  legislation  and  in  opposition  to  baleful  legislation  in 
Washington,  in  Albany,  and  in  other  State  legislatures 


542  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

wherever  the  public-schools  funds,  unsectarian  charities,  and 
religious  liberty  are  involved. 

The  League  has  come  to  be  considered  throughout  the 
States  as  a  Court  of  Appeals  on  matters  where  legal  and 
constitutional  interpretations  are  required  concerning  the 
principles  it  promotes.  The  future  purposes  of  the  League 
are: 

1.  Show  the  necessity  for  the  Sixteenth  Amendment,  and 
press  it  on  the  attention  of  Congress  and  of  the  American 
people. 

2.  Form    State   leagues   in    all   the    States    as  rapidly  as 
opportunity  affords,  and  seek  the  amendment  of  State  Consti 
tutions  wherever  they  are  defective  in  their  provisions  for 
protecting  religious  liberty  and  the  schools. 

3.  Use  every  legitimate  means  within  its  power  to  protect 
and  perfect  the  American  Free  Common-School  system. 

4.  Gather    and     publish    statistics    concerning     sectarian 
appropriations  by  the  National  and  State  Governments,  and 
expose  the  peril  of  such  action. 

5.  Strenuously  resist  every  effort  to  consummate  the  union 
of  church  and  state  on  educational  or  any  other  lines. 

6.  Keep  the  public  apprised  of  the  sources  of  our  peril, 
and  organize  the  patriotic  sentiment  of  the  country  among 
native-born  and    naturalized  citizens  for  the  defense  of  our 
distinctively  American  Institutions. 

THE     FREE     COMMON     SCHOOLS. THE     FREE     PRINCIPLE    MUST    BE 

DEFENDED. 

Jefferson  declared  nearly  a  hundred  years  ago  that  free 
schools  were  an  essential  part — one  of  the  columns,  as  he 
expressed  it — of  the  republican  edifice,  and  that,  without  in 
struction  free  to  all,  the  sacred  flame  of  liberty  could  not  be 
kept  burning  in  the  hearts  of  Americans. 

In  defense  of  the  free  system  of  common  education  for  the 
childhood  and  youth  of  a  nation,  Talleyrand  said  :  "  The  chief 


Poivers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  543 

object  of  the  state  is  to  teach  children  to  become  one  day  its 
citizens.  It  initiates  them,  in  a  manner,  into  the  social  order, 
by  showing  them  the  laws  by  which  it  is  governed  and  giving 
them  the  first  of  their  means  of  existence.  Is  it  not,  then, 
just  that  all  should  learn  gratuitously  what  ought  to  be  re 
garded  as  a  necessary  condition  of  the  association  of  which 
they  are  to  become  members  ?  This  elementary  instruction 
seems  to  be  a  debt  which  society  owes  to  all,  and  which  it 
must  pay  without  the  slightest  deduction."  The  establish 
ment  of  free  public  schools  by  the  state  is  not  only  an  act  of 
justice,  but  it  is  highly  expedient  as  a  public  policy.  It  is 
said  that  England  pays  for  pauperism  and  crime  five  times  as 
much  as  for  education,  while  Switzerland  pays  seven  times  as 
much  for  education  as  for  pauperism  and  crime.  On  the 
other  hand  it  is  argued  that  universal  education  unfits  the 
members  of  a  community  for  the  more  laborious  pursuits  of 
life;  that  it  reduces  the  ranks  of  the  mechanic  and  the  day 
laborer,  and  unduly  increases  the  ranks  of  the  professions  and 
of  commercial  life,  thus  diminishing  the  number  of  producers 
and  increasing  the  number  of  non-producers.  But  the  re 
sponse  to  this  line  of  argument  is,  first,  the  education  of  the 
masses  will,  under  all  circumstances,  not  extend  beyond 
elementary  instruction  which  will  be  beneficial  in  the  hum 
blest  pursuits ;  second,  those  who  from  lowly  stations  rise  to 
positions  of  eminence  by  means  of  free  education  must  do  so 
by  the  use  of  talents  which,  exercised,  are  beneficial  to  the 
community  ;  third,  many  of  those  who  are  called  non -pro 
ducers  are  often  the  inventors  and  discoverers,  who  multiply 
the  producing  power  of  labor  often  a  hundred-fold. 

Horace  Mann,  that  John  the  Baptist  in  the  cause  of  popu 
lar  education  in  America,  has  well  said  that  "  legislators  and 
rulers  are  responsible.  In  our  country  and  in  our  times,  no 
man  is  worthy  the  honored  name  of  a  statesman,  who  does 
not  include  the  highest  practicable  education  of  the  people  in 
all  his  plans  of  administration. 


544  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

"  He  may  have  eloquence,  he  may  have  a  knowledge  of  all 
history,  diplomacy,  jurisprudence,  and  by  these  he  may  claim, 
in  other  countries,  the  elevated  rank  of  a  statesman ;  but 
unless  he  speaks,  plans,  labors,  at  all  times  and  in  all  places, 
for  the  culture  and  edification  of  the  whole  people,  he  is  not, 
he  cannot  be,  an  American  statesman.'7 

Dr.  Curry,  the  Secretary  of  the  Peabody  Fund,  addressing  a 
legislative  body  recently,  expressed  the  following  sentiments : 

"  Ignorance  of  the  voter  is  an  abridgment  of  the  liberty  of 
others.  His  ballot  determines  more  or  less  our  government. 
Monarchical  governments  are  careful  to  have  the  heir  to  the 
throne  well  educated.  History  and  common  sense  teach  that 
a  government  by  the  people  requires  more  education,  more 
self-restraint,  than  any  other,  and  that  the  despotism  and 
cruelty  of  an  untutored  mob  may  be  more  odious  and  oppres 
sive  than  the  despotism  of  any  one  man.  The  school  should 
go  before  the  ballot ;  otherwise,  an  uninstructed  democracy 
wrill  become  the  facile  tool  of  the  demagogue  and  the  villain. 

"  The  first  duty  of  government  is  self-preservation,  and  the 
noblest  function  of  statehood  is  to  develop  and  use  to  the 
maximum  degree  the  brain-power  of  the  country." 

PATRIOTIC  PLATFORM  FOR  THE  DEFENSE  OF  THE  FREE  PUBLIC 

SCHOOLS. 

There  is  certainly  no  justification  for  entire  self-com 
placency  and  satisfaction  about  the  public  schools.  There 
never  can  be.  Perfection  will  never  be  attained.  The  ideal 
will  never  be  fully  realized.  Our  public-school  system  is  yet, 
we  must  confess,  in  a  comparatively  crude  state.  It  must  be 
greatly  improved  and  strengthened  in  the  coming  years.  The 
people  will  gradually  come  to  appreciate  it  and  make  it  a 
matter  of  personal  study,  and  literally  of  personal  supervision. 
The  following  embodies  substantially  what  in  our  judgment 
ought  to  be  the  patriotic  American  programme  for  the  free 
common  schools: 


JOHN  H.  VINCENT, 
The  Founder  of  Chautauqua. 


J.  L.  M.  CURRY, 
Secretary  of  the  Peabody  Fund, 


CHARLES  T.  SAXTON, 
Promoter  of  Ballot  Reform. 


CHARLES  R.  SKINNER, 
Defender  of  the  Public  Schools. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  545 

1.  A  knowledge  of  the  exact  situation  by  all  intelligent 
citizens,  all  genuine  Americans  in  every  community,  resolving 
themselves  into  a  committee  of  the  whole,  loyally  to  watch 
and  jealously  to  guard  these  nurseries  of  our  citizenship. 

2.  An  honest  recognition  of  the  commendable  features  of 
our  school  system. 

3.  An  equally  honest  recognition  of  the  defects,  with  will 
ingness  to  learn  from  any  and  all  other  systems,  which,  in  any 
of  their  features,  may  suggest  to  us  improvement. 

4.  A  readiness  to  face  the  patent  defects,  and  not  attempt 
to  cover  them  but  courageously  to  conquer  them. 

5.  The  best  and  most  thorough  instruction  in  every  depart 
ment — moral,  mental,  industrial,  physical ;  thus  placing  the 
system  by  its  pre-eminence  out  of  the  field  of  competition. 

6.  Insist  upon  the  absolute  necessity  of  the  precedence  and 
mastery  of  the  national  language. 

7.  Require   the   careful   training  of   all  the   children  and 
youth   in   the   fundamental    political    doctrines,   and   moral 
axioms  and  principles  on  wrhich  the  free  American  govern 
ment  rests,  as   the   only  means  of   teaching  those  lessons — 
readily  received  in  youth,  but  hard  to  acquire  when  char 
acter  has  been  shaped  and  determined — of  a  respect  for  the 
opinions  and  circumstances  of  others  which  issue  from  that 
distinctively    American    principle   that  all  men   are  created 
equal   before   the   law.     Garfield    said,   "  If   it   were   in  my 
power,  I  would  make  a  law  that  every  man  and  woman  in 
the   United  States  should  study  American   history  through 
the  period  of  their  minority." 

8.  Let  the  people  see  to  it  that  the  practice  of  economy  for 
political  purposes  does  not  commence  in  any  community  with 
the  schools,  but  provide  without  prodigality,  and  with  liber 
ality,  for  both  school  buildings  and  school  support. 

9.  Let  no  political  or  ecclesiastical  outcry  from  whatever 
source,  against  religious  instruction  in   the   schools,  be   the 
means  of  banishing  a  high  morality  from  the  character  of  the 


546  Facing  tlie  Twentieth,  Century. 

teaching  or  from  the  qualifications  of  the  teacher.  The 
American  idea  is  that  the  school  shall  he  a  civil  educator  to 
make  good  citizens,  and  good  citizens  must  possess  moral 
character.  The  schools  will  inevitably  be  a  reflex  of  the 
noble,  cultured,  moral  characters  of  the  men  and  women  in 
them  as  instructors. 

10.  Banish   absolutely  all  sectarianism   from   the   manage 
ment  and  teaching  of  these  public  schools,  and  all  evidence  in 
the  structures  used,  or  in  the  garb  of  the  teachers,  that  would 
suggest  denominational  relationship,  or  hint  at  the  remotest 
connection  of  church  and  state. 

11.  Let  national,  state,  county,  and  municipal  treasuries  be 
jealously  guarded  against  all  attempts  for  the  sectarian  divi 
sion  of  the  sacred  funds  which  they  hold  for  the  support  of 
common  schools. 

12.  Let  all  partisan  political  control  be  banished  from  the 
management  of  the  schools. 

13.  Let  a  solemn,  if  unrecorded,  oath  of  allegiance  to  our 
institutions  by  every  loyal  citizen  embrace  the  defense  of  the 
American    system  of   free  common    schools — a  defense    con 
ducted  without  malice,  without  bigotry,  without  fear,  without 
compromise. 

14.  Let  compulsory  education  laws  be  speedily  perfected 
and  judiciously  enforced. 

15.  Let  all  schools,  public  and  private,  where  citizens  are 
being   trained  for  the  performance  of  their  duties  as  sover 
eigns  in  the  republic,  come  under  the  intelligent  supervision 
of    the    governmental    authorities   as   a  rightful    measure    of 
safety,  and  as  the  only  method  of  approximating  that  practi 
cal  uniformity  of  results  essential  to  popular  education  in  a 
republic.     One    of   the    principal    functions  of   the   common 
school   is  to  Americanize   the    children  of   foreign   birth  or 
parentage,  and  by  its  processes  of  digestion  and  assimilation 
make  them  a  healthful  part  of  the  body  politic. 

Governor   William  H.  Seward,  in    his    annual  message  in 


P oivers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  547 

1840,  said,  "since  we  have  opened  our  country  and  all  its 
fullness  to  the  oppressed  of  every  nation,  we  should  evince 
wisdom  equal  to  such  generosity  by  qualifying  their  children 
for  the  high  responsibilities  of  citizenship." 

16.  When  the  United  States  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  are  in  session,  the  national  flag  floats  over  the  Cap 
itol  buildings.  Over  the  forts  and  ships  of  the  nation  the 
flag  also  floats.  The  American  flag  ought  to  float  over  every 
public-school  building  in  the  republic  while  the  schools  are 
in  session,  as  an  object  lesson  in  patriotism  for  childhood  and 
youth,  and  as  a  symbol  to  the  world  that  we  consider  these 
buildings  the  fortresses  of  our  strength,  from  which  go  forth 
the  forces  which  are  the  best  protectors  of  our  free  institu 
tions. 

Professor  Bryce  says,  in  his  "American  Commonwealth," 
"The  institutions  of  the  United  States  are  deemed  by  the 
inhabitants,  and  admitted  by  strangers,  to  be  a  matter  of 
more  general  interest  than  those  of  the  not  less  famous  nations 
of  the  Old  World.  They  represent  an  experiment  in  the  rule 
of  the  multitude,  tried  on  a  scale  unprecedentedly  vast  and  the 
result  of  which  everyone  is  concerned  to  watch.  And  yet 
they  are  something  more  than  an  experiment,  for  they  are 
believed  to  disclose  and  display  the  type  of  the  institutions 
toward  which,  as  by  law  fitted,  the  rest  of  civilized  mankind 
are  forced  to  move,  some  with  swifter,  others  with  slower, 
but  all  with  unresting  feet." 

The  war  for  the  defense  of  these  institutions  is  upon  us, 
and  one  of  the  principal  points  of  attack  continues  to  be 
upon  the  integrity  of  our  free  common-school  system.  There 
can  be  no  neutrals  in  this  protective  war,  and  when  the 
people  are  once  aroused,  there  can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the 
issue. 

Our  public  schools,  as  one  of  the  principal  bulwarks  of  our 
free  institutions,  will  be  maintained.  Every  American  child 
will  be  given  the  opportunity  to  secure  the  rudiments  of  an 


548  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

education  in  the  language  of  the  country.  Forces  are  at 
work  against  botli  the  methods  of  conducting  the  schools 
and  against  the  principles  that  gave  them  birth.  Every  year 
they  are  becoming  more  aggressive,  but,  we  believe,  hopelessly. 

It  becomes  every  citizen  who  has  faith  in  our  school  system, 
and  who  believes  in  its  importance  for  the  weal  of  our  com 
mon  country,  to  know  the  enemies  by  sight  and  study  their 
tactics.  In  this  land  all  great  questions  of  principle  come  to 
the  ballot-box  for  settlement.  The  maintenance  of  the  com 
mon  schools  will  continue  to  be  brought  there.  And  when 
ever  it  is  and  the  people  possess  an  honestly  guarded  and 
secret  ballot,  they  will  settle  forever  a  debate  which  never 
ought  to  have  been  opened ;  will  paralyze  sacrilegious  hands 
which  have  assumed  to  steady  the  ark  of  the  covenant  of  our 
liberties;  and  will  put  into  the  national  Constitution  a  flam 
ing  sword  of  defense  against  offenders,  who  forfeit  their 
rights  by  touching  with  sacrilegious  hands  the  national  tree 
of  knowledge. 

No  principle  is  better  understood  and  more  firmly  estab 
lished  in  the  judgment  of  our  intelligent  countrymen  than 
the  true  relation  between  the  education  of  American  children 
and  the  future  of  the  American  republic. 

If  our  children,  whether  of  American  or  foreign  birth,  are 
instructed  side  by  side  on  terms  of  brotherhood  in  our  public 
schools,  if  they  are  grounded  in  Christian  morals  and  Ameri 
can  principles,  and  trained  by  proper  teachers  who  are  them 
selves  endowed  with  an  appreciation  of  the  coming  duties  of 
citizenship;  with  the  exercise  of  an  independent  judgment, 
with  a  due  reverence  for  the  supremacy  of  law,  and  a  pa 
triotic  devotion  to  country  with  its  noble  principles  and 
inspiring  traditions,  we  may  look  to  the  future  with  hope. 

It  is  a  most  hopeful  omen  for  the  future  of  our  American 
institutions  that  the  generation  of  youth  that  will  lead  the 
columns  across  the  line  into  the  dawning  of  the  Twentieth 
Century  will  be  a  generation  schooled  in  patriotism  in  iusti- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  549 

tutions  of  learning  of  all  grades.  American  youths  all  over 
the  land  are  banding  themselves  together  for  mutual  self-help 
and  for  lifting  other  youths  to  higher  planes  of  character  and 
opportunity.  If  a  single  generation  of  youths  could  be,  with 
out  one  exception,  trained  for  righteousness  and  patriotism, 
the  future  of  the  republic  would  not  only  be  secure,  but  the 
higher  law  would  constitute  the  organic  law  of  the  laud. 

THE  RECOGNITION  AND  NURTURE  OF  THE  NEW  PATRIOTISM, 
MANIFESTED  IN  THE  MULTIPLICATION  OF  PATRIOTIC  ORGAN 
IZATIONS. ORGANIZATIONS  BASED  UPON  REVOLUTIONARY  AN 
CESTRY  OR  PATRIOTIC  HEREDITY. 

The  "  renaissance  of  patriotism,"  as  Garfield  called  it,  has 
found  expression  in  the  formation  of  a  great  number  of 
patriotic,  historical,  genealogical,  and  hereditary  societies,  the 
principal  objects  of  which  are  to  commemorate  the  deeds  and 
study  the  motives  of  the  forefathers,  and  to  cherish  the  insti 
tutions  of  American  freedom.  This  outburst  of  the  new 
patriotism,  beginning  in  1875  and  1876,  was  due  to  several 
causes,  one  of  the  most  potent  being  the  influence  of  the 
association  of  ideas  with  the  centennial  anniversaries  which 
then  began  to  occur. 

During  the  first  hundred  years  of  our  national  existence, 
our  growth  had  been  so  rapid,  and  the  various  phases  and 
incidents  of  the  working  out  of  our  governmental  system  had 
followed  each  other  with  such  startling  and  distracting  ra 
pidity,  that  there  was  little  time  or  popular  disposition  to  look 
back  and  study  philosophically  the  events  of  a  hundred  or  two 
hundred  years  before.  The  year  1875  saw  us  removed  but  ten 
years  from  the  greatest  civil  war  in  history,  the  wounds  of 
which  still  retained  their  bitter  and  dangerous  sting.  Sud 
denly,  the  magic  of  anniversary  influence  began  to  operate. 
People's  thoughts  were  carried  back  a  century ;  back  across 
the  bloody  chasm  of  1861-65  ;  back  to  the  little  village 
green  in  Massachusetts  where  "  the  embattled  farmer  stood  and 


550  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

fired  the  shot  heard  'round  the  world."  The  men  of  Balti 
more  who,  in  18(31,  had  fired  on  Massachusetts  troops  pass 
ing  through  their  streets,  bethought  themselves  of  the  time 

o  o  /  o 

when  Virginia  sent  to  Massachusetts  the  Commander  in  Chief 

o 

of  the  American  Army,  and  cjuickly  followed  him  with  Daniel 
Morgan  and  his  Virginian  sharpshooters,  who  took  their  stand 
beside  Stark  and  Green  and  Kuox,  and  other  New  Eng- 
landers,  on  Cambridge  Common.  Then  came  1876,  arousing 
memories  of  the  immortal  document  which  had  borne  side  by 
side  the  signatures  of  John  Hancock  and  Thomas  Jefferson, 
lioger  Sherman  and  Benjamin  Harrison,  Benjamin  Franklin 
and  Edward  Rutledge,  and  other  great  patriots  of  the  North 
and  South.  Then  ensued  a  series  of  anniversaries,  each  one 
commemorating  some  struggle  in  the  field,  some  achievement 
in  the  halls  of  legislation,  some  triumph  in  the  chambers  of 
diplomacy,  in  which  the  participants  from  the  lower  and 
upper  Colonies  had  vied  with  each  other  in  their  loyal  zeal 
for  a  common  cause.  Mason  and  Dixon's  line  was  forgotten 
in  the  contemplation  of  the  sage  and  sober  words  of  Wash 
ington's  Farewell  Address  to  the  American  People,  in  which, 
among  other  things,  he  admonished  them  that  "  the  Unity  of 
Government  which  constitutes  you  one  people  is  the  main 
pillar  in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence,"  and  urged 
them  to  "  indignantly  frown  upon  the  first  dawning  of  every 
attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from  the  rest." 
They  began  to  comprehend  as  never  before  the  significance 
of  that  pregnant  sentence:  "The  name  of  American,  which 
belongs  to  you  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt 
the  just  pride  of  Patriotism  more  than  any  appellation  de 
rived  from  local  discriminations."  Suddenly,  they  awoke  to 
a  new  realization  of  their  national  brotherhood.  They  saw 
what  a  vast  body  of  traditions  they  had  in  common,  and  the 
old  inspirations  began  to  flame  anew  in  their  breasts.  The 
poignancy  of  recent  divisions  was  materially  assuaged,  and 
they  began  to  organize  societies  based  on  their  common 


OF    THK 

UNIVERSITY 


Morgan  I)i\~. 
ItdtvarJ  Ilajf 
Ralph  I-:.  r>  -i 


Jfall. 


William  ll'ayne. 
Samuel  liberty  dross. 
William  It',  (loud rich. 


A  GROUP  OF    PROMINENT   REPRESENTATIVES   OF    PATRIOTIC  ORGANIZATIONS 
HASEI)   UPON    HEREDITY    OR    MILITARY    SERVICE. 


Stewart  L.  Woodford, 
George  Ernest  Bowman . 
Chauncey  M.  Depew. 


Henry  E.  Howland, 
Henry  B.  Whipple, 
Alexander  S.  Webb, 


A  GROUP  OF  PROMINENT  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  PATRIOTIC  ORGANIZATIONS 
BASED  UPON  HEREDITY  OR  MILITARY  SERVICE. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  551 

heritage  of  precious  memories,  in  which,  forgetting  geographi 
cal  boundaries,  they  might  associate  as  brethren  in  the 
mutual  enjoyment  of  their  common  birthright. 

There  was  at  this  time  but  one  patriotic  hereditary  society 
which  had  had  a  continuous  existence  for  any  length  of  time, 
namely  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati.  This  venerable  organi 
zation  had  been  formed  May  13,  1783,  at  the  headquarters  of 
Baron  Steubeu,  near  Newburgh,  N.  Y.,  as  the  result  of  the 
suggestion  of  General  Kuox  that  some  means  be  devised  by 
which,  after  the  American  officers  had  separated,  their  friend 
ships  might  be  cherished,  and  the  remembrance  of  the  experi 
ences  which  bound  them  together  might  be  perpetuated. 

Its  Constitution  thus  states  the  origin  of  its  name  and  its 
principles : 

"The  officers  of  the  American  Army,  having  generally 
been  taken  from  the  citizens  of  America,  possess  high  venera 
tion  for  the  character  of  that  illustrious  Roman,  Lucius 
Quintus  OincinnatuSy  and  being  resolved  to  follow  his  exam 
ple,  by  returning  to  their  citizenship,  they  think  they  may 
with  propriety  denominate  themselves  the 

SOCIETY    OF    THE    CINCINNATI. 

"The  following  principles  shall  be  immutable  and  form  the 
basis  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati : 

"  An  incessant  attention  to  preserve  inviolate  those  exalted 
rights  and  liberties  of  human  nature  for  which  they  have 
fought  and  bled,  and  without  which  the  high .  rank  of  a 
rational  being  is  a  curse  instead  of  a  blessing. 

"  An  unalterable  determination  to  promote  and  cherish,  be 
tween  the  respective  States,  that  unison  and  national  honor 
so  essentially  necessary  to  their  happiness  and  the  future 
dignity  of  the  American  empire. 

"To  render  permanent  the  cordial  affection  subsisting  among 
the  officers :  This  spirit  will  dictate  brotherly  kindness  in  all 
things,  and  particularly  extend  to  the  most  substantial  acts  of 


552  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

beneficence,  according  to  the  ability  of  the  Society,  toward 
those  officers  and  their  families  who  unfortunately  may  be 
under  the  necessity  of  receiving  it." 

The  Constitution,  elaborate  in  details  of  administration  and 
drawn  in  the  haste  and  excitement  incident  to  the  disband- 
ment  of  the  army,  while  lofty  in  its  sentiments  and  noble  in 
much  of  its  phraseology,  proved  defective  as  a  plan  of  gov 
ernment,  and  was  subsequently  modified  in  form,  but  not  in 
spirit.  An  analysis  of  the  instrument  shows  the  essential 
features  of  the  Society  to  be  as  follows : 

Objects  :  Commemorative,  patriotic,  social,  and  benevolent. 

Membership :  Originally,  limited  military ;  subsequently, 
limited  hereditary. 

The  hostility  toward  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  on  account 
of  its  hereditary  feature  made  a  deep  impression  at  the  time, 
and  Washington,  who  was  its  president  from  the  time  of  its 
organization  until  his  death,  was  persuaded  to  retain  the 
office  only  by  promises  (never  fulfilled)  that  it  would  be 
abolished.  It  was  due  not  a  little  to  the  formation  of  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati  that  there  came  into  existence  soon 
afterward  an  organization  which  eventually  became  one  of 
the  most  powerful  and  perverted  political  influences  of  the 
country.  In  1789,  the  year  of  Washington's  inauguration  as 
first  President  of  the  United  States,  the  Tammany  Society 
was  organized  on  a  distinctly  anti-aristocratic  and  anti-Feder 
alist  basis,  to  counteract  the  supposed  evil  propensities  of 
the  Cincinn.ati. 

So  conspicuously  did  these  two  Societies  represent  the 
opposite  political  and  social  tendencies  of  the  post-bellum 
period,  that  a  well-known  historian  represents  them  as  the 
two  burdens  between  which,  "  the  new  government,  like 
Issachar,  was  beginning  to  couch." 

Partly  on  account  of  the  popular  hostility  to  the  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati,  partly  on  account  of  the  weakening  of  its 
membership  by  death,  partly  on  account  of  the  distractions  of 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  553 

the  times,  and  partly  oil  account  of  the  inherent  weakness  of 
its  form  of  organization,  this  patriotic  institution  languished 
for  many  years,  and  in  some  States  fell  into  a  condition  of 
complete  desuetude ;  but  it  has  shared  in  the  patriotic  renais 
sance  of  later  years,  and  is  now  one  of  the  most  dignified  and 
respected,  as  it  is  the  most  venerable,  of  the  large  number  of 
orders  and  institutions  of  which  it  was  the  prototype.  Its 
membership  numbers  about  six  hundred. 

When  the  Centennial  period  of  1875  and  1876  arrived,  and 
the  citizens  began  to  consider  with  renewed  interest  the 
events  of  the  Revolutionary  period,  the  community  of  interest 
which  was  found  to  exist  naturally  excited  a  desire  among  the 
patriotically  inclined  to  become  associated  in  some  organic 
form  for  the  better  execution  of  their  purposes.  The  exclu 
sive  eligibility  requirements  of  the  Cincinnati,  however,  barred 
out  from  membership  the  vast  body  of  citizens  who  were 
equally  the  inheritors  of  the  precious  traditions  of  the 
republic,  and  the  formation  of  new  societies  was  the  inevi 
table  outcome  of  the  situation.  The  first  of  these  modern 
patriotic  hereditary  societies  in  order  of  formation  are  those 
called  Sons  of  the  Revolution  and  Sons  of  the  American 
Revolution.  Their  common  origin  may  be  traced  back  to  a 
meeting  of  lineal  descendants  of  heroes  of  the  War  for  Inde 
pendence,  which  was  held  curiously  enough,  as  far  as  possible 
away  from  the  scene  of  the  beginning  of  the  war,  in  San 
Francisco,  Cal.,  October  22,  1875.  At  this  meeting  was  insti 
tuted  the  Society  first  called  the  Sons  of  Revolutionary  Sires, 
forty  of  the  eighty  members  of  which  on  the  Fourth  of  July 
following  inarched  in  a  public  procession  commemorating  the 
one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Copies  of  their  constitution  were  sent  to  patriotic  citizens 
throughout  the  United  States  and  led  to  the  formation  in 
other  parts  of  the  country  of  similar  societies  called  Sons  of 
the  Revolution.  On  April  30,  1889,  the  one  hundredth  anni 
versary  of  the  inauguration  of  Washington  as  first  President 


554  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

of  the  United  Sates,  a  general  convention  of  these  various 
societies  was  held  in  the  historic  Fraunce's  Tavern  in  New 
York  City,  for  the  purpose  of  uniting  into  a  national  organiza 
tion.  Those  societies  which  joined  this  movement  took  the 
distinctive  title  of  Sons  of  the  American  Revolution,  while 
those  who  stayed  out  retained  the  title  of  Sons  of  the  Revolu 
tion.  At  the  time  of  the  organization  of  the  National  Society 
of  Sous  of  the  American  Revolution,  it  differed  in  important 
respects  from  the  Sons  of  the  Revolution,  both  in  conditions 
of  eligibility  and  form  of  government;  but  during  the  past 
ten  years,  the  latter  have  so  nearly  conformed  to  the  standards 
of  the  former  that  there  may  be  said  to  be  practically  no  differ 
ence  between  them  at  present.  Indeed,  so  strong  has  been  the 
desire  in  both  societies  for  a  union  under  a  common  name, 
that  formal  propositions  looking  to  that  end  have  been  under 
consideration  for  the  past  six  years.  The  salient  features  of 
these  societies,  whose  joint  membership  reaches  nearly  twenty 
thousand,  are  as  follows  : 

Objects  :  Commemorative,  patriotic,  social. 

Membership :  Hereditary,  being  based  on  lineal  descent 
from  an  ancestor  who,  in  the  military,  naval,  or  civil  service 
of  the  country  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  assisted  in 
establishing  the  independence  of  the  United  States. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  benevolent  feature  of  the  origi 
nal  constitution  of  the  Cincinnati  does  not  appeal1  in  the  objects 
of  these  societies.  There  are  two  reasons  for  this.  That 
provision  in  the  constitution  of  the  Cincinnati  was  due  to 
local  conditions.  The  Revolutionary  Wai1  had  left  not  only 
the  army  but  the  country  impoverished,  and  there  was  little 
prospect  that  the  Government  would  take  care  of  destitute 
officers  or  their  widows.  No  such  need  exists  to-day. 
Furthermore,  there  is  such  a  multiplicity  of  modern  be 
nevolent  societies  that  there  is  really  no  need  for  such  a 
provision  in  the  constitution  of  the  patriotic  societies. 
Some  of  the  patriotic  organizations  founded  on  the  Civil 


Poivers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  555 

War,  however,  do   perform   a  large   amount  of   benevolent 
work. 

These  societies  evidently  touched  a  popular  chord  in  the 
American  heart,  for  they  not  only  rapidly  multiplied  in  num 
bers,  but  they  were  quickly  followed  by  others,  based  on 
parallel  ideas  and  touching  almost  every  phase  of  our  national 
history.  The  picturesque  military  idea  naturally  appealed 
strongly  to  the  imagination  and  was  fruitful  of  many  organiza 
tions.  The  Mexican  War  had  been  represented  since  1847  by 
the  Aztec  Club,  composed  of  military  and  naval  officers  who 
participated  in  that  urar,  and  their  blood  relatives  (now  num< 
beriug  about  250  members),  but,  with  that  exception,  none 
of  the  wars  before  the  Civil  War  was  represented  by 
any  active  organization  except  the  Revolutionary  War. 
In  1892  some  enterprising  members  of  the  younger  genera- 
tion  discovered  that  there  were  still  living  a  few  veterans  of 
the  second  war  with  Great  Britain,  and  forthwith  they  were 
made  the  nucleus  about  which  was  formed  the  Society  of  the 
War  of  1812,  which,  in  its  various  branches,  and  including 
members  admitted  by  descent  from  other  participants  in  that 
war,  now  has  a  membership  of  about  2000.  In  the  same 
year  the  Society  of  Colonial  Wars  was  formed,  based  on 
descent  from  participants  in  the  battles  and  wars  fought 
under  Colonial  authority  between  the  settlement  of  James 
town,  1607,  and  the  beginning  of  the  War  for  Independ 
ence,  1775.  This  Society  now  includes  2600  lineal  descend 
ants  of  those  who  faced  the  terrors  of  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping  knife  in  the  hands  of  the  aborigines,  and  the  fire 
lock  and  sword  in  the  hands  of  the  French,  to  plant  the 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization  in  the  West.  The  subjects  for 
military  societies  had  not  yet  been  exhausted,  the  little  war 
with  Tripoli  having  been  overlooked  thus  far,  but  in  1894 
the  Military  Order  of  Foreign  Wars  stepped  into  existence 
to  cover  that  hiatus  in  America's  military  history.  The 
original  design  of  the  organization  was  to  commemorate  the 


556  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

four  foreign  wars  of  the  United  States  up  to  that  date,  but 
it  has  recently  been  expanded  to  include  also  the  War  with 
Spain.  Prior  to  the  AVar  of  1898,  it  had  a  membership  of 
80S  original  participants  or  lineal  descendants  of  participants 
in  the  AVar  of  the  Revolution,  the  AVar  with  Tripoli,  the 
War  of  1812,  and  the  War  with  Mexico.  There  now  seemed 
to  remain  but  one  possible  opportunity  for  another  military 
society,  and  that  was  for  one  which  should  include  all  wars, 
and  in  1897  it  was  improved  by  the  formation  of  "the  Society 
of  American  AVars.  Membership  in  this  Society  is  dependent 
upon  service  performed,  either  in  propria  persona  or  in  the 
person  of  a  lineal  ancestor,  in  any  of  the  wars  for  the  estab 
lishment  and  preservation  of  the  original  colonies  or  of  the 
United  States.  In  1890  the  military  idea  was  specialized  by 
the  formation  of  a  distinctively  naval  order  under  the  title 
of  the  Naval  Order  of  the  United  States,  embracing  officers  of 
the  Navy  or  Marine  Corps  of  the  United  States  who  had  par 
ticipated  in  any  war  or  battle,  or  their  descendants,  and  in 
1896  still  another  variation  was  afforded  by  the  organization 
of  a  uniformed  society  called  the  Old  Guard,  composed  of 
descendants  of  participants  in  the  Colonial  wars  and  both 
wars  with  Great  Britain. 

The  importance  and  dignity  of  such  military  orders  as 
these  were  recognized  by  Congress  in  1890,  by  the  passage 
of  a  joint  resolution  taking  official  cognizance  of  them  as 
"  military  societies." 

In  this  country  the  military  societies  are  not  the  sole  custo 
dians  of  our  most  prized  traditions;  a  large  number  of  non- 
military  societies  devote  themselves  to  the  fostering  of  the 
most  exalted  sentiments  of  patriotism.  The  transition  to  the 
latter  is  through  a  set  of  organizations  which  partake  of 
the  nature  of  both.  The  Order  of  AVashingtou,  for  instance, 
formed  in  1895,  has  a  membership  based  on  descent  from 
civil  as  well  as  military  or  naval  officers  who  were  in  the 
American  Colonial  service  between  1750  and  1776.  Like- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  557 

wise  the  Order  of  the  Founders  and  Patriots  of  America, 
incorporated  in  1896,  is  composed  of  men  who  have  de 
scended  in  the  direct  male  line  of  either  the  father  or 
mother,  from  an  ancestor  who  resided  in  the  Colonies 
between  1607  and  1657  (and  who  may  have  been  either 
a  private  citizen  or  a  military  or  civil  officer),  and  whose 
intermediate  ancestors  during  the  War  for  Independence 
adhered  as  patriots  to  the  American  cause.  This  Order  has 
a  membership  of  about  500.  In  1897,  a  similar  society  was 
formed  under  the  name  of  America's  Founders  and  Defenders. 
Passing  now  to  the  more  purely  non-military  societies,  one 
is  impressed  at  once  with  a  new  set  of  ideas,  reminding  him 
more  particularly  of  the  moral  forces  which  brought  our 
ancestors  hither  and  impelled  and  sustained  them  in  their 
tremendous  struggles  in  the  formative  years  of  the  Nation's 
existence.  The  first  to  deserve  mention  in  this  connection  is 
the  New  England  Society,  which  dates  back  to  1805.  It  is 
not  generally  classified  as  -a  patriotic  society,  but,  composed 
of  natives  or  descendants  of  natives  of  New  England,  and 
devoting  itself  to  the  commemoration  of  New  England  his 
tory  and  the  cherishing  of  New  England  principles,  it  is,  in 
effect,  one  of  the  most  influential  of  the  patriotic  societies  of 
the  country.  It  also  has  a  benevolent  feature  in  its  constitu 
tion  which  is  suggestive  of  the  old  Cincinnati  constitution. 
Its  membership  is  about  1500.  While  the  New  England 
Society  serves  to  keep  alive  the  memory  of  the  Puritans  in 
general,  a  more  exclusive  idea  is  represented  by  the  Society 
of  Mayflower  Descendants,  organized  in  1894,  composed,  as 
its  title  indicates,  of  the  descendants  of  those  who  came  over 
in  the  Mayflower  on  her  first  trip  in  1620.  These  and  similar 
societies  have  recently  directed  the  attention  of  scholars  and 
students  to  the  character  of  the  Puritan  in  a  way  which  has 
given  them  a  new  insight  into  his  animating  principles  and 
a  new  realization  of  his  inestimable  contribution  to  the  civi 
lization  of  the  West. 


558  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

In  like  manner  the  Hollander  is  represented  by  such 
societies  as  the  St.  Nicholas  Society  of  New  York,  organized 
in  1841  for  benevolent  purposes  and  for  the  preservation  of 
the  early  history  of  the  City  of  New  York.  Membership 
therein  is  confined  to  descendants  of  residents  of  New  York 
City  and  State  prior  to  1785.  Washington  Irving,  whose 
apocryphal  history  of  the  world  in  general  and  of  New  York 
in  particular  once  roused  the  ire  of  sensitive  Dutchmen,  was 
first  Secretary  of  the  Society.  The  St.  Nicholas  Club  of 
New  York  was  formed  in  1875,  also  for  the  purpose  of  pre 
serving  the  early  traditions  of  the  City  and  State.  It  has 
a  membership  limited  to  500,  based  on  descent  from  a 
resident  of  any  of  the  Colonies  prior  to  November  30,  1783. 
The  Holland  Society  of  New  York,  however,  formed  in  1885, 
is  perhaps  the  organization  devoted  the  most  singly  to  the 
memory  of  the  Hollander.  Its  membership,  now  about  900, 
is  confined  to  descendants  in  the  male  line  from  Dutch 
men,  either  native  or  resident  in  any  of  the  Colonies  of 
America  prior  to  1675,  or  from  those  who  found  refuge  in 
Holland  or  possessed  the  right  of  Dutch  citizenship  within 
Dutch  settlements  prior  to  1675. 

The  Huguenot  influence  in  American  life  finds  its  repre 
sentative  in  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  formed  in 
1883,  and  now  possessing  a  membership  of  about  350.  It  is 
composed  of  descendants  of  Huguenots  who  emigrated  to 
America,  or  who  left  France  for  other  countries  prior  to  the 
the  Edict  of  Toleration,  November  28,  1687. 

The  Cavalier  is  represented  in  several  of  the  military  and 
semi-military  societies,  and  in  such  general  societies  as  the 
Colonial  Order,  formed  in  1894,  composed  of  descendants 
from  residents  of  the  Colonies  prior  to  1776  ;  the  Colonial 
Society,  formed  in  1895,  of  descendants  of  settlers  prior  to 
1 700  ;  and  the  Order  of  Descendants  of  Colonial  Governors, 
formed  in  1896. 

It  is  not   surprising   that  in  America,  where  womankind 


Mrs.  .1/,/v  H'rixht  Sr.vall. 
.Mrs.  Henry  Sander  Snow. 
Mrs.  I.  C.  Manchester. 


Mrs.  Mar\  Lcnve  Dickinson. 

Mrs.  Daniel  A  fanning. 

Mrs.  I.e  Kov  Sunderland  Smith. 


A   GROUP  OF   PROMINENT   REPRESENTATIVES   OF    PATRIOTIC   WOMANHOOD. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  559 

has  reached  so  high  a  degree  of  social  and  political  enfran 
chisement,  that  women  should  exert  a  great  power  for  the 
uplifting  of  the  republic,  and  that  they  should  participate 
with  great  zeal  in  the  patriotic  movement  here  under  dis 
cussion.  The  evidence  of  their  effective  work  in  this  direc 
tion  appears  in  numerous  organizations  wherein  they  have 
marched  pari  passu  with  their  masculine  counterparts. 
Among  them  may  be  mentioned  the  following,  in  the  order 
of  their  formation,  their  titles  sufficiently  indicating  the 
periods  which  they  represent : 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution  (1890). 

Colonial  Dames  of  America  (a)  (1890). 

Daughters  of  the  Revolution  (1891). 

United  States  Daughters  of  1776-1812  (1892). 

Colonial  Dames  of  America  (b)  (1893). 

Daughters  of  the  Cincinnati  (1894). 

Patriotic  Daughters  of  America  (1894). 

Daughters  of  Holland  Dames  (1895). 

Society  of  New  England  Women  (1895). 

Dames  of  the  Revolution  (1896). 

Colonial  Daughters  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  (1896). 

Holland  Dames  of  New  Netherlands  (1896). 

The  patriotic  spirit  has  also  extended  to  the  rising  genera 
tion  in  such  organizations  as  the  Children  of  the  American 
Revolution,  organized  in  1895  on  an  hereditary  basis,  with  a 
present  membership  of  about  5000 ;  the  League  of  the  Red, 
White,  and  Blue,  a  non-hereditary  society  of  school  chil 
dren  formed  in  1896 ;  and  similar  organizations. 

The  societies  here  mentioned  represent  an  aggregate  mem 
bership  of  about  60,000  men,  women,  and  children  ;  and  yet 
there  are  others,  such  as  the  American  Flag  Association,  com 
posed  of  delegates  from  all  the  leading  hereditary  and 
patriotic  societies  and  devoted  to  the  protection  of  the  flag 
from  desecration ;  the  Daughters  of  Liberty,  the  Patriotic 
League  of  the  Revolution,  the  George  Washington  Memorial 
Association,  and  the  multitudes  of  local  historical,  genealogi- 


560  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

cal,  and  antiquarian  societies,  which,  while  too  numerous  to 
mention  in  detail,  are  essentially  patriotic,  because  the  study 
of  national  history  lies  at  the  basis  of  rational  patriotism. 

And  now,  it  may  be  asked,  what  have  these  societies 
accomplished  toward  the  working  out  of  the  destiny  of  the 
nation,  by  the  study  which  they  have  devoted  to  its  annals, 
by  the  monuments  which  they  have  built,  by  the  memorial 
tablets  which  they  have  erected,  by  the  portraits  of  statesmen 
and  soldiers  and  the  flags  which  they  have  presented  to  the 
public  schools,  by  the  relics  which  they  have  collected,  by  the 
landmarks  which  they  have  preserved,  and  by  the  multitude 
of  other  things  which  they  have  done  to  exalt  the  national 
pride  ?  If  one  will  consider  for  a  moment  the  marvelous 
sequence  in  which  the  great  historic  events  of  this  continent 
have  moved,  he  can  hardly  fail  to  see  in  these  societies  one  of 
the  instruments  in  the  hands  of  the  God  of  Nations  for  the 
accomplishment  of  his  purposes.  All  history  is  of  necessity 
logical,  but  rarely  does  the  beauty  of  order  in  human  events 
appear  so  clearly  as  in  the  contemplation  of  American  history. 
The  white  people  who  came  to  the  Western  Hemisphere 
represented  two  irreconcilable  branches  of  the  Aryan  race, 
and  a  struggle  between  them  for  supremacy  was  inevitable. 
It  began  in  armed  conflict  in  April,  1755,  at  the  junction  of 
the  Allegheny  and  Monongahela  Rivers,  and  ended  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon  triumph.  The  next  question  in  order  was, 
whether  the  continent  should  be  ruled  by  the  resident  or 
non-resident  portion  of  the  superior  race.  That  case  went  to 
the  court  of  arms  at  Lexington,  in  April,  1775,  and  the  verdict 
was  in  favor  of  democratic  home  rule.  The  political  and 
social  situation  still  remained  such  that  it  needed  further 
specialization,  and  in  April,  1801,  began  the  determination  of 
the  question  whether  this  resident  people  should  govern  as  a 
united  whole,  on  a  general  platform  of  fundamental  principles, 
or  whether  they  should  break  up  into  a  number  of  petty 
sovereignties,  each  one  regulating  itself  by  such  principles  as 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  561 

seemed  most  congenial  to  it.  The  world  knows  how  the 
disputants  decided  it.  It  will  be  noticed  that  these  three 
great  wars  came  in  no  capricious  order,  but  proceeded  grandly 
from  the  general  to  the  special  in  a  sublimely  logical  sequence 
and  could  not  have  come  in  any  other  relation  to  each  other. 
If  any  disinterested  observer  were  asked  what  now  remained 
to  consummate  the  great  creative  work  of  the  Nation,  he  would 
have  said  undoubtedly  the  complete  reunion  of  the  people 
after  their  fratricidal  war.  And  it  was  in  this  great  work,  of 
raising  the  national  efficiency  to  its  highest  point,  that  the 
patriotic  societies  performed  so  important  a  part,  by  diverting 
the  thoughts  of  both  Northerners  and  Southerners  from  the 
issues  of  the  Civil  War,  and  directing  them  to  the  great  body 
of  traditions  and  principles  which  they  held  in  common. 
The  test  of  the  efficacy  of  the  influences  which  had  been 
operating  within  and  without  these  societies  during  the  past 
quarter  of  a  century  for  the  restoration  of  national  unity  came 
in  April,  1898 — that  same  month  of  April  which  had  been 
so  pregnant  with  meaning  to  the  American  people  in  the 
past — when  the  Government  found  itself  reluctantly  forced 
into  war  with  Spain.  To  the  surprise  and  confusion  of  our 
enemies,  who  had  not  counted  on  the  knitting  together  that 
had  quietly  taken  place,  Nationality  asserted  itself. 

The  country  may  well  contemplate,  as  one  of  the  powers 
for  the  assured  protection  of  American  institutions,  the 
societies  which  have  been  such  potent  factors  in  developing 
the  unifying  force  of  a  common  national  spirit. 

ORGANIZATIONS    BASED    UPON  CONSCIOUSNESS    OF  PRESENT  PERILS 
FROM    ECCLESIASTICISM. 

The  creation  in  late  years  of  multiplied  patriotic  organiza 
tions  based  upon  revolutionary  ancestry  is  due,  as  we  have 
seen,  to  a  desire  to  revive  historic  memories  of  what  our  liber 
ties  and  institutions  cost  and  what  were  their  sources,  and  to 
familiarize  the  rising  generation  of  Americans  with  these 


562  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

facts.  The  Grand  Army  of  the  Republic,  "  with  malice  toward 
none,  with  charity  for  all,"  keeps  fresh  the  memories  of  what 
nationality  cost.  Then  there  are  secret  and  op.-ii  patriotic 
orders,  which  sprang  from  a  consciousness  of  peril  in  times 
of  peace  from  politico-ecclesiasticism,  and  from  a  purpose  of 
concerted  action  for  exposing  and  resisting  tins  and  other 
kindred  perils. 

Then  there  are  numerous  secret  organizations  with  co 
operative  and  benevolent  purposes,  which  also  incorporate 
the  patriotic  feature  of  protection  for  American  institutions 
against  politico-ecclesiasticism  and  other  foes,  and  whose 
members  can  always  be  depended  upon  to  act  and  vote  as 
patriotic  Americans. 

All  these  organizations  in  the  different  national  conven 
tions,  where  they  have  been  represented  for  co-operation,  have 
agreed  to  stand  before  the  public  upon  a  common  platform 
of  principles,  the  following  platform,  of  1894,  being  fairly 
representative  of  the  principles  agreed  upon  both  before  and 
since  that  date : 

"In  convention  assembled  in  the  city  of  Washington, 
August  28,  1894,  the  delegates  of  the  different  American 
patriotic  organizations  of  every  State  in  the  Union  put  forth 
the  following  statement  of  principles  and  purposes  upon  which 
they  propose  to  stand  and  act  politically,  and  they  submit 
that  all  genuinely  patriotic  Americans  ought  to  unite  on  them : 

"  (1)  The  integrity  of  the  funds  and  the  fair  and  impartial 
character  of  the  American  free  public-school  system  must  be 
preserved,  and  all  private  educational  and  other  institutions 
must  be  subject  to  civil  inspection. 

"  (2)  Essential  separation  of  church  and  state  must  be 
secured,  and  the  intimidating  power  of  ecclesiasticism  over 
both  citizens  and  law-makers  must  be  destroyed  by  absolute 
constitutional  prohibitions,  both  by  the  Nation  and  by  the 
States,  against  appropriations  of  public  money  for  the  sup 
port  of  sectarian  or  private  institutions. 


Pmvers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  563 

"  (3)  Stringent  immigration  laws  must  be  enacted  to  pre 
serve  the  character  of  our  citizenship,  give  dignity  to  honest 
toil,  and  avert  the  perils  of  an  unrestricted  immigration,  which 
permits  foreign  governments  to  transfer  to  our  shores  the 
dregs  of  their  populations,  representing  the  lowest  forms  of 
illiteracy,  beggary,  superstition,  and  crime ;  imposing  new 
burdens  on  our  laboring  classes,  and  serving  unscrupulous 
politicians  for  the  most  unworthy  purposes. 

"  (4)  The  attitude  of  all  candidates  for  elective  offices  in 
Nation  and  States  on  these  vital  questions  concerning  Ameri 
can  institutions  must  be  ascertained  as  furnishing  the  basis 
for  the  voter's  intelligent  action,  and  in  case  none  of  the  candi 
dates  are  uncompromisingly  loyal  and  outspoken  in  their  ad 
hesion  to  these  principles,  put  nominees  in  the  field  that  are. 

"  (5)  A  just,  fair,  and  equitable  readjustment  and  distribu 
tion  of  appointive  Federal  offices  and  emoluments  among  the 
various  States,  Territories,  and  District  of  Columbia  in  pro 
portion  to  the  various  populations  thereof." 

American  mechanics  half  a  century  ago  began  forming 
themselves  into  organizations  for  mutual  help  and  protection. 
The  original  purposes  of  these  organizations  were  to  place 
the  mechanics  upon  their  rightful  plane  of  dignity  in  their 
relations  to  their  fellow-citizens,  and  to  protect  themselves 
from  the  unfair  and  often  degrading  competition  of  immi 
grant  labor.  They  have  struggled  manfully  to  solve,  on  the 
basis  of  self-respect,  the  difficult  problems  of  the  relations  of 
laborers  to  each  other  and  the  relations  of  labor  to  capital. 

The  United  American  Mechanics  as  an  organization  came 
into  existence  in  Philadelphia,  July  8,  1845. 

Objects :  Patriotic,  social,  secret,  fraternal,  and  benevolent. 

Membership:  Native-born  male  Americans  over  eighteen 
years  of  age. 

Numbers :  Nearly  60,000. 

In  order  "  to  connect  their  families  more  closely  with  their 
work,"  the  members  of  this  society  organized,  in  1875,  "  The 


564  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Daughters  of  Liberty,"  who  co-operate  with  them  in  all 
appropriate  methods. 

Numbers:   12,000. 

The  Junior  Order  United  American  Mechanics  was  insti 
tuted  on  May  17,  1853,  in  Philadelphia, 

Objects:  Patriotic,  political,  but  non-partisan  and  non- 
sectarian.  Fraternal  and  beneficial. 

Membership :  American-born  white  males  over  sixteen 
years  of  age. 

Numbers:  About  200,000  distributed  through  all  the 
States. 

The  Patriotic  Order  Sons  of  America,  organized  in  Phila 
delphia  December  10,  1847. 

Objects  :  Patriotic,  non-partisan, '  non-sectarian,  fraternal, 
and  beneficial. 

Membership :  American-born  males  over  sixteen  years  of 
age. 

Numbers :  About  100,000. 

American  Protective  Association,  organized  March  13, 1887, 
in  Clinton,  la. 

Objects :  Patriotic,  political,  "  Loyalty  to  true  American 
ism,  which  knows  neither  birthplace,  race,  creed,  or  party." 
Unsectarian  and  anti-ecclesiastical. 

Membership :  Acceptance  of  the  objects  of  the  Association. 

Numbers  :  The  chief  national  officer  puts  the  membership 
at  about  1,400,000. 

Loyal  Orange  Institution  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
Organized  about  1865. 

Objects :  Protestant,  patriotic,  and  beneficial. 

Membership:  Protestant  in  religious  belief  and  affiliations, 
a  citizen  or  one  who  has  declared  his  intentions  to  become 
such,  and  over  eighteen  years  of  age. 

Numbers :  About  250,000. 

Loyal  Women  of  American  Liberty.  Organized  in  Boston, 
June  6,  1888. 


H.  F.  Bowers. 
E.  W.  Samuel. 
J.  C.  Hardenbergh. 


Edward  S.  Deemer. 

John  Server. 

S.  Lansing  Reeve. 


A  GROUP  OF   PROMINENT   REPRESENTATIVES  OF   PATRIOTIC    ORGANIZATIONS, 

BASED  UPON  THE  RECOGNITION  OF  PERIL  TO  OUR  INSTITUTIONS 

FROM   POLITICO-ECCLESIASTICISM. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  565 

Objects  :  Patriotic  and  Protestant. 

Membership  :  Protestant  in  religious  belief  and  over  eight 
een  years  of  age. 

American   Patriotic  League.     Founded  September  7,  1885. 

Objects :  Patriotic,  beneficial,  and  co-operative. 

Membership :  White  native  Americans  over  eighteen  years 
of  age. 

Knights  of  Malta.     Chartered  in  America  in  1889. 

Objects  :  Patriotic,  Protestant  and  non-sectarian,  fraternal 
and  beneficial. 

Membership  :  White  males  over  eighteen  years  of  age. 

Numbers:  25,000. 

The  American  Flag  Protectors.  Organized  in  Boston, 
September,  1894. 

Objects :  To  protect  the  American  Flag  and  prohibit  the 
raising  of  foreign  flags  over  public  buildings. 

Numbers:  2000. 

Mention  has  here  been  made  only  of  some  of  the  leading 
organizations  based  upon  the  recognition  of  present  peril 
to  our  institutions  as  one  of  the  chief  causes  for  their  exist 
ence.  The  number  of  organizations  similar  in  purpose,  of 
varying  strength  and  numbers,  might  be  extended  into  scores. 

Patriotic  sentiment  to  the  front  is  concededly  the  great 
fact  in  our  present  national  experience.  It  manifests  itself  in 
the  resuscitation  of  old  and  in  the  birth  of  new  patriotic 
organizations  ;  in  the  legislative  action  of  the  highest  repre 
sentative  bodies  of  the  great  religious  denominations  ;  in  the 
numerous  appeals  to  Congress  and  to  State  legislatures  for 
Constitutional  changes  ;  in  the  extension  of  patriotic  instruc 
tion  in  the  public  schools,  and  in  raising  the  national  flag  over 
the  school  buildings;  in  the  indignant  protest  against  the 
hoisting  of  any  foreign  flag  on  public  buildings ;  in  the 
changed  tone  of  treatment  of  patriotic  movements  by  many 
influential  newspapers ;  in  the  surprising  results  of  elections  in 
many  sections  of  the  country ;  in  the  exceedingly  circumspect 


5G6  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

aii d  almost  obsequious  behavior  of  office-seekers,  and  in  the  fre 
quently  compromising  attitude,  but  sometimes  indiscreetly  vio 
lent  temper  of  the  foes  of  our  cherished  American  institutions. 

The  fatal  weakness,  too  often,  of  patriotic  movements 
heretofore  has  been  that  they  have  been  simply  spasmodic, 
jind  they  have  sometimes  degenerated  into  sectarian  religious 
controversy,  which  in  a  republic  can  never  issue  in  permanent 
benefit.  The  enemy  have  said,  we  will  wait  a  little  in  hiding, 
and  the  spasm  will  soon  pass  off,  and  then  we  will  come  out 
into  the  open  again.  Is  it  not  time  that  the  occasional  spasm 
should  change  to  a  normal  and  healthful  permanence  of  pur 
pose  and  action  ? 

Cannot  all  patriotic  orders,  and  individuals,  and  associations 
now  present  an  undivided  front,  and,  sinking  unessential 
differences,  agree  upon  some  common  platform  of  essentials, 
upon  which  they  will  all  stand  and  for  which  they  will  all 
contend  until  they  conquer  ?  Our  opponents  do  not  waste 
their  strength  by  magnifying  their  differences;  why  should 
we  ?  Let  us  learn  wisdom  from  them. 

Cannot  the  different  regiments  and  army  corps  contending 
for  distinctively  American  institutions  be  mobilized — consoli 
dated  into  one  army  ?  If  this  can  be  done,  we  can  determine 
the  future  weal  of  the  republic  and  intrench  our  institutions 
with  constitutional  safeguards,  and  dictate  honest  terms  to 
parties  and  politicians  and  put  to  rout  all  enemies.  In  the 
name  of  patriotism  and  common  sense,  and  enlightened  pru 
dence,  let  us  get  together,  and  consent  to  be  held  together,  by 
the  centripetal  force  of  love  for  country,  which  will  overcome 
the  centrifugal  force  of  narrow  selfishness  and  conceit  of  per 
sonal  opinion. 

Whether  our  alliances  are  with  secret  or  open  organizations, 
can  we  not  disarm  and  confound  our  enemies  by  showing 
them  that  in  the  defense  of  our  American  institutions  we 
have  no  differences,  but  face  them  with  a  unity  amounting  to 
an  uncompromising  and  gigantic  personality  ? 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  567 

THE    SAFE    AND    RATIONAL    RESTRICTION    OF    IMMIGRATION. 

We  do  not  consider  a  movement  for  the  absolute  exclusion 
of  immigrants  from  this  country  to  be  either  practicable  or 
desirable.  We  do  consider  action  for  a  strict  regulation  of 
immigration  based  upon  character  and  standards  of  fitness  for 
citizenship  absolutely  indispensable  to  the  safety  of  the  repub 
lic.  Elements  capable  of  ready  assimilation  are  safe.  Ele 
ments  requiring  transformation  before  they  can  be  assimilated 
are  unsafe.  Some  educational  test  is  indispensable.  Paupers, 
criminals,  and  those  who  hold  political  principles  antagonistic 
to  society  organized  for  the  promotion  of  constitutional  lib 
erty,  or  who  persist  in  maintaining  their  allegiance  to  any 
foreign  power  or  ruler,  ought  to  be  excluded. 

Since  the  foundation  of  our  Government  over  seventeen 
millions  of  immigrants  have  entered  our  country. 

The  departure  of  the  Spanish  army  from  the  Western 
Hemisphere  under  compulsion  by  the  United  States  Govern 
ment  is  the  only  illustration  in  our  history  of  any  extended 
emigration  of  Europeans  to  offset  the  multitudinous  immigra 
tion  from  those  parts,  much  of  which  has  not  contributed  a 
desirable  element  of  our  population. 

Mr.  Depew  said,  in  his  "  Columbian  Oration  "  at  Chicago, 
in  1892: 

"  Unwatched  and  unhealthy  immigration  can  no  longer  be 
permitted  to  our  shores.  We  must  have  a  national  quarantine 
against  disease,  pauperism,  and  crime.  We  do  not  want  can 
didates  for  our  hospitals,  our  poorhouses,  or  our  jails.  We 
cannot  admit  those  who  come  to  undermine  our  institutions 
and  subvert  our  laws.  But  we  will  gladly  throw  wide  our 
gates  for,  and  receive  with  open  arms,  those  who  by  intelli 
gence  and  virtue,  by  thrift  and  loyalty,  are  worthy  of  receiv 
ing  the  equal  advantages  of  the  priceless  gift  of  American 
citizenship." 

James  Russell  Lowell,  in  1885,  said  : 


568  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

"  The  problem  before  us  is  to  make  a  whole  of  our  many 
discordant  parts,  our  many  foreign  elements.  It  is  certain 
that,  whatever  we  do  or  leave  undone,  those  discordant  parts 
and  foreign  elements  are  to  be,  whether  we  will  or  no,  bone 
of  our  bone,  and  flesh  of  our  flesh,  for  good  or  ill.  I  am 
happy  in  believing  that  democracy  has  enough  vigor  of  con 
stitution  to  assimilate  these  seemingly  indigestible  morsels, 
and  to  transmute  them  into  strength  of  muscle  and  symmetry 
of  limb." 

The  body  politic  has  experienced  some  severe  convulsions 
in  attempting  to  digest  some  of  the  "  seemingly  indigestible 
morsels"  to  which  Mr.  Lowell  refers.  Let  us  look  at  a  few 
of  the  latest  reliable  returns  concerning  criminals,  paupers, 
insane,  and  illiterates  among  our  native  and  foreign-born  white 
populations.  To  each  100,000  of  the  native  whites  there  are 
88  adult  criminals,  and  of  foreign-born  whites  174  adult  crimi 
nals.  To  each  100,000  of  the  native  whites  there  are  80 
almshouse  paupers,  and  of  foreign-born  whites  there  are  300. 
To  each  100,000  of  the  native  whites  there  are  140  insane, 
and  of  foreign-born  there  are  387.  Six  and  two-tenths  per 
cent,  of  native  whites,  10  years  of  age  and  upward,  are  illiter 
ates,  and  13  iV  per  cent,  of  foreign-born  whites,  10  years  of  age 
and  upward,  are  illiterates. 

If  immigration  had  been  rationally  restricted  in  our  past 
history  most  of  these  criminals,  paupers,  insane,  and  illiter 
ates  would  not  have  burdened  the  taxpayers  and  corrupted 
our  civilization. 

Enlightened  statesmanship  and  intelligent  patriotism  de 
mand  the  erection  of  legislative  safeguards  at  the  gateway 
of  entrance  to  our  national  privileges,  that  only  those  shall  be 
permitted  to  enter  who  can  contribute  something  to  the  aggre 
gate  worthy  character  of  our  citizenship,  and  who  can  be 
assimilated  by  the  body  politic  without  clogging  digestion  or 
impeding  healthy  growth. 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  569 

SAFEGUARDING    THE    BALLOT. 

Great  advance  has  been  made  in  the  United  States  in  late 
years  in  the  method  of  voting  for  the  purpose  of  seeming  the 
independence  of  electors  by  the  official  ballot  and  by  secret 
voting.  Henry  George  did  much  toward  informing  the  popu 
lar  mind  and  quickening  the  citizen  conscience  upon  the  right 
of  the  elector  to  cast  his  vote  without  the  possibility  of  in 
timidation.  The  iniquitous  and  treasonable  cheapening  of 
citizen  sovereignty,  by  fraud  in  voting  and  in  counting  the 
votes,  reached  its  climax  of  wickedness  in  the  commercial 
metropolis  and  in  other  large  cities  in  the  Empire  State. 
New  York  State  having  the  largest  population  of  any  State 
in  the  Union,  and  its  vote  frequently  being  necessary  to  deter 
mine  the  results  in  the  Electoral  College,  the  entire  nation  has 
a  vital  interest  in  the  conduct  and  character  of  its  electorate. 
Political  dishonesty  there  degrades  or  dignifies  the  republic  to 
a  greater  extent  than  a  similar  course  pursued  by  any  other 
commonwealth  could. 

The  honest  citizens  of  the  State  of  New  York  and  of  the 
nation  owe  a  debt  of  gratitude  to  the  Hon.  Charles  T.  Saxton, 
for  his  untiring,  persistent,  and  intelligent  statesmanship  in 
the  interests  of  ballot  reform.  On  June  17,  1888,  Mr.  Saxton 
introduced  a  bill  entitled  :  "  An  Act  to  secure  more  fully  the 
independence  of  electors  and  the  secrecy  of  the  ballot "  in  the 
Assembly  of  the  New  York  Legislature.  This  was  the  first 
measure  of  the  kind,  with  a  possible  single  exception,  ever 
presented  to  an  American  legislature.  At  first  legislators 
and  politicians  were  amused  at  efforts  to  reform  the  elective 
system,  but  their  amusement  soon  turned  to  fright  before  an 
honest  leadership  backed  by  an  intelligent  following.  The 
opposition  to  the  measure  was  marshaled  under  the  shrewd 
and  unscrupulous  leadership  of  Governor  David  B.  Hill. 
Having  reached  the  conclusion  that  his  party  had  nothing  to 
gain,  and  perhaps  much  to  lose,  by  the  enactment  of  a  ballot- 


570  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

reform  law,  the  question  of  its  justice  and  necessity,  or  of  its 
beneficent  effect  upon  our  institutions,  was  to  him  of  little 
consequence.  The  bill  passed  both  Houses  of  the  Legislature 
and  went  to  the  Governor,  where,  after  the  adjournment  of 
the  Legislature  at  a  hearing,  Mr.  Saxton,  Henry  George,  Dr. 
McGlynn,  and  other  friends  of  the  bill  appeared  in  its  support. 
Two  representatives  of  Tammany  Hall  appeared  in  opposi 
tion,  which  was  a  work  of  supererogation,  as  Governor  Hill 
could  be  trusted  to  allow  the  worthy  measure  to  die  in  his 
hands,  while  he  thought  it  incumbent  upon  him  to  justify  his 
course  in  a  statement  of  excuses  which  amounted  to  a  confes 
sion  that  any  reform  in  the  ballot  laws  would  cloud  the  politi 
cal  future  of  his  party.  The  next  measure  was  presented  to 
the  Legislature  in  1889.  Republican  politicians  were  luke 
warm  concerning  the  measure,  and  the  Democrats  unani 
mously  opposed  it.  This  bill  passed  both  Houses,  was  sent 
to  Governor  Hill,  and  by  him  promptly  vetoed.  By  public 
speech  and  printed  documents  Mr.  Saxton  kept  the  question 
of  ballot  reform  before  the  citizens  of  the  State  and  country. 
In  the  fall  of  1889  Mr.  Saxton  was  transferred  by  his  con 
stituents  from  the  Assembly  to  the  State  Senate.  His  own 
party  leaders  had  now  become  enthusiastic,  but,  as  events 
proved,  their  desire  was  for  a  ballot-reform  issue  rather  than 
for  a  ballot-reform  law.  In  1890  Mr.  Saxton  introduced  his 
improved  ballot-reform  law  and  a  Corrupt  Practices  Bill. 
The  Governor's  message  was  a  virtual  veto  of  these  reform 
measures  in  advance.  The  ballot  measure  was  nevertheless 
passed  by  both  Houses,  went  to  the  Governor,  and  was  again 
vetoed.  The  Corrupt  Practices  Bill  was  passed  and  signed 
by  the  Governor,  and  it  was  the  first  act  of  the  kind  ever 
placed  upon  an  American  statute  book. 

A  compromise  and  cumbersome  ballot  law,  possessing  some 
desirable  features,  was  passed  and  signed  by  the  Governor 
in  1890,  and  remained  in  force  for  five  years.  Despite  the 
defects  of  this  law,  the  whole  election  system  gained  in 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  571 

dignity  and  iuipressiveness.  The  act  of  voting  seemed  to 
have  a  deeper  significance.  The  public  conscience  was 
quickened,  and  the  people  of  the  entire  country  gained  a 
higher  conception  of  the  sacredness  and  importance  of  the 
elective  franchise.  The  reform  administration  in  all  the  great 
cities  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  the  punishment  of  at 
tempts  at  fraud  at  the  polls  were  rendered  possible  by  this 
enactment,  and  other  States,  inspired  by  this  example,  pro 
ceeded  in  their  legislation  on  these  same  lines. 

o 

Mr.  Saxton  continued  to  introduce  important  ballot  meas 
ures  in  the  Legislature,  one  of  which  was  vetoed  by  Gov 
ernor  Flower  before  it  reached  the  Executive  Chamber.  In 
1894  Mr.  Saxton  was  elected  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the 
State,  but  continued  his  active  interest  and  advice  in  the  pro 
motion  of  ballot  reform.  In  1895  the  blanket  ballot  bill  was 
passed,  and  became  a  law  by  the  approval  of  Governor  Morton. 

In  all  movements  for  an  honest  and  untrammeled  ballot, 
the  workingmen  and  the  decent  press  of  the  country  have 
co-operated.  We  are  convinced  that  an  intelligence  qualifica 
tion  ought  to  be  uniformly  required  as  a  condition  for  voting 
and  also  some  moderate  but  substantial  evidence  of  thrift  by 
way  of  property  qualification.  Suffrage  is  not  a  right,  but  a 
privilege. 

Either  the  Australian  Ballot  Law,  or  some  modification  of 
it,  is  in  force  in  every  State  in  the  Union  excepting  Georgia, 
North  Carolina,  and  South  Carolina. 

The  registration  of  voters  is  required  in  the  following 
States,  viz. : 

Alabama,  California,  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Idaho,  Illinois,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Mas 
sachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Mississippi,  Montana, 
Nevada,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  South 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  Utah,  Vermont,  Virginia,  and  Wyoming 
—26  States;  and  also  in  the  Territories  of  Arizona  and  New 
Mexico. 


572  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

The  registration  of  voters  is  required  in  Iowa  in  cities  hav 
ing  3500  inhabitants  ;  in  Kansas  in  cities  of  the  first  and 
second  class  ;  in  Kentucky  in  cities  and  towns  having  a  popu 
lation  of  5000  or  more;  in  Maine  in  all  cities  and  towns  hav 
ing  500  or  more  voters;  in  Missouri  in  cities  of  100,000 
inhabitants  and  over;  in  Nebraska  in  cities  of  over  7000  in 
habitants;  in  New  York  in  cities  and  villages  containing 
upward  of  5000  population  ;  in  North  Dakota  in  cities  and 
villages  of  1000  inhabitants  and  over;  in  Ohio  in  cities  hav 
ing  a  population  of  10,000  and  over ;  in  Rhode  Island  non- 
taxpayers  are  required  to  register  yearly  before  December 
31;  in  South  Dakota  in  cities,  but  not  in  country  precincts; 
in  Texas  in  cities  of  10,000  inhabitants  or  over;  in  Washing 
ton  in  all  cities  and  towns  and  all  voting  precincts  having  a 
voting  population  of  250  and  over ;  in  Wisconsin  in  cities  of 
2000  inhabitants  or  more,  and  in  townships  of  3000  inhabit 
ants  or  more.  In  the  Territory  of  Oklahoma  in  cities  of  the 
first  class. 

No  registration  of  voters  is  required  in  Indiana,  New 
Hampshire,  and  Oregon. 

In  Arkansas  and  West  Virginia  registration  of  voters  is 
prohibited  by  constitutional  provision. 

A    PERFECTED     CIVIL    SERVICE. 

For  the  elevation  of  the  character  and  efficiency  of  the 
persons  in  the  employment  of  cities,  States,  and  municipalities 
the  merit  system  in  civil  service  is  indispensable.  It  removes 
temptations  to  corrupt  practices  from  the  path  of  politicians, 
office-holders,  and  office-seekers.  It  furnishes  the  chief  element 
of  stability  in  the  administration  of  a  republican  form  of 
government.  The  great  progress  that  civil  service  reform  has 
made  in  this  republic  is  chiefly  due  to  the  courage  and  states 
manship  of  Hon.  Dorman  II  Eaton.  He  is  known  among 
reputable  citizens  as  the  "  Father  of  Civil  Service  Reform." 
His  brain  has  devised  and  his  hand  has  written  most  of  the 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  573 

civil  service  laws  upon  our  statute  books,  and  his  executive 
fidelity  has  made  them  effective.  The  warfare  he  has  waged 
against  the  spoilsmen  has  provoked  their  vindictive  wrath, 
but  has  won  for  him  the  praises  of  the  patriotic  and  the  per 
sonal  consciousness  that  he  has  rendered  firmer  the  essential 
foundations  of  our  civic  structure. 

THE    SPOILS    SYSTEM    AND    THE    MERIT    SYSTEM. 

In  considering  the  great  religious,  moral,  and  political  forces 
which  have  affected  American  institutions  and  seem  likely  to 
powerfully  affect  them  in  the  future,  we  must  give  some  at 
tention  to  those  which  have  caused  the  spoils  system  in  our 
politics,  and  also  those  opposing  forces  that  have  developed 
the  civil  service  reform  movement,  which  seeks  to  arrest  the 
evils  of  that  system.  We  have  space  for  no  more  than  very 
general  statements  on  the  subject.  The  main  characteristics 
of  the  spoils  system  are  that  it  perverts  and  prostitutes  the 
exercise  of  political  and  official  authority  for  party  and  per 
sonal  advantages.  It  extorts  vast  sums  of  money — from  one 
to  five  per  cent. — from  the  salaries  of  those  in  the  public  serv 
ice, — national,  State,  and  municipal  alike, — and  uses  it  for 
paying  party  expenses,  bribing  voters,  and  gaining  offices  for 
unworthy  politicians  and  party  and  official  favorites.  It  en 
forces  party  tests  for  office  and  public  employments  where  party 
opinions  are  immaterial.  It  thus  secures  a  party  monopoly  of 
official  patronage  appointment  and  all  incidental  spoils  to  the 
party  managers.  It  brings  unworthy  persons  into  the  public 
service,  and  prevents  the  most  competent  applicants  from  en 
tering  it.  It  removes  worthy  public  servants  without  good 
cause,  and  makes  them  servile  to  party  managers  and  bosses. 
It  vastly  increases  the  despotic  organization  and  power  of  the 
unworthy  men  who  devote  themselves  to  the  trade  of  politics 
and  makes  this  trade  profitable.  It  greatly  increases  the  diffi 
culty  of  the  most  worthy  men  securing  office  by  reason  of 
their  good  character  and  capacity.  It  makes  party  and  selfish 


57-4  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

influence  the  most  effective  force  for  securing  office,  and  thus 
degrades  the  public  service  in  the  estimation  of  the  people. 
It  makes  the  party  boss  possible,  and  intrenches  his  power. 
These  aggregate  effects  of  the  spoils  system  greatly  impair  the 
moral  tone  of  official  life  and  party  politics.  They  have  re 
sulted  in  the  political  corruption  and  despotism  which  have  so 
much  alarmed  and  disgusted  the  better  classes  of  the  people 
and  have  caused  a  wider  and  wider  separation  between  them 
and  the  politicians. 

The  civil  service  reform  movement  seeks  the  correction  of 
these  evils.  It  has  in  proper  cases  caused  their  prohibition  by 
law.  It  has  constantly  and  powerfully  set  forth  the  principle 
of  justice,  wisdom,  and  duty  applicable  for  the  suppression  of 
these  evils.  It  has  also  caused  the  establishment  and  enforce 
ment  of  salutary  practical  methods  in  administration,  under 
which  offices  and  employment  by  the  public  can  be  secured 
on  the  basis  of  character  and  capacity,  irrespective  of  party  or 
religious  opinions.  The  many  reform  organizations  which 
this  movement  supports  have  worked  effectively  in  the  way  of 
exposing  the  evils  of  the  spoils  system  and  in  aid  of  enforcing 
the  laws  and  civil  service  rules  for  its  suppression.  The  re 
form  system  thus  established,  because  it  regards  only  the 
merits  and  not  the  politics  or  religion  of  applicants,  has  nat 
urally  been  designated  the  Merit  System.  The  Merit  System 
stands  in  irreconcilable  antagonism  to  the  spoils  system,  and 
is  the  abhorrence  of  all  mere  politicians  and  spoilsmen.  Every 
place  which  the  Merit  System  fills,  on  the  basis  of  the  supe 
rior  character  and  capacity  shown  in  the  examination  it  pro 
vides,  and  every  dollar  it  prevents  being  extorted  by  party 
assessments,  by  so  much  diminishes  the  illegitimate  patron 
age,  income,  and  spoils  which  corrupt  and  despotic  politicians 
and  party  managers  might  have  secured.  They  are,  therefore, 
the  natural  enemies  of  the  Merit  System,  and  have  labored 
constantly  and  vigorously  to  arrest  its  progress. 

It  would  be  a  great  mistake  to  suppose  that  there  is  any  nee- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  575 

essary  antagonism  between  the  Merit  System  and  true,  useful, 
or  legitimate  political  parties.  On  the  contrary,  the  putting 
of  persons  into  the  administrative  departments  of  the  Gov 
ernment  by  reason  of  their  superior  merit,  as  shown  by  such  ex 
aminations,  would  largely  prevent  the  moral  degradation  of 
parties,  and  would  leave  them  more  at  liberty  to  regard  the  pub 
lic  interests  and  to  deal  with  the  great  questions  of  principle 
and  policy  which  are  within  their  proper  sphere  of  action.  It 
would,  to  a  great  extent,  eliminate  the  mercenary  and  cor 
rupting  elements  of  our  politics.  The  more  parties  contend 
about  principle  and  the  less  about  patronage  and  spoils,  the 
more  useful  and  honest  they  are  likely  to  be. 

The  party  sphere  is  mainly  in  the  domain  of  legislation  and 
of  the  elections  of  Presidents,  Governors,  the  members  of  leg 
islatures  and  of  Congress.  As  Presidents  and  Governors  have 
a  part  in  legislation,  their  political  opinions  are  material,  and 
people  will  divide  into  parties  concerning  them.  So  also  it 
may  be  said  that  the  party  views  of  the  heads  of  some  of  the 
great  departments  are  also  material,  and  may  be  made  a  mat 
ter  of  legitimate  contest  between  political  parties. 

There  should  be  no  party  divisions  as  to  mere  city  and  vil 
lage  government  and  affairs  which  relate  to  business  methods 
and  mere  administration.  These  involve  no  party  principles 
or  issues.  There  is  no  Republican  and  no  Democratic  way  of 
doing  city  work  or  of  conducting  city  administration.  Politi 
cal  opinions  are  no  part  of  the  qualification  for  holding  city 
office  or  working  for  the  city.  Adherents  of  different  parties 
should  as  naturally  work  side  by  side  in  carrying  on  the 
affairs  of  municipal  corporations  as  they  do  in  carrying  on  the 
affairs  of  the  other  business  corporations.  Parties  for  city 
management  are,  therefore,  needless  and  absurd.  It  is  merely 
party  ambition,  hate,  and  jealousy  which  cause  any  questions 
to  be  asked  as  to  the  political  or  religious  opinions  of  those  in 
the  official  service  or  labor  service  of  cities.  Yet  it  is  in  cities 
that  parties  and  bosses  enforce  the  spoils  system  and  that 


576  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

politics  and  official  life  have  become  most  despotic  and 
corrupt. 

For  the  same  reasons  that  party  views  on  political  affilia 
tions  should  not  be  regarded  in  mere  city  affairs,  they  should 
not  be  regarded  in  doing  the  administrative  work  of  the  great 
departments  of  the  national  government  or  in  the  management 
of  its  customs  or  postal  service.  There  are  nearly  two  hun 
dred  thousand  persons  in  these  branches  of  the  national  ad 
ministration.  Members  of  Congress  and  politicians  make 
their  appointment  and  removal  a  subject  of  endless  bargains, 
intrigue,  and  contention  which  cause  much  neglect  of  their 
high  official  duties,  and  demoralize  and  degrade  both  politics 
and  the  public  service.  Many  unscrupulous  politicians  get 
into  Congress  by  compelling  the  postmasters,  the  postal  clerks, 
and  the  other  officials  of  their  districts  to  use  their  exertions 
and  influence  in  favor  of  their  elections. 

It  is  plain,  also,  that  party  opinions  should  be  disregarded 
in  appointing,  promoting,  and  removing  those  officials  and 
laborers  who  serve  the  State  in  its  prisons,  asylums,  and  busi 
ness  departments,  or  in  its  schools  and  institutions  of  charity 
and  benevolence.  Yet  the  supporters  of  the  spoils  system  and 
many  of  the  managers  of  parties  make  constant  and  vicious 
contentions  for  the  patronage  and  spoils  of  these  branches  of 
State  administration.  Our  school  system  has  especially  been 
debased  by  vicious  intermeddling  on  the  part  of  politicians 
for  party  advantage. 

In  the  early  periods  of  administering  the  national  gov 
ernment,  the  views  here  expressed  concerning  it  prevailed. 
There  were  very  few  persons  appointed  or  removed — hardly 
two  hundred  in  all — for  party  reasons  in  the  whole  time  from 
the  administration  of  Washington  to  that  of  Jackson.  Jack 
son  put  into  practice  the  partisan  theory  of  the  spoils  system, 
that  all  official  positions  must  be  filled  for  party  advantage, 
which  led  on  to  the  rule  proclaimed  by  a  Senator  of  New 
York  in  1833,  who  declared  that  "to  the  victors  belong  the 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  577 

spoils."  The  growth  of  the  spoils  system  was  from  that  time 
very  rapid  and  alarming.  Attempts  were  first  made  to  arrest 
it  by  acts  of  Congress  in  1853  and  in  1854.  These  attempts, 
as  well  as  several  subsequently  made,  were  inadequate.  It 
was  not  until  the  passage  of  the  national  Civil  Service  Reform 
Law  of  January  16,  1883,  that  any  adequate  foundation  was 
laid  for  an  effective  and  abiding  merit  system.  This  law 
provided  for  a  national  civil  service  commission  to  take  charge 
of  the  examination  which  it  required  for  entering  the  civil 
service.  This  commission  has  since  continued  active  and 
efficient. 

The  law  also  prohibited  the  extortion  of  political  assessments, 
which  it  has  in  large  measure  suppressed.  The  examinations 
under  the  law  extended  first  to  only  about  fourteen  thousand 
places,  but  the  law  wisely  provided  for  their  extension,  if  they 
should  be  found  useful.  They  have  now  by  reason  of  their 
great  utility  been  extended  to  nearly  eighty  thousand  places, 
and  there  is  every  prospect  that  before  long  they  will  be  ex 
tended  to  all  the  places  for  which  they  are  appropriate. 

The  people  are  more  and  more  clearly  seeing  that  every 
man's  claim  upon  office  is  strong  and  just  in  the  degree  that 
his  character  is  upright  and  his  capacity  is  great.  The  people 
have  a  right  to  the  best  qualifications  in  office  which  are 
offered  for  the  salaries  they  pay,  and  those  qualifications  the 
civil  service  examinations  fairly  test  and  certify. 

The  law  of  1883  has  remained  unchanged,  having  been 
found  adequate  for  its  great  purpose.  It  has  established 
higher  standards  in  the  official  service  of  the  nation.  It  has 
closed  many  vicious  ways  of  entering  its  public  service.  It 
has  opened  new  ways  of  entering  this  service  on  the  basis  of 
superior  character  and  capacity  and  without  the  aid  of  party 
or  sectarian  influence.  The  many  thousands  of  officers  who 
have  thus  been  brought  into  the  public  service  through  these 
examinations  have  such  superior  capacity  for  their  duties  that 
they  can  do  a  third  more  than  the  same  number  of  officers 


578  facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

who  enter  the  service  through  spoils  system  methods.  It  is 
notorious  that  the  public  offices — for  example  the  Post  Office, 
Naval  Office,  and  Custom  House  at  New  York  City — are 
far  better  managed  since  the  Merit  System  and  the  civil  serv 
ice  examination  controlled  admission  to  their  service,  and  the 
spoils  system  has  been  excluded. 

The  civil  service  examinations,  of  which  there  are  nearly  a 
hundred  grades,  fitly  test  the  qualifications  needed  in  the  par 
ticular  positions  the  applicants  seek  to  enter.  No  questions 
concerning  party  politics  or  religion  are  asked.  No  influence 
is  needed  for  entering  them.  The  examinations  are  free  and 
open  to  all.  Those  examined  are  graded  according  to  merit, 
and  the  most  competent  are  earliest  appointed.  Such  exam 
inations  have  given  a  new  value  to  good  character  and  to 
superior  knowledge  of  the  kind  which  is  taught  in  our  public 
schools.  There  is  a  small  proportion  of  the  places  being  filled 
through  examinations  for  which  a  college  education  is  needed, 
but  for  the  great  bulk  of  them  a  good  common-school  educa 
tion  is  sufficient.  Among  those  appointed  from  the  civil 
service  examination  in  Massachusetts,  for  example,  hardly 
40  appointees  among  3600  had  had  a  college  education. 
They  have  in  corresponding  degrees  diminished  the  effect 
iveness  of  partisan  influence  and  official  and  political  favorit 
ism  and  bribery.  The  men  thus  brought  into  the  public 
service  will  neither  pay  party  assessments,  nor  do  servile  or 
dirty  party  work,  at  the  bidding  of  bosses  or  party  leaders. 
Their  own  superior  merits  gave  them  their  places,  and  they 
are  not  afraid  to  serve  their  country  rather  than  any  party  or 
party  manager.  It  cannot,  we  think,  be  doubted  that  the 
Merit  System,  as  it  is  being  extended  from  office  to  office,  and 
from  State  to  State,  will  steadily  improve  the  public  service 
and  elevate  the  moral  tone  of  American  politics.  It  cannot 
fail  to  strengthen  and  honor  the  public-school  system  of  the 
country.  These  effects  are  already  apparent  in  Massachusetts, 
where  the  Merit  System  has  been  longest  and  most  completely 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  579 

enforced.  The  Merit  System  may  justly  be  said  to  honor  the 
common -school  system  of  the  country,  and  to  reward  those 
who  excel  in  the  studies  whicli  it  supports.  To  those  who 
thus  excel,  and  whose  characters  are  unstained,  it  opens  the 
official  places  in  the  service  of  the  people.  The  civil  service 
reform  movement,  like  the  other  great  reform  movements  we 
have  described,  seeks  restoration  and  perpetuity  of  the  sound 
and  original  principles  of  American  Institutions. 

THE    PRINCIPLES    OF    UNSECTARIAN    CHRISTIANITY    THE    BASIS    OF 

OUR    CIVILIZATION    AND    THE    GUARANTEE    FOR 

ITS    PERPETUITY. 

The  God  of  nations  seems  to  have  looked  with  protecting 
favor  upon  our  fathers  and  upon  us  in  all  of  our  history.  The 
character  of  the  men  who  settled  the  country  is  indicated  by 
the  opening  words  of  the  political  compact  signed  on  the 
Mayflower :  "In  the  name  of  God,  Amen."  The  principles 
established  and  the  liberties  secured  by  the  Revolution  ;  vic 
tories  on  sea  and  land  unbroken  by  a  defeat  in  all  our  history; 
the  abolition  of  human  slavery  and  the  preservation  of  the 
Union  ;  and  the  banishment  of  the  power  of  a  mediaeval  civi 
lization  from  the  Western  Hemisphere  ;  are  facts  and  achiev- 
ments  beyond  the  strength  and  wisdom  of  unaided  humanity. 

A  divine  Providence  in  the  history  of  nations  is  recognized 
by  most  thoughtful  students  of  history,  but  republics  even, 
which  seem  to  have  recognized  the  dignity  and  sovereignty  of 
man,  have  fallen  in  their  procession  through  the  centuries, 
and  what  a  procession  !  The  Netherlands,  Venice,  Rome, 
Carthage,  Greece,  Palestine.  The  Providence  who  had  been 
unmistakably  in  their  history  did  not  arrest  their  fall.  The 
conditions  of  divine  help  for  nations  and  individuals  are  glad 
obedience  without  presumption,  and  intelligent  recognition  of 
dependence  without  lethargy. 

High  intellectual  attainments  alone  among  the  people  wrill 
not  perpetuate  the  life  of  this  republic,  inspire  patriotism, 


580  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

inculcate  morality,  or  lessen  crime.  The  farewell  address  of 
Washington  states  this  caution:  "Let  us  with  caution  in 
dulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can  be  maintained 
without  religion.  Reason  and  experience  both  forbid  us  to 
expect  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of 
religious  principles." 

While  sectarianism  cannot  become,  and  ought  not  to  ask 
to  become,  the  molder  and  conservator  of  our  civilization, 
sectarian  controversies  ought  not  to  be  allowed  to  crowd  out 
universal  instruction  in  the  unsectarian  tenets  and  moral  and 
religious  principles  of  Christianity. 

The  American  civilization  and  free  institutions  rest  upon 
unrestricted  Christianity.  A  Hindoo  writer  puts  it  thus : 
"  The  religion  of  Christ  represents  all  that  is  noble  in 
Western  civilization,  Western  morality,  science,  or  faith." 

The  Christian  Church  with  us  means  the  various  voluntary 
organizations  of  believers  in  Christianity,  and  the  church  in 
normal  activity  must  mold  the  character  of  the  citizenship 
which  is  to  perfect  and  perpetuate  our  liberties,  by  raising 
men  to  high  and  broad  and  righteous  planes  of  thought  and 
action. 

Our  Christian  civilization  must  be  a  structure  erected  upon 
moral  and  spiritual  foundations.  Physical  forces  and  material 
advantages  are  essential  in  the  structure,  but  they  do  not  fur 
nish  the  elements  of  permanency.  "  Things  which  are  seen 
are  temporal,  but  the  things  that  are  not  seen  are  eternal,"  is 
as  true  of  the  national  structure  as  of  the  spiritual. 

Dr.  Storrs  says :  "  Governments  themselves,  so  long  as 
they  serve  their  proper  ends,  do  not  oppress  the  personal  con 
science,  and  do  not  antagonize  the  advance  of  Christianity, 
have  now,  therefore,  a  permanence  which  in  earlier  times 
they  did  not  equally  command.  That  permanence  depends, 
more  and  more  obviously,  on  their  coincidence  with  the  deep 
impulse  of  the  prevalent  religion.  If  they  collide  with  this, 
they  have  to  go  down,  not  always  as  the  walls  of  Athens 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  581 

were  said  to  go  down,  before  the  music  of  Dorian  flutes,  but 
sometimes  with  resounding  clamor  and  crash.  But  as  long 
as  they  serve  the  public  welfare,  and  give  free  course  to  the 
training  of  men  by  the  teaching  of  Christianity,  governments 
are  now  more  secure  than  of  old.  The  religion  which  has 
impressed  the  institutions  and  invigorated  the  life  of  Europe 
and  America  conserves  and  consecrates,  it  does  not  assail  the 
beneficent  commonwealth. 

"  If  peoples  and  governments  were  left  to  no  other  guid 
ance  and  control  in  their  moral  relations  than  those  which 
preceded  the  advent  of  Christ — I  see  no  guarantee  that  the 
old  chaos  of  jealous  and  contending  nations  might  not  return, 
in  fiercer  fight,  with  bloodier  weapons,  a  more  terrible  tyranny 
of  the  stronger  powers  over  the  weak." 

The  Christian  resources  of  our  country  rightfully  claim  all 
there  is  of  Christ  and  the  Bible  in  our  history,  government, 
laws,  institutions,  homes,  and  hearts.  And  this  embraces  all 
that  gives  permanency  to  justice  and  efficacy  to  mercy,  and 
dignity  to  man  and  glory  to  God.  We  have  the  cumulative 
resources  of  the  education  and  Christian  teaching  of  the  near 
as  well  as  of  the  remote  past.  AVe  are  the  heirs  of  modern  as 
well  as  of  ancient  history.  We  have  the  powers  at  our  dis 
posal  to  dictate  what  the  immediate,  and,  with  that,  what  the 
remote  future  of  our  country  shall  be. 

De  Tocqueville  said  of  us :  "  The  new  States  must  be  reli 
gious  in  order  to  be  free.  Society  must  be  destroyed  unless 
the  Christian  moral  tie  be  strengthened  in  proportion  as  the 
political  tie  is  relaxed  ;  and  what  can  be  done  with  a  people 
who  are  their  own  masters,  if  they  be  not  submissive  to  the 
Deity  ?  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  in  the  United  States  the 
instruction  of  the  people  powerfully  contributes  to  the  sup 
port  of  the  democratic  republic." 

The  distinctive  Christian  ideas  and  teachings  of  the  Word 
of  God  belong  to  our  invoice:  individual  liberty  and  the  in 
creased  value  set  upon  human  life,  honor  to  womanhood,  and 


582  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

her  elevation  and  emancipation,  and  the  consequent  elevation 
of  man  as  this  is  recognized.  From  the  moral  necessities 
of  the  case  the  benevolence  of  the  country  is  chiefly  in  Chris 
tian  hands;  it  is  the  offspring  of  Christian  thought.  Only 
Christianity  is  benevolent.  Modern  legal  beneficence  had  its 
birth  in  Christ. 

All  beneficent  conceptions  of  the  fatherhood  of  God  and 
the  brotherhood  of  man  had  their  origin  in  the  Christian 
religion. 

The  Christian  conception  of  God,  of  man,  of  man's  duty  to 
God,  of  man's  duty  to  man  in  politics  and  society,  and  the  du 
ties  of  nations  toward  each  other,  are  the  germs  from  which 
spring  all  the  beneficent  powers  of  the  highest  civilization. 

Dr.  Storrs  writes :  "  In  Virgil's  fourth  eclogue,  written,  per 
haps,  forty  years  before  Christ,  he  hails  with  song  the  birth 
of  a  child  who  is  to  restore  the  Golden  Age.  His  figures 
seem  caught  from  the  prophecies  of  Isaiah.  The  boy  of 
whom  Virgil  is  supposed  to  have  written  was  imprisoned  by 
Tiberius,  and  starved  to  death  in  his  solitary  dungeon.  The 
child  of  whom  Isaiah  wrote  now  leads  in  triumph  toward  uu- 
reached  ages  the  inspiring  and  hopeful  civilization  of  the 
world.  In  his  name  is  the  hope  of  mankind.  In  the  sign  of 
his  cross  Christendom  conquers. 

"This  Christianity  has  shown  in  itself  the  power  to  rec 
oncile,  to  liberate,  and  to  set  forward  nations,  with  a  steadi 
ness  and  a  strength  which  has  certainly  before  been  unknown 
in  the  world." 

We  have  the  Sabbath  with  its  sanctions  protected  by  law 
in  almost  all  of  the  States.  The  civil  Sunday  could  not  stand 
a  decade  without  its  Christian  sanction  by  the  consciences  of 
the  God-fearing,  whose  power  placed  the  legal  safeguards  on 
the  statute  books.  It  is  a  physical  boon  ;  it  enhances  social 
and  family  life;  it  saves  many  from  incessant  groveling  in 
low  and  depressing  employment ;  it  breaks  in  upon  the  anxious, 
restless  ambitions  and  rivalries  of  life  ;  it  tones  down  distiuc- 


Powers  to  Protect  American  Institutions.  583 

tions  between  rich  and  poor,  capitalists  and  laborers ;  it  gives 
breathing-time,  which,  at  the  least,  may  be  used  aright.  It  is 
used  by  multitudes  as  an  opportunity  for  religious  duties. 
As  a  witness  for  God,  a  memorial  of  bliss,  and  a  promise  of 
enduring  rest  provided  by  the  heavenly  Father,  the  day  itself 
possesses  power  for  good. 

Christianized  Anglo-Saxon  blood,  with  its  love  of  liberty, 
its  thrift,  its  intense  and  persistent  energy  and  personal  in 
dependence,  is  the  regnant  force  in  this  country ;  and  that  is  a 
most  pregnant  fact,  because  the  concededly  most  important 
lesson  in  the  history  of  modern  civilization  is  that  God  is 
using  the  Anglo-Saxon  to  conquer  the  world  for  Christ  by 
dispossessing  feebler  races  and  assimilating  and  molding 
others. 

It  has  been  said  that  "The  English  language,  saturated 
with  Christian  ideas,  gathering  up  into  itself  the  best  thought 
of  all  the  ages,  is  the  great  agent  of  Christian  civilization 
throughout  the  world,  at  this  moment  affecting  the  destinies 
and  molding  the  character  of  half  the  human  race." 

AN    INVOICE    OF    SOME    LESSONS    FEOM    OUK    HISTORY. 

(1)  We  have  learned  that  the  history  of  nations  is  only 
worth  writing  or  reading  as  it  records  events  which  have  been 
shaped  by  obedience  to  the  word  and  will  of  God. 

(2)  That  Christianity  accomplishes  its  saving  mission  best 
when  independent  of  temporal  and  civil  powers,  and  that  the 
true  church  consists  of  the  faithful  followers  of  Christ  in  all 
lands  and  in  all  denominations. 

(3)  That  the  church  of  Christ  has  a  responsible  steward 
ship  for  the  salvation  of  the  race. 

(4)  That  civil  liberty  and  religious  liberty  may  attain  their 
most  perfect  realization  when  they  are  legally  independent  of 
each  other  and  only  allies  for  mutual  defense. 

(5)  That   national    self-government   and   safety   are   only 
compatible  when    intelligence    and     virtue   characterize    the 


584  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

citizenship,  and  that  such  government  dignifies  and    exalts 
individual  man. 

(6)  That  a  uniform,  free  system  of  rudimentary  education 
for  the  childhood  and  youth  of  a  nation  will  transmute  dan 
gerously  heterogeneous  human  elements  into  a  safely  homo 
geneous  citizenship. 

(7)  That  the  inventive  genius  of  free  minds  can  make  men 
masters  of  nature  where  they  were  once  its  slaves. 

(8)  That  Science,  utilizing  steam  and  electricity,  can  an 
nihilate  distance  and  make  every  civilized  man  the  center  of 
the  universe. 

(9)  That  all  real  Science  is  harnessed  to  Jehovah's  trium 
phal  car  in  its  way  among  the  nations. 

llesources  of  history,  character,  money,  machinery,  edu 
cation,  numbers,  the  press,  a  chosen  race,  and  the  divine 
promises  are  all  necessary  intruments,  but  they  are  strength- 
less  and  useless  for  good,  either  singly,  or  in  combination, 
until  baptized  by  the  Divine  Spirit ;  then,  singly,  they  take 
on  strength,  and,  massed,  they  become  as  omnipotent  as  God. 
These  human  appliances,  thus  wielded,  shall  become  like  their 
Author,  sweet  in  sympathy,  pure  in  holiness,  vital  with  love. 
If  from  this  time  forth  in  this  favored  laud,  the  emancipated 
sous  of  men  would  put  on  the  whole  armor  of  righteousness  ; 
if  all  the  daughters  of  Zion  would  clothe  themselves  with  the 
beautiful  garments  of  salvation,  and  would  move  together  for 
the  renovation  of  a  heritage  once  uncursed  with  sin — no  pen 
or  pencil  could  picture  the  result.  Godless  temples  would 
tumble ;  incense  burning  to  unknown  gods  would  be 
quenched  ;  air  polluted  with  blasphemy  would  be  purified  ; 
ignorance  would  flee  away ;  the  flood-gates  of  intemperance 
would  be  dosed  ;  the  fires  of  passion  would  be  quenched  ;  and 
the  fountains  of  bitter  tears  would  be  dried  up.  Every  hill-top 
would  glimmer  with  the  light  of  truth,  and  every  valley  show 
the  temple  of  our  God,  and  a  free  and  law-abiding  people 
would  count  themselves  the  subjects  of  the  Prince  of  Peace. 


PART   VI. 
MANIFEST  DESTINY. 

WITH  one  more  circuit  of  the  earth  around  the  sun  the 
Republic  will  face  the  twentieth  century  of  the  Christian 
era.  With  every  revolution  of  the  earth  upon  its  axis  some 
portion  of  the  republic's  possessions  is  now  in  the  sunshine. 

We  now  occupy  a  new  place  among  the  nations,  with  a 
power  never  sought  nor  employed,  with  a  duty  incumbent 
upon  us  to  share  in  the  mastery  of  the  world,  and  with  the 
assurance  of  recompense  if  we  meet  our  obligations.  We  are 
no  longer  self-centered.  We  have  by  the  lever  power  of 
events,  which  we  have  helped  to  shape  but  could  not  stay, 
been  lifted  out  of  our  isolation.  We  were  summoned  to  do 
one  unselfish  act  for  an  oppressed  insular  people  near  our 
coasts,  and  millions  in  far-off  islands  soon  looked  upon  our 
victorious  ensign  as  their  first  and  only  hope  for  release  from 
the  tyranny  of  centuries.  We  have  a  trust  on  our  hands. 
It  is  no  longer  a  question  whether  we  will  accept  the  trust, 
but  how  we  will  administer  it.  Fidelity  to  the  entirety  of  our 
trust  will  measure  our  capacity  for  self-government  at  home 
and  determine  our  place  in  the  divine  plan  for  civilizing  the 
human  race. 

The  original  principles  embodied  in  our  national  govern 
ment  remain,  but  the  field  for  their  application  is  immensely 
extended.  AVith  gradual  expansion  of  territory  and  incident 
responsibility,  and  with  the  incoming  multitudes  of  foreign 
peoples  requiring  assimilation,  the  nation  has  still  sub 
stantially  maintained  its  homogeneity. 

For  115  years  we  have  been  expanding  in  territory  and 
growing  in  most  of  the  elements  which  constitute  national 

585 


586  Facing  tlie  Twentieth  Century. 

strength.  We  have  solved  many  of  the  problems  which 
seemed  to  involve  peril  and  threaten  our  dissolution,  and  to 
day  we  are  concededly  in  the  front  rank  of  the  family  of 
nations. 

There  will  always  be  problems  to  solve  and  policies  to 
work  out,  which  a  growing  nation  must  meet  if  it  has  a  right 
to  live.  In  fact  a  living  nation  must  always  be  experiment 
ing  as  the  condition  of  living,  and  when  it  ceases  to  advance 
by  experimental  stages  it  begins  to  decay,  and  to  arrest  decay 
is  a  problem  that  few  nations  have  ever  successfully  solved. 

Every  territorial  accession  to  the  republic  has  furnished 
new  fields  for  enterprise,  by  developing  industries,  by  inspir 
ing  thought,  by  increasing  wealth,  and  by  augmenting  the 
nation's  strength.  Commerce  and  means  of  communication 
and  transportation  have  kept  pace  with  territorial  expansion 
and  have  been  inspired  by  it,  and  as  the  nation  has  grown  in 
domain  and  developed  in  strength  it  has  produced  an  increas 
ingly  beneficent  effect  upon  other  nations. 

Professor  McGee  says  :  "  Just  as  the  Louisiana  purchase  in 
1803  made  America  a  steamboat  nation,  and  just  as  the 
acquisition  of  California  in  1845  made  America  a  railway  and 
a  telegraph  nation,  so  the  acquisition  of  Hawaii  and  Porto 
Kico,  and,  above  all,  the  Philippines  in  1898  must  make 
America  the  naval  nation  of  the  earth,  for  the  problem  born 
of  the  accession  would  be  the  problem  of  navigation,  which 
needs  American  genius  for  its  final  solution,  while  America 
needs  the  incentive  to  strengthen  that  element  in  which  alone 
it  is  weak." 

The  much-lauded  Monroe  doctrine  promotes  and  does  not 
retard  manifest  destiny.  While  it  is  intrenched  in  the 
national  sentiment,  it  does  not  stand  in  the  way  of  the  gospel 
doctrine  of  love  for  humanity,  and  the  nations  of  the  earth 
are  beginning  to  recognize  that  Havana,  Porto  Kico,  Hono 
lulu,  Guam,  and  Manila  are  the  outposts  for  the  defense  of 
our  Monroe  doctrine. 


Manifest  Destiny.  587 

Some  professed  statesmen  Lave  more  reverence  for  the 
Monroe  doctrine  than  they  have  for  the  Ten  Commandments 
and  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  National  obligation  based 
upon  historic  origin  and  providential  opportunity  must 
create  new  legislation,  and  not  be  restricted  by  the  narrow 
conceptions  based  upon  the  national  outlook  in  its  infant 
days. 

Mr.  Depew  said  at  Buffalo  in  December,  1898:  "  Destiny 
knows  no  logic.  Providence,  in  the  wise  purposes  which  it 
has  for  nations,  makes  the  precedents  and  conditions  from 
which  alone  the  logic  of  those  conditions  can  be  argued." 

Much  is  said,  by  the  citizens  who  claim  that  our  govern 
ment  has  no  duty  to  meet  in  extending  the  benefits  of  a  free 
government  and  of  a  Christian  civilization  in  our  newly 
acquired  possessions,  of  the  difficulties  of  the  problem  be 
cause  of  the  character  of  the  people  in  tropical  climes.  We 
are  meeting  more  difficult  problems  right  at  home,  where  we 
have  committed  the  blunder  of  admitting  to  the  right  of 
suffrage  the  most  dangerous  foreign  elements  which  have 
landed  upon  our  shores.  The  old  problem  in  the  new  pos 
sessions  will  enable  us  to  use  better  judgment  there  and  safe 
guard  the  suffrage,  and  will  perhaps  make  the  American 
people,  for  safety  in  the  home  land,  put  some  wholesome 
restraints  on  suffrage  here,  and  erect  some  barriers  against 
the  increasing  of  the  dangerous  elements  from  foreign 
governments,  thus  upholding  the  dignity  of  American 
citizenship. 

The  continent  of  Africa  has  recently  been  partitioned  be 
tween  the  civilized  nations,  bringing  a  better  hope  to  un 
counted  millions. 

The  colossal  populations  of  China,  representing  the  oldest 
civilization,  are  now  being  dissolved  and  the  great  European 
nations  are  dividing  up  the  territory  to  the  prejudice  of  our 
commercial  interests.  In  the  face  of  these  facts  the  posses 
sion  of  the  Philippines  may  prove  to  be  an  enlightened  move 


588  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

as  a  matter  of  necessary  self-defense,  and  a  commercial  and 
humanitarian  benefaction  to  the  dissolving  nations. 

We  enjoy  in  this  republic  the  most  perfect  religious 
liberty  known  in  the  world.  Aside  from  the  persistent  and 
continuous  efforts  of  Romanism,  and  the  occasional  and  spas 
modic  efforts  of  Protestantism,  under  the  claims  of  education 
and  charity  to  secure  public  money  for  sectarian  propagation ; 
and  aside  from  the  questionable  exemption  of  Church  prop 
erty  from  taxation,  the  separation  of  the  church  from  the 
state  is  safe  and  normal.  There  is  really  no  ground  for 
debate  as  to  the  relation  the  United  States  Government 
should  sustain  toward  any  religion  and  any  Church  found 
in  the  new  territory  brought  under  its  control. 

All  religions  must  have  absolute  liberty,  restrained  only 
when  they  antagonize  the  principles  of  our  Christian  civili 
zation.  All  churches  must  have  equal  protection  and  depend 
for  their  support  upon  the  voluntary  contributions  from  their 
adherents,  whose  first  citizen  loyalty  is  given  to  the  civic  gov 
ernment  which  guarantees  their  civil  and  religious  liberty. 
Existing  church  organizations  and  religious  orders,  largely 
responsible  for  the  past  oppression  of  the  people,  must  adjust 
themselves  to  American  principles  and  institutions,  and  not 
expect  the  republic  to  compromise  with  a  corrupt  and  cruel 
civilization  styliug  itself  the  church. 

Is  it  not  more  than  probable  that  a  part  of  our  privileged 
destiny  shall  be  to  stand  side  by  side  with  the  English-speak 
ing  Anglo-Saxon  civilizations  and  dictate  the  permanent  peace 
of  the  world,  and  in  the  historic  contest  between  prerogative 
and  privilege  secure  the  triumphs  of  privilege  for  man  against 
the  oppressions  of  the  prerogative  of  tyranny  ? 

The  demands  of  humanity  are  upon  us.  In  view  of  our 
own  origin,  and  of  the  liberties  wre  have  partly  inherited  and 
partly  achieved,  do  we  owe  any  duty  and  service  to  others 
less  favored  who  come  within  the  sphere  of  our  influence? 

Do    not    the    highest    developments    of    our  own   national 


Manifest  Destiny.  589 

character  demand  that  we  attempt  to  meet  the  obligations 
seemingly  thrust  upon  us  by  Providence  ?  Do  we  not  need 
an  outlet  for  our  expanding  commerce  since  the  geographical 
commercial  center  of  the  world  has  been  shifted  to  the  Pacific  ? 

A  New  York  Tribune  editorial,  February  13,  1899,  said: 
"President  McKiuley's  message  about  a  Pacific  cable  line 
marks  an  era  in  human  history."  This  is  because  the  chief 
of  the  republic,  which  has  become  a  World-Power  with  an 
immense  Pacific  coast  line,  recognizes  the  strategic  and  com 
mercial  importance  of  independent  means  of  communication 
both  in  war  and  in  peace  with  our  Eastern  possessions.  A 
Pacific  cable  and  a  Nicaragua  canal  are  to  become  the  hand 
maids  of  manifest  destiny. 

Will  not  a  serious  attempt  to  give  a  free  and  stable  govern 
ment  to  the  degraded  and  oppressed  peoples  of  our  tropical 
possessions  necessitate  an  improved  civil  service  at  home 
and  abroad  ? 

Have  we  a  right  to  get  out  of  line  with  the  march  of 
Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  which  betters  the  condition  of  every 
race  it  conquers,  rules,  or  touches  ? 

Trafalgar  and  Manila  in  the  same  century  lifted  the  world 
up  into  a  better  hope  for  a  higher  civilization,  and  neither  of 
the  Anglo-Saxon  nations  which  burned  these  names  into 

o 

history  can  evade  the  responsibility  for  their  work. 

What  shall  we  do  with  our  new  possessions  on  both  sides 
of  the  globe  ?  This  question,  from  varied  motives,  is  often 
asked  in  melancholy  tones.  There  can  be  but  one  response 
by  a  people  which  fears  God  and  loves  righteousness.  Give 
them  the  benefits  of  a  fruitful  civilization.  If  we  are  not 
able  to  do  this,  the  sooner  we  learn  the  fact  the  better,  for  it 
will  prove  that  we  are  unworthy  of  the  civilization  we  enjoy 
and  cannot  be  trusted  to  perpetuate  it.  The  richest  and  most 
powerful  nation  in  the  world,  claiming  to  possess  the  best 
civilization,  ought  to  be  able  to  confront  any  duties,  and 
especially  if  these  duties  possess  an  element  of  unselfishness. 


590  Facing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

At  Atlanta,  Ga.,  December  15,  1898,  President  McKinley 
said :  "  Without  abandoning  past  limitations,  traditions,  and 
principles,  but  by  meeting  present  opportunites  and  obli 
gations,  we  shall  show  ourselves  worthy  of  the  great  trust 
which  civilization  has  imposed  upon  us.  Thus  far  we  have 
done  our  supreme  duty.  Shall  we  now,  when  the  victory 
won  iii  war  is  written  in  the  treaty  of  peace  and  the  civilized 
world  applauds  and  waits  in  expectation,  turn  timidly  away 
from  the  duties  imposed  upon  the  country  by  its  own  great 
deeds  ?  And  when  the  mists  fade  and  we  see  with  clearer 
vision,  may  we  not  go  forth  rejoicing  in  a  strength  which  has 
been  employed  solely  for  humanity  and  always  been  tempered 
with  justice  and  mercy,  confident  of  our  ability  to  meet  the 
exigencies  which  await  us,  because  confident  that  our  course  is 
one  of  duty  and  our  cause  that  of  right  ? " 

Contending  armies  are  no  longer  to  determine  the  destiny 
of  nations  nor  the  march  of  commerce.  The  nations  in  the 
future  which  are  masters  of  the  seas,  and  whose  sovereignty  is 
borne  on  armored  floating  forts  and  on  peaceful  merchant 
vessels,  will  close  or  open  the  ports  of  trade  at  the  gateways 
of  all  the  continents  and  islands,  and  determine  the  character 
of  human  civilization  and  dictate  the  discord  or  the  peace  of 
nations.  The  banner  of  this  republic  now  has  the  right  of 
way  in  all  waters  and  commands  the  homage  of  all  peoples. 

Once  we  took  our  reckoning  for  national  duty  from 
Lexington  and  Yorktown ;  now  we  must  reckon  from 
Honolulu,  Santiago,  and  Manila.  The  center  of  gravity  for 
national  moral  responsibility  has  shifted. 

We  have  expanded,  and,  so  long  as  the  nation  grows  in 
wealth,  population,  and  power,  we  cannot  contract,  and  it 
matters  riot  whether  we  attribute  the  fact  of  expansion  to 
the  forces  of  national  evolution  or  to  the  law  of  civilization 
which  determines  national  destiny. 

All  unrecognized  by  us,  certain  causes  during  a  recent 
historic  period  have  been  working  a  development  in  the 


Manifest  Destiny.  591 

relation  of  nations,  which  has  forced  upon  the  United  States 
international  responsibilities.  Among  these  causes  are  indus 
trial  development  propelling  by  steam  power  and  inventive 
energy  to  doubled  production;  new  systems  of  highways  on 
land  and  sea,  creating  half  a  million  miles  of  railroads  and 
raising  the  marine  tonnage  in  less  than  fifty  years  from 
twelve  million  tons  to  fifty-two  million ;  electricity  furnishing 
light,  heat,  power,  and  instantaneous  communication ;  and 
while  machinery  has  displaced  muscle,  wages  have  increased 
while  prices  have  on  the  average  varied  little. 

As  the  effect  of  these  causes,  the  demands  of  our  industrial 
position  force  us  to  look  into  the  only  remaining  field  of  com 
mercial  expansion,  for  our  industrial  over-production  exceeds 
our  capacity  of  consumption.  Our  commercial  future,  and 
therefore  our  national  prosperity,  demands  a  defensive  posi 
tion  in  the  Pacific.  We  now  hold  such  a  position,  and  we 
misjudge  the  American  people  if  they  do  not  demand  its 
permanent  possession.  We  believe  this  to  be  a  fortress  for 
intrenching  our  manifest  destiny. 

Mr.  W.  Dodsworth,  an  able  editor  of  the  Journal  of 
Commerce,  New  York,  after  discussing  the  commercial  ques 
tions  involved  in  the  retention  of  the  Philippines,  says : 

a  Some  of  our  citizens  shrink  from  a  destiny  so  full  of  high 
responsibilities,  confessedly  because  they  have  no  confidence  in 
the  governing  capacity  and  the  official  morals  of  the  republic 
for  its  achievement.  For  my  own  part,  I  know  of  no  adequate 
warrant  for  such  bold  depreciatory  judgments  on  American 
citizens  and  American  institutions.  Great  responsibilities 
are  inseparable  from  national  greatness.  Power  without 
responsibility  breeds  license  ;  and  license  begets  weakness. 
I  have  yet  to  learn  what  the  American  people  lack,  whether 
of  honor,  intelligence,  or  power,  for  winning  the  highest 
prizes  of  civilization,  or  for  elevating  the  neglected  races  of 
mankind.  I  say  for  elevating  the  uncultured  races ;  for  this 
opportunity  calls  for  something  larger  than  commercialization. 


592  Pacing  the  Twentieth  Century. 

Fraudulently  invert  the  use  of  language  and  call  this  '  imperi 
alism,'  if  you  will ;  yet,  judged  upon  its  true  purposes,  this 
mission  offers  the  most  positive  challenge  to  modern  imperi 
alism  that  has  yet  been  presented,  and  affords  the  only  pos 
sible  pacific  solution  of  the  dangers  with  which  imperialism  is 
now  threatening  civilization." 

We  have  no  patriotic  shudder  over  the  cry  of  imperialism, 
because  with  us  it  means  the  retreat  of  barbarism  before  the 
inarch  of  civilization,  the  substitution  among  millions  of 
people  of  republican  institutions  in  the  place  of  a  reign  of 
cruelty  and  rapacity. 

When  the  war  with  Spain  began  debate  among  us  ceased. 
Criticism  was  silenced  by  the  roar  of  cannon.  When  cannon 
silenced  the  enemy,  we  first  heard  only  exultant  shouts  of 
victory,  and  when  these  sounds  died  away,  and  we  began  to 
reaM^e  the  extent  of  our  victories,  criticism,  which  requires 
neither  courage  nor  capacity,  loudly  roared  again,  and,  while 
the  sound  was  harsh  and  discordant,  it  did  not  arrest  the 
mighty  melody  of  the  people's  anthem  of  gratitude,  faith, 
and  courage. 

Two  races  and  three  nations  rule  the  world  to-day.  The 
races  are  the  Anglo-Saxon  and  the  Slavic.  The  nations  are 
Great  Britain,  the  United  States,  and  Russia,  Great  Britain 
has  been  in  the  East  for  an  hundred  years,  the  United  States 
holds  the  Philippines,  and  Russia  has  finally  reached  the 
open  sea  at  Port  Arthur.  The  future  of  nations,  the  condi 
tion  of  commerce,  the  character  of  extending  civilizations,  are 
held  in  the  grasp  of  these  two  races  and  three  nations. 
Recognition  of  identity  of  interests  and  purposes  and  prin 
ciples  for  humanity,  on  the  part  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  nations, 
will  write  the  history  of  the  future. 

As  a  great  nation,  heretofore  isolated,  we  have  suddenly 
and  unexpectedly  burst  our  shell  and  found  ourselves  a 
member  of  the  family  of  nations,  with  all  the  incident  oppor 
tunities  and  responsibilities.  We  have,  by  the  Providence  of 


Manifest  Destiny.  593 

an  all -wise  God,  come  to  be  an  important  factor  in  the  exten 
sion  of  the  liberties  and  institutions  and  Anglo-Saxon  civil 
ization  which  we  possess  as  an  inheritance  from  our  ancestors. 
We  cannot  evade  the  responsibility,  and  the  thoughtful 
character  of  our  citizenship  is  not  disposed  to.  Manifest 
destiny,  divinely  ordered,  is  upon  us.  Let  us  be  careful. 

Anglo-Saxon  Christian  civilization  in  its  perfect  work 
would  put  an  end  to  war  by  bringing  in  the  reign  of  univer 
sal  peace,  curb  selfish  competition  by  charity,  banish  poverty 
with  plenty,  prevent  crime  by  the  prevalence  of  justice  and 
righteousness,  destroy  pestilence  with  purity,  and  prolong  life 
by  obedience  to  natural  and  moral  law. 

We  shall  soon  pass  over  the  dividing  line  from  the  greatest 
century,  save  the  first,  in  the  history  of  the  world  into  the 
greater  twentieth  century.  The  generations  beyond  will  be 
crying  for  the  message  we  shall  bring  to  them.  The  momen 
tum  attained  by  a  Christian  civilization  which  it  has  taken 
nineteen  centuries  to  create,  will  enable  it  to  march  with 
omnipotent  tread  in  the  dawn  of  the  morning  of  the  new 
century. 

"  Here  the  free  spirit  of  mankind  at  length 

Throws  its  last  fetters  off;  and  who  shall  place 
A  limit  to  the  giant's  unchained  strength, 
Or  curb  his  swiftness  in  the  forward  race  ?" 


PART  VII. 
APPENDIX. 

THE    GENESIS    OF    MODERN    CIVILIZATION. 

John  Gutenburg  printed  the  first  copy  of  the  Bible  from  cut-metal  movable  types 
in  1460. 

Memorable  Events  in  American  History,  1492-1899. 

The  Continent  of  America  is  generally  conceded  to  have  been  first  visited  by  the 
Norsemen  or  the  Vikings  in  the  tenth  or  eleventh  centuries. 

1492.  Columbus  lands  on  San  Salvador,  one  of  the  Bahama  Islands,  Friday,  October 

12.     He  discovers  Cuba  and  Hayti. 

1493.  Columbus  on  his  second  voyage  discovers  the  Caribbee  Isles,  Dominica,  Gau- 

daloupe,  Antigua,  and  in 

1494.  Jamaica  and  the  Isle  of  Pines. 

1497.  Cabot  (sent  out  by  Henry  VIII.  of  England)  discovered  Labrador  on  the  coast 

of  North  America. 

1498.  Columbus  on  his  third  voyage  discovers  Trinidad.     Lands  on  Terra  Firma 

without  being  aware  that  it  is  the  mainland  of  South  America. 

1499.  Amerigo  Vespucci,  after  whom  the  continent  was  named,  claims  to  have 

reached  the  mainland  of  America. 

1500.  Pinzon  discovers  Brazil  and  the  river  Amazon.     Cabral,  a  Portuguese,  lands  in 

Brazil. 
1502-3.  Columbus  on  his  fourth  voyage  discovers  various  islands  on  the  coast  of 

Honduras.     Discovers  and  names  Porto  Bello.     Negro  slaves  imported  into 

Hayti. 
1506.  Death  of  Columbus,  May  20.  Yucatan  discovered  by  Solis  and  Pinzon. 

1511.  Velasquez  subjugates  Cuba. 

1512.  Ponce  de  Leon  discovers  the  coast  of  Florida. 

1513.  Vasco  de  Balboa  crosses  the  Isthmus  of  Darien  and  discovers  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
1520.  Magellan  passes  through  the  straits  called  by  his  name. 

1519-21.  Fernando  Cortez  conquers  Mexico. 

1526.  Pizarro  discovers  the  coast  of  Quito,  and 

1532-35.  Invades  and  conquers  Peru. 

1534-35.  Cartier  enters  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  reaches  Montreal.     California 

discovered  by  Grijalva,  acting  for  Cortez.     Buenos  Ayres  founded  by  Men- 

doza. 

1541.  Chili  conquered  by  Valdivia.  Louisiana  conquered  by  De  Soto. 
1585.  Raleigh  establishes  the  first  English  settlement  at  Roanoke,  Va. 
1604.  First  French  settlement  in  Acadia  (Nova  Scotia). 

595 


596  Appendix. 


1607.  First  permanent  English  settlement  on  the  mainland  of  North  America  at 

Jamestown,  Va. 

1608.  Quebec  founded  by  the  French. 

1614.  Manhattan  Island  (New  York),  settled  by  the  Dutch,  also  New  Jersey. 
1620.  The  Mayflower  Pilgrims  arrive  in  New  England,  December  11. 
1622.  The  Scotch  settle  in  Nova  Scotia. 

1634.  Maryland  settled  by  English  Roman  Catholics. 

1635.  Connecticut  settled  by  the  English,  and  Rhode  Island  by  Roger  Williams  and 

his  followers  from  Massachusetts. 

1664.  New  York  captured  by  the  English. 

1669.  The  English  settle  in  the  Carolinas. 

1682.  William  Penn  and  his  colonists  settle  Pennsylvania.     The  French  settle  Lou 
isiana. 

1732.  Georgia  settled  by  General  Oglethorpe. 

1754.  Kentucky  settled  by  Colonel  Boone. 

1763.  Canada,  after  being  conquered  by  the  English,  was  ceded  to  Great  Britain. 

1764.  British  Parliament  imposes  heavy  duties  on  the  American  Colonies. 

1765.  Passes  the  Stamp  Act.     First  American  Congress  held  in  New  York.     The 

Stamp  Act  resisted. 

1766.  The  Stamp  Act  repealed. 

1767.  Great  Britain  levies  duties  on  tea,  paper,  painted  glass,  etc. 

1768.  General  Gates  in  command  of  the  colonists  at  Boston. 

1773.  Eight  hundred  and  forty  chests  of  tea  destroyed  at  Boston  and  seventeen  at 

New  York. 

1774.  Deputies  from  the  States  meet  at  Philadelphia.     Declaration  of  Rights  passed. 

1775.  First  action  between  British  and  Americans  at  Lexington,  April  19.     Act  of 

perpetual  union  between  the  States.  Washington  appointed  Commauder-in- 
Chief.  Battle  at  Bunker's  Hill,  June  16. 

1776.  Declaration  of  Independence   adopted   July  4.     General  HowTe  takes   Long 

Island,  August  27;  New  York,  September  15;  and  is  victor  at  White  Plains, 
October  29,  and  in  Rhode  Island,  December  8. 

1777.  Lafayette  and  other  French  officers  join  the  Americans.    Washington  defeated 

at  Brandywine.  Cornwallis  takes  Philadelphia.  Burgoyne  is  surrounded 
and  capitulates  at  Saratoga,  October  17.  A  federal  government  adopted  by 
Congress. 

1778.  The  States  recognized  by  France. 

1780.  Cornwallis  defeats   Gates  at  Camdcn.     Major  Andre  hanged  as  a  spy  Octo 

ber  2. 

1781.  The  federal  government  accepted  by  all  States.     The  Americans  defeated  by 

Cornwallis  at  Guildford,  March  16,  and  by  Arnold  at  Eutaw.  Cornwallis 
surrenders  with  his  army  of  seven  thousand  men  to  Washington  at  York 
town,  October  29. 

1782.  Provisional  articles  of  peace  signed  at  Paris,  November  30. 

1783.  Definitive  treaty  of  peace  signed  at  Paris,  September  3. 

1784.  Treaty  of  peace  ratified  by  Congress,  January  4. 
17N6.  The  cotton  plant  introduced  into  Georgia. 

1787.  Constitution  of  the  United  States  signed  by  a  convention  of  States,  Septem 

ber  17. 

1788.  The  Constitution  ratified,  May  23. 


Appendix.  597 


1789.  The  Government  of  the  United  States  organized  March  4.    Washington  de 

clared  President,  April  6. 

1790.  Benjamin  Franklin  dies,  April  17.    Rhode  Island,  the  last  of  the  original  States, 

ratifies  the  Constitution. 

1791.  United  States  Bank  instituted.     Vermont  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1792.  City  of  Washington  chosen  as  the  Capital  of  the  United  States.     Kentucky 

admitted  to  the  Union. 

1793.  Eli  Whitney  invents  the  cotton-gin.    Washington  re-elected  President. 

1796.  Washington  resigns  the  Presidency.     Tennessee  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1797.  John  Adams  inaugurated  President. 

1799.  Washington  dies,  December  14. 

1800.  The  seat  of  government  established  at  Washington. 

1801.  Thomas  Jefferson  inaugurated  President,  and  for  a  second  term,  1805. 

1802.  Ohio  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1803.  Louisiana  purchased  for  United  States  by  Jefferson. 
1807.  Robert  Fulton  starts  the  first  steamboat  on  the  Hudson. 
1809.  James  Madison  inaugurated  President. 

1812.  War  declared  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.     The  ship  United 

States  captures  the  British  ship  Macedonian.     Louisiana  admitted   to  the 
Union. 

1813.  The  American  frigate  Chesapeake  captured  by  the  Shannon,  June  1. 

1814.  The  city  of  Washington  taken  by  the  British  and  public  edifices  burnt.     The 

British  squadron  on  Lake  Champlain  captured.     Treaty  of  peace  with  Great 
Britain  signed  at  Ghent,  December  24,  and  ratified  February  17, 1815. 

1816.  Indiana  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1817.  James  Monroe  inaugurated  President.     Mississippi  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1818.  Foundation  laid  of  the  Capitol  at  Washington.     Illinois  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1819.  Alabama  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1820.  Florida  ceded  to  the  United  States  by  Spain.     Maine  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1821.  The  "Missouri  Compromise"  enacted,  and  Missouri  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1825.  John  Quincy  Adams  inaugurated  President. 

1826.  Death  of  John  Adams  and  Thomas  Jefferson. 
1829.  Andrew  Jackson  inaugurated  President. 
1832.  New  Tariff  laws  enacted.     Commercial  panic. 

1835.  Great  fire  in  New  York;  loss  estimated  at  $20,000,000. 

1836.  The  National  Debt  paid  off.     Arkansas  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1837.  Martin  Van  Buren  inaugurated  President.     Rebellion  in   Canada.     Victoria 

became  Queen  of  Great  Britain.     Financial  panic  and  suspension  of  specie 
payments.     Michigan  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1841.  William  Henry  Harrison  inaugurated  President;  dies  in  the  same  year,  and  is 

succeeded  by  John  Tyler. 

1842.  The  Ashburton  Treaty  concluded,  adjusting  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the 

United  States. 

1845.  War  with  Mexico.     Florida  and  Texas  admitted  to  the  Union.     James  K.  Polk 

inaugurated  President. 

1846.  Iowa  and  Wisconsin  admitted  to  the  Union.     New  Mexico  annexed. 

1849.  Zachary  Taylor  inaugurated  President. 

1850.  President  Taylor  dies,  and  is  succeeded  by  Millard  Fillmore.     John  C.  Calhoun 

dies.     California  admitted  to  the  Union.     Fugitive-Slave  Law  passed. 


598  Appendix. 


1851 .  Henry  Clay  dies,  also  James  Fenimore  Cooper.     Louis  Kossuth  visits  the  United 

States. 

1852.  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin  "  published.     Daniel  Webster  dies. 

1853.  Franklin  Pierce  inaugurated  President. 

1854.  Astor  Library,  New  York,  opened  to  the  public.     Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 

promise  Act. 

1856.  Senator  Charles  Sumner  assaulted  by  Preston  S.  Brooks.     John  C.  Fremont 

nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  "  Republican  Party." 

1857.  James    Buchanan    inaugurated    President.      Financial    panic.      Dred    Scott 

Decision  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

1858.  Minnesota  admitted  to  the   Union.     Telegraphic   communication   established 

between  America  and  Great  Britain. 

1859.  Oregon  admitted   to  the  Union.     Insurrection   at  Harper's   Ferry  and  John 

Brown  executed.     Washington  Irving  dies. 

1860.  Abraham  Lincoln  elected  President,  receiving  180  of  the  303  electoral  votes. 

South  Carolina  secedes  from  the  Union.  Steamship  Great  Eastern  arrives  at 
New  York. 

1861.  Mississippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  Louisiana,  and  Texas  secede  from  the 

Union.  Kansas  admitted  to  the  Union.  Jefferson  Davis  chosen  President 
of  the  Southern  Confederacy,  February  18.  Abraham  Lincoln  inaugurated 
President,  March  4.  Fort  Sumter  iired  upon,  April  12;  evacuated,  April  13. 
Virginia,  Arkansas,  North  Carolina,  and  Tennessee  secede  from  the  Union, 
Battle  of  Bull  Run,  July  21.  Jefferson  Davis  elected  President  of  the  Con 
federate  States  for  a  term  of  six  years.  The  Civil  War  extended  from  the 
firing  on  Fort  Sumter,  April  12,  1861,  to  the  surrender  at  Appomattox  Court 
Court  House,  April  9,  1865. 

1862  Slavery  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  April  4.  Treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  for  the  suppression  of  the  Slave  Trade,  ratified 
May  20.  France  proposes  the  joint  mediation  of  England  and  Russia,  and 
both  Governments  decline. 

1863.  President  Lincoln  issues  the  "  Emancipation  Proclamation,"  January  2.     West 

Virginia  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1864.  Nevada  admitted  to  the  Union.     President  Lincoln  re-elected,  November  8. 
1865    Slavery  in  the  United  States  abolished  by  Congress,  February  1.     President 

Lincoln  meets  Confederate  Peace  Commissioners  at  Fortress  Monroe,  with 
out  results,  February  3  General  Lee,  commander  of  the  Confederate 
forces,  surrenders  with  the  Army  of  Northern  Virginia  to  General  Grant,  at 
Appomattox  Court  House,  April  9.  President  Lincoln  shot  by  J.  Wilkes 
Booth,  at  Ford's  Theater,  Washington,  April  14,  and  dies  April  15.  William 
H.  Seward,  Secretary  of  State,  wounded  by  an  assassin  about  the  same 
hour,  but  recovers.  Andrew  Johnson  sworn  in  as  President,  April  15. 
Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution,  abolishing  slavery, 
declared  ratified,  December  18. 

1866.  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  United  States  Constitution,  defining 
Civil  Rights,  passed  by  Congress.  Atlantic  telegraph  cable  successfully 
laid. 

18C7.  Nebraska  admitted  to  the  Union.  Russian  America  ceded  to  the  United 
States.  Execution  of  Maximilian  in  Mexico.  Tenure  of  Oflice  Act  passed 
by  Congress. 


Appendix.  699 


1868.  President   Andrew    Johnson   impeached,   tried,  and  acquitted.      Fourteenth 

Amendment  ratified. 

1869.  Ulysses  S.  Grant  inaugurated  President.     Telegraph  cable  laid  between  the 

United  States  and  France.  Union  Pacific  and  Central  Pacific  Railroads 
joined. 

1870.  General  Robert  E.  Lee  dies.     Fifteenth  Amendment  ratified,  giving  right  of 

suffrage  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  regardless  of  "race,  color,  or 
previous  condition  of  servitude." 

1871.  Treaty  of  Washington,  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  made 

and  ratified.  All  the  States  again  represented  in  both  Houses  of  Congress. 
The  Force  Act  for  the  protection  of  the  negro  passed  by  Congress.  Great 
fire  in  Chicago. 

1872.  Horace  Greeley,  nominated  for  President,  is  defeated  by  General  Grant,  and 

dies  within  a  month.  Arbitration  Commission  on  "Alabama  Claims,"  at 
Geneva,  gives  large  award  to  the  United  States.  Great  fire  in  Boston. 

1873.  General  Grant  inaugurated  President  (second  term).     Serious  and  widespread 

financial  panic. 

1874.  Rival  State  governments  in  Louisiana.     Serious  political  disturbance  and  loss 

of  life  in  New  Orleans.     Charles  Sumner  dies. 

1875.  Hoosac  Tunnel  completed.     Electricity  profitably  used  for  lighting.     New 

telegraph  cable  laid  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 

1876.  Telephone   invented    by    Professor  Graham  Bell.     Centennial  Exposition  at 

Philadelphia.     Colorado  admitted  to  the  Union. 

1877.  Electoral  Commission  of  Fifteen  decides  contested  Presidential  election  in  favor 

of  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  who  is  inaugurated.     J.  Lothrop  Motley  dies. 

1878.  Bland  Legal  Tender  Silver  Bill  passed  over  President  Hayes'  veto.    Death  of 

William  Cullen  Bryant  and  Bayard  Taylor. 

1879.  President  Hayes  vetoes  bill  to  restrict  Chinese  Immigration.     William  Lloyd 

Garrison  dies.     Specie  payments  resumed. 

1880.  Treaty  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  China,  restricting  immigra 

tion. 

1881.  James  A.  Garfield  inaugurated  President.     Shot  in  Washington,  July  2,  by 

C.  J.  Guiteau.  Dies  September  19.  Chester  A.  Arthur  formally  sworn 
in  as  President,  September  22. 

1882.  Death  of  Henry  W.  Longfellow  and  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson.     Guiteau,  the 

assassin  of  President  Garfield,  executed.  Seven  hundred  and  eighty-eight 
thousand  nine  hundred  and  ninety-two  immigrants  arrived;  highest  record 
for  any  one  year.  Anti-Polygamy  Law  passed. 

1883.  Alexander  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia  dies.     Peter  Cooper  dies.     New  York  and 

Brooklyn  Bridge  opened.  Civil  Service  Reform  goes  into  effect  under  a 
commission;  Dorman  B.  Eaton,  Chairman.  Letter  postage  reduced  to  two 
cents. 

1884.  Territorial  government  established  in  Alaska.     World's  Fair  at  New  Or 

leans,  La. 

1885.  Grover  Cleveland  inaugurated  President.     General  Grant  dies.     Passage  of  the 

Contract  Labor  Act. 

1886.  Anarchist  Riots  in  Chicago.     Earthquake  at  Charleston,  S.  C.     Passage  of  the 

Act  regulating  the  Presidential  succession. 

1887.  Interstate  Commerce  Bill  becomes  a  law.     Henry  Ward  Beecher  dies. 


600  Appendix. 


1888.  Bill  prohibiting  Chinese  immigration  for  twenty  years  becomes  a  law.     Death 

of  Henry  Bergh  and  Roscoe  Conkling. 

1889.  Benjamin  Harrison  inaugurated  President.     North   Dakota,    South   Dakota, 

Montana,  and  Washington  admitted  to  the  Union.  New  York  State  Centen 
nial  Celebration  and  Civic  Parade. 

1890.  Idaho  and  Wyoming  admitted  to  the  Union.     McKinley  Tariff  Bill  becomes  a 

law. 

1891.  George  Bancroft,  General  W.  T.   Sherman,  and  James  Russell  Lowell  die. 

Territory  of  Oklahoma  declared  open  to  settlement. 

1892.  Corner  stone  of  Grant  Monument,  New  York,  laid  by  President  Harrison. 

Strike  and  riots  at  Homestead,  Pa.     Cyrus  "W.  Field  dies. 

1893.  First  Roman  Catholic  Apostolic  Delegate  sent  to  the  United  States.     Death  of 

Rutherford  B.  Hayes  and  James  G.  Elaine.  Grover  Cleveland  inaugurated 
President  (second  term).  World's  Columbian  Exposition  at  Chicago. 

1894.  Bland  Seniorage  Bill  passed  and  vetoed  by  President  Cleveland.     Great  Na 

tional  strike  of  Coal  Miners  and  of  the  Pullman  Car  Company's  employees. 
George  AV.  Childs  dies. 

1895.  Supreme  Court  declares  the  Income  Tax  law  null  and  void.     Cotton  States 

and  International  Exposition  at  Atlanta,  Ga. 

1896.  Utah  admitted  to  the  Union.     Martinelli  succeeds  Satolli  as  Papal  Legate  at 

Washington.  Arbitration  agreed  upon  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  on  Venezuela  Boundary  dispute. 

1897.  William  McKinley  inaugurated  President.    Greater  New  York  Charter  passed. 

Dedication  of  General  Grant's  tomb  at  New  York.  Tennessee  Centennial 
Exposition  at  Nashville.  New  Tariff  Bill  passed  and  signed. 

1898.  Destruction  af  the  battleship  Maine  in  the  harbor  of  Havana,  Cuba,  February 

15.  United  States  Congress  unanimously  votes  $50,000,000  for  defense. 
President  McKinley 's  Cuban  Message  to  Congress,  April  11.  Joint  resolu 
tions  passed  by  Congress  April  18,  and  signed  by  the  President  April  20, 
for  the  expulsion  of  Spanish  rule  from  Cuba.  The  President  calls  for  125,- 
000  volunteers  April  23.  Commodore  Dewey  destroys  Spanish  fleet  of  eleven 
vessels  in  Manila  Bay,  May  1.  Spanish  fleet  under  Admiral  Cervera  re 
ported  in  Santiago  harbor.  Naval  Constructor  Hobson,  with  a  crew  of 
seven  men,  sinks  the  collier  Merrimac  at  the  mouth  of  Santiago  harbor,  and 
all  are  taken  prisoners  June  4.  American  forces  land  near  Santiago,  Cuba, 
June  23.  Destruction  of  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet  off  Santiago  harbor  July  3. 
Resolutions  annexing  Hawaii  passed  by  Congress  and  signed  by  the  Presi 
dent,  July  7.  Santiago  surrendered  to  the  United  States  forces  July  14,  and 
the  American  flag  raised  July  17.  Peace  protocol  between  the  United  States 
and  Spain  signed  at  Washington,  August  12.;  M.  Cambon,  French  Ambas 
sador,  representing  Spain.  Manila  surrendered  to  Admiral  Dewey,  August 
13.  American  and  Spanish  Peace  Commissioners  meet  at  Paris,  October  1. 
Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  signed  at  Paris,  De 
cember  10. 

1899.  Formal  cession  of  Spanish  sovereignty  in  Cuba  to  the  United  States  made  at 

Havana,  January  1.  Treaty  of  Peace  between  the  United  States  and  Spain 
ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  February  G,  Signed  by  President 
McKinley  February  11,  and  by  the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain  March  17. 


SOME   ECCLESIASTICAL   DEFINITIONS. 

AN  intelligent  understanding  of  the  authoritative  definition  and  mean 
ing  of  terms  and  phrases  employed  in  political  and  ecclesiastical  dis 
cussion  is  vital  to  an  intelligent  comprehension  of  the  facts  stated  and  the 
claims  presented.  In  the  study  of  the  workings  and  claims  of  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism,  comparatively  few  readers  have  access  to 
authentic  and  official  sources  of  information,  and  therefore  become  con 
fused  in  reading  discussions  in  which  terms  are  used  concerning  which 
they  have  a  very  vague  understanding  of  their  meaning.  We  therefore 
believe  that  the  reader  will  be  gratified  to  be  able  to  study  the  extended 
literal  quotations  which  we  here  give,  bearing  upon  terms  employed  and 
subjects  treated  in  our  discussion,  from  authors  having  the  sanction  of 
papal  authorities. 

Among  these  definitions  and  subjects  we  mention:  Canon  Law,  its 
source  and  authority  all  finally  traceable  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff;  en 
cyclicals;  American  canon  law;  Plenary  Council;  the  Church  a  sover 
eign  state,  and  its  jurisdiction;  hierarchy;  appeal  to  civil  power; 
different  opinions  as  to  when  the  Roman  Pontiff  speaks  ex-cathedra;  the 
temporal  power  of  the  Pope;  Apostolic  legates,  nuncios,  and  delegates 
and  their  powers;  Protestant  errors  concerning  the  powers  of  the 
Church;  Inquisitors  and  the  Inquisition  of  the  Holy  Office;  marriage 
and  divorce  and  ecclesiastical  power;  summary  judicial  proceedings 
in  matrimonial  causes;  administering  oaths  to  officials  and  witnesses; 
causes  and  varieties  of  divorces;  involuntary  divorces;  the  Church  can 
inflict  temporal  and  physical  punishments;  retreat  and  imprisonment; 
exiles;  baptized  heretics  can  be  punished  by  the  Church;  the  Pope  can 
not  be  punished;  and  the  excommunicated  must  be  shunned  in  social 
and  civil  life. 

The  claims  and  assumptions  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  and  the 
Papacy  here  officially  and  authoritatively  set  forth  will  be  seen  in  many 
instances  to  conflict  with  the  individual  sovereignty  of  the  citizen  and 
with  the  laws  of  the  land,  and  to  be  antagonistic  to  the  spirit  and 
genius  of  American  institutions,  virtually  constituting  a  sovereign  state 
within  the  state,  an  imperium  in  imperio. 

601 


602  Appendix. 


"ELEMENTS  OF  ECCLESIASTICAL  LAW." 

By  Rev.  S.  B.  Smith,  D.  D.,  formerly  Professor  of  Canon  Law.     Vol.  I. 
"  Ecclesiastical  Persons." 

Benziger  Brothers,  Printers  to  the  Holy  Apostolic  See. 

CANON  LAW. 

"  Canon  law  (jus  canonicum,  jus  ecclesiasticum,  jus  sacrum,  jus  divinum,  jus  pon- 
tiiicium)  is  so  named  because  it  is  made  up  of  rules  or  canons,  which  the  Church  pro 
poses  and  establishes  in  order  to  direct  the  faithful  to  eternal  happiness.  Canon  law, 
in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  comprises  those  laws  only  which  emanate  from  an 
ecclesiastical  authority  having  supreme  and  universal  jurisdiction,  and  in  this  sense  it 
is  defined:  Complexio  legum  auctoritate  Papse  firuiatarum,  quibus  fideles  ad  fiuem 
Ecclesiae  proprium  diriguntur  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  9). 

SOURCES  OF  CANON  LAW. 

"  There  are  eight  sources  of  canon  law,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term — that  is, 
as  forming  the  common  and  not  the  particular  law  of  the  Church.  These  sources  are: 
1,  S.  Scripture;  2,  divine  tradition;  3,  laws  made  by  the  Apostles;  4,  teachings  of  the 
Fathers;  5,  decrees  of  sovereign  Pontiffs;  6,  Ecumenical  councils;  7,  Roman  Congre 
gations  of  cardinals;  and  8,  custom  "(Vol.  I.  p.  11). 

ULTIMATE  SOURCE  OF  CANON  LAW. 

"  All  these  sources  may  ultimately  be  reduced  to  one— the  authority  of  the  sovereign 
Pontiff.  For  S.  Scripture  and  divine  tradition  are  not,  properly  speaking,  sources 
of  canon  law,  save  when  their  prescriptions  are  promulgated  by  the  Holy  See. 
Again,  the  laws  established  by  the  Apostles  and  the  teachings  of  the  Fathers  could 
not  become  binding  on  aft  the  faithful,  or  be  accounted  as  common  laws  of  the  Church, 
except  by  the  consent  and  authority  of  Peter  and  his  successors  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  12). 

"  God  himself,  therefore,  is  the  primary  source  of  ecclesiastical  law,  though  He  is 
but  mediately  exercising  this  authority  through  the  Popes,  who  are  the  proximate 
and  immediate  source  of  canon  law  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  12). 

"  The  decrees  of  the  Roman  Pontiffs  constitute  the  chief  source  of  canon  law;  nay, 
more,  the  entire  canon  law,  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  is  based  upon  their  legislative 
authority.  Hence  it  is  that  heretics  have  ever  sought  to  destroy,  or  at  least  to  weaken, 
this  legislative  power"  (Vol.  I.  p.  17). 

"  Ihe  Sovereign  Pontiff  can,  iflw  chooses,  enact  laws  obligatory  on  tlie  entire,  Church, 
independently  of  any  acceptation  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  19). 

THE    POPE   AND   FREE-WILL. 

"Now,  if  the  Pope  could  bind  those  persons  only  who  of  their  own  free-will  ac 
cepted  his  laws,  lie  would  evidently  be  possessed  of  no  power  to  enact  laws.  In  fact, 
the  Pontiff,  in  such  an  hypothesis,  would  have  no  greater  authority  than  any  simple 
layman,  or  even  woman,  to  whom  anybody  could  be  subject  if  he  so  chose.  He 
could,  at  most,  propose  laws,  and  would,  therefore,  in  this  respect,  be  placed  on  a 
level  with  the  President  of  the  United  States  "  (Vol.  I.  pp.  19-20). 


Appendix.  603 


ENCYCLICALS. 

"  Encyclicals  are  [the  above-mentioned]  constitutions  or  decretals  when  addressed 
to  the  bishops  of  the  whole  world  or  of  some  country.  Encyclicals  are  generally 
made  use  of  by  Popes  in  order  to  determine  some  point  of  doctrine,  or  abolish  abuses, 
as  also  to  introduce  uniformity  of  discipline  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  27). 

THE  POPE  AND  NATIONAL  CANON  LAW. 

"All  national  canon  law  is  more  or  less  a  derogation  from  the  common  law  of  the 
Church;  hence  it  cannot  become  lawful  unless  sanctioned  by  the  Pope.  We  say,  by 
the  Pope  ;  for  no  other  power,  whether  civil  or  ecclesiastical,  can  dispense  from  or 
repeal  in  part  the  universal  law  of  the  Church.  Not  the  civil  power,  as  is  evident; 
nor  an  ecclesiastical  power  inferior  to  the  Pope,  such  as  councils,  whether  ecumeni 
cal,  national,  or  provisional,  for  no  council  is  ecumenical  save  when  approved  by  the 
Sovereign  Pontiff  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  52). 

AMERICAN  CANON  LAW. 

"  Q.  What  is  meant  by  American  canon  law? 

"A.  By  the  national  ecclesiastical  law  of  this  country  we  understand  the  various 
derogations  from  the  '  jus  commune,'  or  the  different  customs  that  exist  among  the 
churches  in  the  United  States,  and  are  sanctioned  or  tolerated  by  the  Roman  Pontiff. 
We  say,  '  are  sanctioned  or  tolerated  by  the  Roman  Pontiff' ;  for,  as  was  seen,  no  na 
tional  law  can  become  legitimate  except  by  at  least  the  tacit  or  legal  consent  of  the 
Pope.  Again,  the  '  jus  particulare  '  of  a  nation  always  remains  subject  to  the  author 
ity  of  the  Holy  See,  in  such  manner  as  to  be  repealable  at  any  time  by  it.  Hence,  the 
jus  national,  or  the  exceptional  ecclesiastical  laws  prevalent  in  the  United  States,  may 
be  abolished  at  any  time  by  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  "  (Vol.  I.  pp.  53-54). 

THE   CHURCH  IN   THE   UNITED   STATES. 

"The  missionary  condition  of  the  Church  in  the  United  States  is  fast  passing 
away,  except  so  far  as  concerns  some  few  dioceses  of  the  far  West  and  extreme  South. 
In  the  greater  portion  of  this  country  magnificent  churches,  capacious  schools,  and 
fine  parochial  houses  have  sprung  up  on  all  sides.  These  parishes  have,  as  a  rule,  an 
abundant  income  in  the  shape  of  pew-rents  and  collections  or  donations.  It  is,  indeed, 
no  exaggeration  to  say  that  our  parishes  are,  generally  speaking,  in  a  more  flourishing 
condition  than  in  the  Catholic  countries  of  Europe  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  55). 

PLENARY   COUNCIL. 

"  The  Third  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,  which  is  perhaps  the  most  important  of 
all  our  councils,  was  solemnly  opened  on  the  9th  of  November,  1884,  and  closed  De 
cember  7  of  the  same  year.  It  was  attended  by  fourteen  archbishops,  and  sixty-two 
bishops  or  their  procurators.  It  was  revised  by  decree  of  the  S.  C.  de  Prop.  Fide, 
dated  September  21,  1885,  and  was  promulgated  by  His  Eminence  Card.  Gibbons, 
Archbishop  of  Baltimore  and  Apostolic  Delegate,  on  the  Feast  of  the  Epiphany,  1886. 
Its  decrees  became  obligatory  all  over  the  United  States,  on  and  from  the  day  of  this 
promulgation"  (Vol.  I.  p.  75). 

THE   CHURCH  A   SOVEREIGN   STATE. 

"  The  Church  is  not  merely  a  corporation  (collegium)  or  part  of  civil  society. 
Hence,  the  maxim  is  false,  '  Ecclesia  est  in  statu,'  or  the  Church  is  placed  under  the 
power  of  the  state.  The  Church  is  rightly  named  a  Sovereign  State"  (Vol.  I.  p.  82). 


G04  Appendix. 


HIERARCHY. 

"The  word  hierarchy,  therefore,  comprises  three  things  :  1,  sacred  power  or  eccle 
siastical  authority;  2,  a  number  of  persons  possessing  it;  3,  rank  and  gradation 
among  these  persons.  The  hierarchy,  therefore,  whether  of  order  or  jurisdiction,  is 
vested  in  an  organized  body  of  ecclesiastics;  the  Roman  Pontiff  is  the  head  of  this 
organization  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  83). 

LEGISLATIVE   AND   EXECUTIVE   POWER   OF    THE   CHURCH. 

"  Protestants  contend  that  the  entire  power  of  the  Church  consists  in  the  right  to 
teach  and  exhort,  but  not  in  the  right  to  command,  rule,  or  govern;  whence  they 
infer  that  she  is  not  a  perfect  society  or  sovereign  state.  This  theory  is  false;  for  the 
Church,  as  was  seen,  is  vested  jure  lUvino  with  power,  1,  to  make  laws  ;  2,  to  define 
and  apply  them  (potestas  judicialis) ;  8,  to  punish  those  who  violate  her  laws  (potestas 
coerdtiva)." 

PUNISHMENTS   AND    DEATH   PENALTY. 

"  The  punishments  inflicted  by  the  Church,  in  the  exercise  of  her  coercive  author 
ity,  are  chiefly  spiritual  (poenca  spirit-nates),  e.  g.,  excommunication,  suspension,  and 
interdict.  We  say  chiefly,  for  the  Church  can  inflict  temporal  and  even  corporal 
punishments. 

"  Has  the  Church  power  to  inflict  the  penalty  of  death?  Card.  Tarquini  thus 
answers:  1.  Inferior  ecclesiastics  are  forbidden,  though  only  by  ecclesiastical  law,  to 
exercise  this  power  directly.  2.  It  is  certain  that  the  Pope  and  ecumenical  councils 
have  this  power  at  least  mediately— that  is,  they  can,  if  the  necessity  of  the  Church 
demands,  require  a  Catholic  ruler  to  impose  this  penalty.  3.  That  they  cannot  directly 
exercise  this  power  cannot  be  proved  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  90). 

RESTRICTION   CONFESSED. 

"  Things,  moreover,  may  come  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Church  not  only  by 
reason  of  their  nature  or  character,  as  we  have  just  seen,  but  also  because  of  the  per 
sons  to  which  they  refer.  Thus,  according  to  the  common  law  of  the  Church,  eccle 
siastics  are  not  amenable  to  the  jurisdiction  of  civil  courts;  the  bishop  is  the  only 
competent  judge  in  all  their  causes.  We  say,  according  to  the  common  law  of  the 
Church;  for,  at  present,  this  privilege  is  almost  everywhere  greatly  restricted.  Eccle 
siastics  may  also  implead  and  be  impleaded  in  many  instances  in  civil  courts,  especially 
in  non-Catholic  countries"  (Vol.  I.  p.  92). 

APPEAL    TO   CIVIL    POWER   PROHIBITED. 

"  Q.  Is  it  allowed  to  appeal  to  the  civil  power  or  seek  redress  in  the  civil  courts 
against  wrongs  inflicted  by  ecclesiastical  superiors? 

"  A.  Such  appeals  are,  as  a  rule,  not  only  unlawful,  but  null  and  void.  For  the 
Church,  being  a  perfect  and  supreme  society,  is  necessarily  the  supreme,  and  there 
fore,  sole  and  ultimate  judge  in  matters  pertaining  to  her  jurisdiction,  i.  e.,  in  ecclesi 
astical  and  spiritual  things.  The  civil  power,  so  far  from  having  any  authority  over 
the  Church  in  this  respect,  is  itself  subject  to  her.  Persons,  therefore,  who  have 
reason  to  believe  themselves  in  any  way  unjustly  treated  by  their  ecclesiastical 
suj>eriors,  can  seek  redress  only  in  the  Church  herself— namely,  by  appealing  to  the 
proper  ecclesiastical  superior,  and,  in  the  last  resort,  to  the  Sovereign  Pontiff.  The 
Holy  Sec  is  the  supreme  tribunal  in  the  Church;  its  decisions  are  unappealable,  as  is 
thus  stated  by  the  Vatican  Council.  In  no  case,  therefore,  is  it  allowed  to  appeal  to 
civil  courts  from  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  227). 


Appendix.  605 

"  Having  seen  how  it  is  forbidden  to  sue  bishops  in  secular  courts,  we  may  be  per 
mitted  to  digress  somewhat  from  our  subject,  and  to  ask:  Can  priests  and  ecclesiasti 
cal  persons  in  general  sue  other  ecclesiastical  persons,  inferior  to  bishops,  in  secular 
courts?  We  answer:  1.  They  certainly  cannot,  in  matters  strictly  ecclesiastical.  This 
is  manifest  from  what  has  been  said  above.  2.  They  can,  in  temporal  matters;  but 
before  doing  so,  they  must  obtain  permission  from  the  bishop  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  229). 

RIGHTS  OF   PAPAL   SUPREMACY. 

"Now,  the  immediate  rights  of  the  Papal  supremacy  are  these  two:  infallibility 
and  supreme  legislative  authority  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  242). 

EX-CATHEDRA. 

"  Q.  When  does  the  Roman  Pontiff  speak  ex-cathedraf 

"  A.  He  speaks  ex-cathedra,  and  is  infallible  of  himself,  i.  e.t  independently  of  the 
consent  of  the  Church,  1,  when  as  Pastor  and  Head  of  the  Church,  and  by  virtue  of 
his  supreme  apostolical  authority;  2,  he  proposes  to  the  entire  Church,  3,  any  doctrine 
concerning  faith  and  morals,  4,  to  be  believed  under  pain  of  heresy.  These  condi 
tions  are  required  only  for  the  validity  of  Pontifical  decisions  ex-cathedra.  Others 
are  requisite  for  the  licitness  of  such  definitions;  thus,  the  Pope,  before  giving  an 
ex-cathedra  definition,  should  maturely  examine  into  the  question  to  be  defined  and 
consult  with  the  cardinals;  for  he  is  merely  assisted,  not  inspired,  by  the  Holy  Ghost 
when  giving  a  definition  ex-cathedra.  Catholics  are  bound  to  assent  to  these  defini 
tions,  not  only  externally,  but  also  internally  or  mentally  "  (Vol.  I.  pp.  243-244). 

POWER  OF  POPES  IN  TEMPORAL  THINGS. 

"  There  are  four  different  opinions  respecting  the  power  of  the  Popes  in  temporal 
things:  1.  The  first  holds  that  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  as  such,  has,  jure  dimno,  absolute 
power  over  the  whole  world,  in  political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  affairs.  2.  The  second, 
held  by  Calvinists  and  other  heretics,  runs  in  the  opposite  extreme,  and  pretends  (a) 
that  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  has  no  temporal  power  whatever;  (b)  that  neither  Popes 
nor  bishops  had  any  right  to  accept  of  dominion  over  cities  or  states,  the  temporal 
and  spiritual  power  being,  jure  divino,  not  unitable  in  the  same  person.  3.  The  third, 
advanced  by  Bellarmine  and  others,  maintains  that  the  Pope  has,  jure  divino,  only 
spiritual,  but  no  direct  or  immediate  temporal  power;  that,  however,  by  virtue  of 
his  spiritual  authority,  he  is  possessed  of  power,  indirect,  indeed,  but  nevertheless 
supreme,  in  the  temporal  concerns  of  Christian  rulers  and  peoples;  that  he  may, 
therefore,  depose  Christian  sovereigns,  should  the  spiritual  welfare  of  a  nation  so 
demand.  Thus,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Pope  Innocent  IV.,  in  pronouncing  sentence  of 
deposition  against  Frederic  II,,  explicitly  says  that  he  deposes  the  emperor  auctori- 
tate  apostolica  et  vi  clavium.  4.  The  fourth  opinion  holds  that  the  Sovereign  Pontiff 
has  full  spiritual  authority  over  princes  no  less  than  over  the  faithful;  that  therefore 
he  has  the  right  to  teach  and  instruct  them  in  their  respective  duties,  to  correct  and 
inflict  spiritual  punishments  upon  both  rulers  and  peoples;  but  that,  jure  diiino,  he 
has  no  power,  as  asserted  by  Bellarmine,  whether  direct  or  indirect,  in  the  temporal 
affairs  of  Catholic  sovereigns  or  peoples.  We  say,  as  asserted  by  Bellarmine;  for  the 
advocates  of  this  opinion,  by  giving  the  Pope  full  power  to  correct  princes  and 
peoples,  necessarily  attribute  to  him  an  indirect  power  in  temporal  things;  they  deny, 
however,  that  this  potestas  indirecta  in  temporalia  includes  the  deposing  power,  as 
maintained  by  Bellarmine.  The  first  opinion  is  untenable,  and  is  refuted  by  Bellar 
mine  himself;  the  second  is  heretical;  the  third  and  fourth  seem  to  differ  chiefly  as  to 


606  Appendix. 


the  deposing  power  of  the  Popes,  but  agree  in  granting  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  has 
an  indirect  power  in  temporal  things;  both  may  be  lawfully  held  "  (Vol.  I.  pp.  251- 
252). 

PROOFS   OF   TEMPORAL   POWER. 

"  We  next  prove  our  thesis  from  authority.  We  refer  to  the  famous  bull  Unam 
Sanctam,  issued  by  Pope  Boniface  VIII.  in  1302.  This  bull  declares  that  there  is  but 
one  true  Church,  and  therefore  but  one  head  of  the  Church— the  Roman  Pontiff;  that 
there  are  two  swords — i.  e.,  two  powers — the  spiritual  and  the  temporal,  the  latter 
must  be  subject  to  the  former.  The  bull  finally  winds  up  with  this  definition:  '  And 
this  we  declare,  affirm,  define  (definimus),  and  pronounce  that  it  is  necessary  for  the  sal 
vation  of  every  human  creature  that  he  should  be  subject  to  the  Roman  Pontiff.'  This 
is  undoubtedly  a  defide  definition — i.  e.,  an  utterance  ex  cathedra.  In  fact,  the  bull, 
though  occasioned  by  and  published  during  the  contest  between  Boniface  VIII.  and 
Philip  the  Fair,  King  of  France— who  held  that  he  was  in  no  sense  subject  to  the 
Roman  Pontiff — had  for  its  object,  as  is  evident  from  its  whole  tenor  and  wording, 
this:  to  define  dogmatically  the  relation  of  the  Church  to  the  State  in  general ;  that  is, 
universally,  not  merely  the  relations  between  the  Church  and  the  particular  state  or 
nation — France.  Now,  what  is  the  meaning  of  this  def.de  definition?  There  are  two 
interpretations:  One,  given  by  the  enemies  of  the  Papacy,  is  that  the  Pope,  in  this 
bull,  claims,  not  merely  an  indirect,  but  a  direct  and  absolute,  power  over  the  state, 
thus  completely  subordinating  it  to  the  Church;  that  is,  subjecting  it  to  the  Church, 
even  in  purely  temporal  things.  This  explanation,  given  formerly  by  the  partisans  of 
Philip  the  Fair,  by  the  Regalists  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV.,  and  at  present  by  Janus, 
Dr.  Schulte,  the  Old  Catholics,  and  the  opponents  of  the  Papal  infallibility  in  gen 
eral,  is  designed  to  throw  odium  upon  the  Holy  See  and  arouse  the  passions  of  men, 
especially  of  governments,  against  the  lawful  authority  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiffs. 
The  second  or  Catholic  interpretation  is  that  the  Church,  and  therefore  the  Pope,  has 
indirect  authority  over  the  state;  that  therefore  the  state  is  subject  to  the  Church  in 
temporal  things,  so  far  as  they  relate  to  eternal  salvation  or  involve  sin"  (Vol.  I.  pp. 
255-56). 

"  Pope  Pius  IX.  himself,  in  one  of  his  discourses,  says,  '  that  the  right  of  depos 
ing  princes  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  Pontifical  infallibility;  neither  does  it  flow 
from  the  infallibility  but  from  the  authority  of  the  Pontiff  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  259). 

ORIGIN   OF   TEMPORAL   POWER. 

"  This  temporal  dominion,  it  is  true,  was  not  bestowed  by  God  upon  the  Pope  in 
the  beginning;  for,  even  toward  the  close  of  the  sixth  century,  the  Pontiffs  were  not 
as  yet  independent  rulers  of  temporal  dominions.  But  when  the  Roman  Empire  was 
overthrown  and  divided  into  several  kingdoms,  then  it  was  that  the  Sovereign  Pon 
tiffs  obtained  their  temporal  principality,  dirina  promdentice  consilio.  The  civil 
dominion  of  the  Pope,  whether  acquired  by  the  munificence  of  princes  or  the  volun 
tary  submission  of  peoples,  though  not  essential  to  the  primacy,  is  nevertheless  very 
useful,  nay,  in  the  present  state  of  things,  in  a  measure  necessary  to  the  free  exercise 
of  the  prerogatives  of  the  Pope  as  head  of  the  Church.  Princes,  in  fact,  would 
scarcely  be  willing  to  obey  a  pontiff  placed  under  the  civil  power  of  another  ruler  " 
(Vol.  I.  p.  260). 

AGE   OF   TEMPORAL   POWER. 

"  The  temporal  principality  of  the  Popes  has  existed  already  eleven  centuries,  and 
thus  precedes  by  a  long  lapse  of  time  every  existing  sovereignty.  There  is,  it  is  true, 


Appendix.  607 

no  divine  guarantee  that  this  power  shall  continue;  it  has  been  treacherously  wrested 
from  the  present  Pontiff  by  the  Italian  government.  That,  however,  it  will  revert  to 
the  Popes  we  have  no  doubt.  Napoleon  I.,  too,  took  these  possessions  from  the  aged 
Pius  VII.  Yet  Napoleon's  empire  has  since  vanished  like  a  dream,  while  the  patri 
mony  of  St.  Peter  passed  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Pontiff  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  260-61). 

APOSTOLIC  LEGATES,    NUNCIOS,   AND  DELEGATES. 

"  Apostolic  legates,  nuncios,  and  delegates,  speaking  in  general,  are  persons  ap 
pointed  or  sent  by  the  Holy  See  to  the  different  countries  or  parts  of  Christendom 
for  the  purpose  of  representing  and  acting  for  the  supreme  Pontiff  either  in  the  exer 
cise  of  Pap:il  jurisdiction  or  in  a  non-jurisdictional  capacity. 

"  These  ambassadors,  therefore,  are  the  representatives  of  the  Roman  Pontiff  in 
the  exercise  of  the  supreme,  ordinary,  and  immediate  jurisdiction  vested  in  him  over 
the  whole  Christian  world  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  297). 

DELEGATE  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"The  Holy  See  has,  at  present,  its  nuncios  at  Paris,  Vienna,  Madrid,  Lisbon, 
Munich,  etc.  There  are  also  in  a  number  of  missionary  countries,  e.  g.,  at  Constan 
tinople,  in  Egypt,  in  Greece,  etc.,  apostolic  delegations  or  legateships  permanently 
established  and  depending  upon  the  Sacred  Congregation  of  Propaganda.  Recently,  by 
a  brief  of  Pope  Leo  XIII.  issued  on  the  24th  of  January,  1893,  a  permanent  apostolic 
delegation  has  been  established  in  the  United  States,  with  the  learned  and  able  Arch 
bishop  Satolli  as  its  first  incumbent "  (Vol.  I.  p.  301). 

POWERS  OF  PAPAL  ENVOYS. 

"  According  to  the  law  and  discipline  of  the  Church  as  now  in  force,  these  apos 
tolic  envoys  have  by  virtue  of  J;heir  appointment  as  apostolic  nuncios  or  delegates, 
the  right  to  exercise,  in  the  name  and  in  the  stead  of  the  Pope  himself,  ordinary 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  over  the  laity,  clergy,  and  episcopate  of  the  country  to 
which  they  are  sent.  The  country  to  which  they  are  sent  is  called  their  province 
because  they  resemble  the  old  Roman  governors  and  proconsuls.  For  as  the  latter 
were  sent  by  the  Roman  emperor  to  govern  the  various  provinces  of  the  empire  in  his 
name  and  with  his  authority,  so  apostolic  delegates  and  nuncios  are  sent  by  the  Pope 
to  govern  in  his  name,  spiritually  and  ecclesiastically,  certain  countries  of  Chris 
tendom. 

"  We  say  in  the  name  of  the  Pope  himself.  For  these  apostolic  envoys  take  the  place, 
of  the  Roman  Pontiff  himself  ,  represent  his  powers  and  his  person,  and  have  therefore 
in  principle  the  same  jurisdiction  as  the  Pope  himself.  They  are  sent  by  the  Roman 
Pontiff,  with  his  own  power,  in  order  to  act  in  his  stead  and  in  his  name,  in  all  mat 
ters  falling  under  his  jurisdiction  as  the  head  of  the  Church.  Consequently  their 
jurisdiction  is,  like  that  of  the  Pope  himself,  immediate,  not  merely  appellate,  save 
with  regard  to  the  causes  specified  by  the  Council  of  Trent "  (Vol.  I.  pp.  307-08). 

AMBASSADORS  AND  THE  LAWS  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"  Q.  What  are  the  laws  of  the  United  States  in  relation  to  ambassadors? 

"A.  1.  Ambassadors  are  exempted  absolutely  from  all  allegiance  and  responsibil 
ity  to  the  laws  of  the  country  to  which  they  are  deputed.  2.  Their  persons  are 
deemed  inviolable.  3.  An  ambassador,  while  he  resides  in  the  foreign  state,  is  con 
sidered  as  a  member  of  his  own  country;  and  the  government  he  represents  has  ex 
clusive  cognizance  of  his  conduct  and  control  of  his  person.  4.  The  attendants  of 


608  Appendix. 


the  ambassador  and  the  effects  in  his  use  arc  equally  exempt  from  foreign  jurisdic 
tion.  5.  A  person  who  offers  violence  to  ambassadors,  or  is  concerned  in  prosecuting 
or  arresting  them,  is  liable  to  imprisonment  for  three  years  and  to  a  fine  at  the  discre 
tion  of  the  court. 

"  Q.  Are  these  laws  applicable  to  Papal  legates? 

"A.  A  Papal  legate  may  be  sent  to  represent  the  Holy  See,  either  in  a  diplomatic 
capacity  only  or  in  matters  purely  ecclesiastical.  In  the  latter  case  he  would  be  con 
sidered  as  an  ordinary  resident  of  the  country;  in  the  former  he  would  rank  with 
other  ambassadors,  and  be  entitled  to  equal  rights  with  them  "  (Vol.  I.  p.  318). 

PROTESTANT    ERRORS. 

"Protestants  contend  that  the  Church  is  but  a  corporation  or  imperfect  society, 
not  a  perfect  society  or  Sovereign  State;  that  she  has  only  the  power  of  suasion,  not 
of  external  jurisdiction,  and  is  therefore  possessed  of  no  judiciary  powers  proper.  It 
is  moreover  falsely  asserted  by  many  that  what  judiciary  power  the  Church  has  ever 
exercised,  she  has  done  so  only  by  consent  of  the  secular  power." 

JUDICIAL   POWERS   OF   THE   CHURCH. 

' '  Against  these  and  other  errors  of  a  similar  kind  we  lay  down  the  following  proposi 
tion:  'The  Church  is  possessed  of  an  external  forum  for  the  exercise  of  judicial 
power,  properly  so  called.'  '  The  Church  can  establish  courts  or  tribunals  of  its  own, 
where  judges  appointed  by  it  have  power  to  try  and  pass  sentences  upon  certain 
ecclesiastical  causes  in  such  a  manner  that  persons  accused  or  sued  are  bound 
even  in  conscience  to  appear  before  them  (if  properly  cited),  and  may  be  compelled 
by  the  judge,  both  by  censure  and  temporal  penalties,  to  appear  and  undergo  the 
sentence  pronounced  against  them  '  "  (Vol.  II.  p.  14). 

"  From  what  has  been  said,  we  infer:  1.  The  Church  is  clothed  with  judicial  power 
proper;  that  is,  she  can  have  tribunals  of  her  own,  to  hear  or  try  causes,  before  giving 
decisions  or  inflicting  punishments.  2.  Consequently,  she  can  compel  persons, 
even  by  penalties,  to  appear  before  her  tribunals  and  obey  the  sentence  of  her  courts. 
Otherwise  her  judicial  power  would  be  useless.  3.  This  judicial  power  was  given 
her,  not  by  secular  rulers,  but  by  God  himself  "  (Vol.  II.  p.  17). 

INQUISITORS   AND   THE    INQUISITION. 

"Although,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Holy  See  no  longer  sends  special  inquisitors 
through  the  various  parts  of  Christendom  for  the  purpose  of  trying  and  sentencing 
heretics,  as  was  done  formerly,  yet  it  were  incorrect  to  imagine  that  the  discussion  of 
the  mode  of  procedure  against  heretics,  peculiar  to  the  tribunals  of  the  Inquisition,  is 
altogether  useless  at  the  present  day.  For  bishops  are  still  in  their  respeetive  dio 
ceses,  the  inquisitors  ex  officio  (inquisitores  nati)  in  matters  of  heresy,  and  are  bound, 
in  their  procedure  against  heretics,  to  observe  the  peculiar  formalities  or  special  form 
of  procedure  prescribed  by  the  law  of  the  Church  for  the  punishment  of  crimes  against 
the  Catholic  faith. 

"  Moreover,  a  study  of  the  subject  will  dispel  the  false  and  erroneous  impressions 
current  among  non-Catholics,  in  regard  to  the  working  of  the  tribunals  of  the  Inquisi 
tion,  so  much  abused  and  perhaps  so  little  understood  by  them.  The  peculiar  mode  of 
procedure  against  heretics  is  callrd  inquisition;  and  the  tribunals  established  for  the 
purpose  of  proceeding  against  them  arc  called  by  the  same  name,  or  also  tribunals  of 
the  Holy  Office  "  (Vol.  II.  pp.  334-35). 


Appendix.  609 

MARRIAGE   AND   ECCLESIASTICAL   POWER. 

"  Among  those  matters  which  fall  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  forum, 
by  their  very  nature,  marriage  holds  a  prominent  place.  The  Council  of  Trent  has 
expressly  defined  that  matrimonial  causes  belong  to  ecclesiastical,  not  to  secular 
judges.  However,  as  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  well  explains,  not  everything  that  relates 
to  marriage  pertains,  by  that  very  fact,  to  the  ecclesiastical  forum.  For  there  are 
three  kinds  of  matrimonial  causes  or  questions.  First,  some  have  reference  to  the 
validity  of  the  marriage  contracted.  That  these  questions  belong  exclusively  to  the 
ecclesiastical  forum  no  Catholic  can  deny.  Thus  the  Church  has  the  sole  right  to 
declare  whether  an  impediment  exists  or  not.  In  like  manner,  it  is  her  province  to 
pronounce  upon  the  legitimacy  or  illegitimacy  of  the  children,  because  questions  of 
this  kind  depend  upon  the  validity  or  nullity  of  the  marriage.  Hence,  as  it  belongs 
to  the  Church  to  declare  whether  a  marriage  is  valid  or  not,  so  also  is  it  her  right  to 
pronounce  children  either  legitimate  or  illegitimate,  at  least  so  far  as  the  ecclesiastical 
effects  are  concerned. 

DIVORCE  AND  ECCLESIASTICAL  POWER. 

"  Secondly,  others  regard  either  the  validity  of  betrothments  or  the  right  of  having  a 
divorce  from  bed  and  board.  These,  in  like  manner,  because  of  their  relation  to  the 
sacrament  of  matrimony,  pertain  solely  to  the  ecclesiastical  forum.  We  say,  because 
of  their  relation,  etc. ;  for  it  is  evident  that  betrothments  are  a  preliminary  step  to  mar 
riage,  and  divorces  destroy  the  rights  arising  from  marriage. 

"  Thirdly,  there  are  those  which  are  connected  indeed  with  matrimony,  but  yet  have 
a  direct  bearing  only  on  temporal  or  secular  matters,  such  as  the  marriage  dower  or 
gifts,  the  inheritance,  alimony,  and  the  like.  These  belong  to  the  secular  forum,  and 
not,  at  least  directly,  to  the  ecclesiastical  judge.  We  say,  not,  at  least  directly;  for 
when  they  come  up  before  the  ecclesiastical  judge  incidentally,  *.  e.,in  connection 
with  and  during  the  trial  or  hearing  of  matrimonial  questions  concerning  the  validity 
of  a  marriage,  betrothment,  or  the  right  to  a  divorce  a  thoro  et  mensa,  they  can  be 
decided  by  him  "  (Vol.  II.  pp.  369-70). 

SUMMARY  JUDICIAL  PROCEEDING  IN  MATRIMONIAL  CAUSES. 

"  By  the  law  of  the  Church  as  enacted  by  Pope  Clement  V.,  the  trial,  or  judicial 
proceedings  in  all  matrimonial  causes  whatever,  whether  they  relate  to  divorces  from 
bed  and  board,  betrothments,  or  even  to  the  validity  of  a  marriage  already  contracted, 
can  be  summary  (processus  summarius),  and  therefore  need  not  be  conducted  with  all 
the  formalities  of  the  ordinary  trial,  or  processus  ordinarius. 

"  This  law  is  still  in  force,  at  least,  with  regard  to  all  matrimonial  causes,  where 
there  is  no  question  of  the  nullity  of  a  marriage  already  contracted  "  (Vol.  II.  p.  378). 

ADMINISTERING  OATHS  TO  OFFICIALS  AND  WITNESSES. 

"  Here  it  may  be  asked  whether  the  swearing  in  of  the  officials  of  the  court  and  of 
the  witnesses  is  feasible,  or  even  obligatory,  in  matrimonial  causes  in  the  United 
States? 

"  We  now  answer.  That  it  is  feasible,  with  us,  to  administer  the  oath  to  the  officials 
and  witnesses  under  consideration,  there  can  scarcely  be  any  doubt.  The  only  objec 
tion  that  could  be  urged  would  be  that  our  civil  law  considered  such  oaths  illegal, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  is  not  the  case.  Our  civil  law  simply  holds  itself  neutral 
with  regard  to  such  oaths,  neither  recognizing  nor  forbidding  them  "  (Vol.  II.  p.  380). 


610  Appendix. 


CAUSES   AND    VARIETIES   OF   DIVORCES. 

"  By  whose  authority  <md  for  what  causes  separation  from  bed  and  board  can  take 
place.  Divorces  are  of  two  kinds,  as  we  have  shown  elsewhe.se,  namely,  (a)  a  vinculo 
from  the  bond  of  matrimony,  which  totally  severs  the  marriage  tie;  (b)  and  a  mcnsa 
ft  thoro,  from  bed  and  board,  which  merely  separates  the  parties  without  dissolving 
the  marriage  bond.  While  the  Church  teaches  on  the  one  hand  that  a  marriage 
which  has  once  been  validly  contracted  and  also  consummated  by  the  faithful  can 
never  be  dissolved  as  to  the  Tuiculum,  except  by  the  death  of  one  of  the  married 
couple,  she  also  affirms  on  the  other  that  a  divorce  or  separation  from  bed  and  board 
may  be  allowed  for  various  reasons  and  in  various  cases  "  (Vol.  II.  p.  383). 

"As  the  heading  of  this  article  indicates,  we  shall  here  confine  ourselves  to  the 
latter  kind  of  divorce— namely,  that  from  bed  and  board.  It  can  take  place,  and 
that  either  for  life  or  only  for  a  time,  (a)  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  married 
couple— £.  g. ,  where  both  agree  to  embrace  the  religious  state,  even  after  they  have 
consummated  the  marriage,  or  where  the  party  guilty  of  adultery,  cruelty,  etc.,  vol 
untarily  assents  to  the  separation  demanded  by  the  innocent  party,  without  oblig 
ing  the  latter  to  have  recourse  to  the  ecclesiastical  judge  to  obtain  the  divorce,  (b)  or 
even  against  the  will  of  one  of  the  married  couple.  Of  this  latter  separation  we  here 
speak." 

INVOLUNTARY   DIVORCES. 

"  Q.  What  are  the  causes  or  reasons  that  render  a  divorce  or  separation  from  bed 
and  board  against  the  will  of  either  of  the  married  couple  lawful  in  the  eyes  of  the 
law  of  the  Church? 

"  A.  We  premise  :  The  divorce  in  question  can  take  place  only  for  grave  causes, 
expressed  in  or  approved  by  the  sacred  canons.  These  causes  are  chiefly  the  follow 
ing:  1.  Adultery.  2.  The  falling  into  heresy  or  infidelity  of  the  husband  or  wife. 
3.  Danger  of  soul's  salvation.  4.  Cruelty  or  bodily  danger  in  general.  We  observe, 
however,  that  only  in  one  of  these  cases,  namely,  in  the  case  of  adultery — is  this 
divorce  or  separation  perpetual  or  for  life.  In  the  other  case  it  is  per  se  but  temporary, 
lasting  only  as  long  as  the  reason  for  which  it  was  granted  continues  to  exist. 

"  We  observe  secondly,  that,  as  a  rule,  the  separation  should  be  made  by  authority 
of  the  proper  ecclesiastical  judge  (namely,  the  bishop  to  whom  the  couple  is  subject), 
or  tribunal,  but  not  the  parties  themselves.  For  nobody  is  a  competent  judge  in  his 
own  cause.  We  say,  by  authority  of  the  proper  ecclesiastical  judge;  for  it  is  not  per 
mitted,  at  least  per  se,  to  have  recourse  to  the  civil  or  secular  courts  for  a  divorce, 
whether  quoad  rinculum  or  only  quoad  tliorum.  Yet,  as  w?e  have  shown  in  our 
'  Notes  on  the  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore,'  from  Kenrick,  whose  opinion 
is  indorsed  by  the  illustrious  Feije,  Catholics,  not  only  in  the  United  States  but  also 
in  Europe,  may  at  times  apply  to  the  secular  authorities  for  a  divorce,  not  indeed  as 
though  they  recognized  in  the  civil  power  any  authority  to  grant  divorces,  but  simply 
and  solely  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  certain  civil  effects,  which  have  been  fully 
described  in  our  above  '  Notes '  "  (Vol.  II.  pp.  384-85). 

THE  CHURCH  A  SOVEREIGN  STATE,  PERFECT  AND  SUPREME. 

"As  we  have  already  shown,  the  Church  is  a  Sovereign  State,  that  is,  a  perfect 
and  supreme  society,  established  by  our  Lord  for  the  purpose  of  leading  men  to 
heaven.  We  say,  a  society;  now  what  is  a  society?  Speaking  in  general,  it  is  a 
number  of  persons  associated  together,  in  order  to  attain,  by  united  efforts,  some 
common  end.  We  say,  perfect;  because  she  is  complete  of  herself,  and  therefore  has 


Appendix.  611 

within  her  own  bosom  all  the  means  sufficient  to  enable  her  to  attain  her  end.  We 
say  supreme;  because  she  is  subject  to  no  other  society  on  earth.  Like  every  society, 
the  Church  is  an  external  organization.  For  she  is  composed  of  human  beings,  who 
have  a  body  as  well  as  a  soul.  She  is,  in  fact,  by  the  will  of  her  divine  Founder,  a 
community,  an  association  of  men,  governed  by  men." 

THE   CHURCH   CAN   INFLICT   TEMPORAL   AND   PHYSICAL   PUNISHMENTS. 

"That  the  Church  can  punish  her  members  for  such  infractions  of  her  laws,  is 
evident  from  her  very  character  as  a  society,  and  is,  moreover,  apparent  from  divine 
revelation,  as  we  have  already  shown.  St.  Paul  the  Apostle  writes  to  the  Corinthians: 
'And  having  in  readiness  to  avenge  all  disobedience.'  We  have  also  seen  that  the 
Church  can  inflict  temporal  and  physical  as  well  as  spiritual  punishments  "  (Vol.  III. 
pp.  7-8). 

TEMPORAL  AND  SPIRITUAL   PUNISHMENTS. 

"  Finally,  it  should  be  observed  that  the  punishments  of  the  Church  may  produce 
not  only  spiritual,  but  also  temporal  effects,  and  accordingly  they  may  be  either 
temporal  or  spiritual.  The  temporal  punishments  of  the  Church  are  those  which 
chiefly  affect  the  temporal  or  worldly  interests  of  the  delinquent.  They  may  be  such 
as  more  directly  affect  (a)  the  soul,  such  as  the  loss  of  good  name  ;  or  (b)  the  body, 
such  as  whipping,  exile,  detention  in  a  monastery  ;  (c)  or  also  the  property  or  posses 
sions  of  the  offender,  as  pecuniary  fines.  Spiritual  punishments  are  those  which 
deprive  the  culprit,  either  temporarily  or  permanently,  of  a  spiritual  office  or  privilege, 
or  of  the  exercise  of  sacred  Orders,  such  as  dismissal  from  benefice  or  office,  privation 
of  ecclesiastical  burial,  of  active  and  passive  vote  in  ecclesiastical  elections,  etc."  (Vol. 
III.  p.  23). 

RETREAT  AND    IMPRISONMENT. 

"In  former  times  there  were  ecclesiastical  prisons,  properly  speaking,  and  the 
law  of  the  Church  authorized  ecclesiastical  judges  to  decree  imprisonment,  against 
ecclesiastics  and  laics,  for  grave  crimes,  proven  juridically,  i,  e. ,  by  a  formal  trial. 
At  the  present  day,  imprisonment  proper  is  no  longer,  at  least  generally  speaking, 
inflicted  by  ecclesiastical  judges.  Ecclesiastics  who  have  been  proved  guilty  of  crime, 
instead  of  being  imprisoned  by  the  Bishop,  are,  also  in  the  United  States,  sometimes 
sent  to  religious  houses  or  other  places  of  retreat,  to  do  penance  "  (Vol.  III.  p.  141). 

EXILE. 

"  Exile,  in  the  ecclesiastical  sense  of  the  term,  consists  in  this,  that  an  ecclesiastic 
or  laic  who  is  guilty  of  crime  is  expelled  from  the  diocese,  and  forbidden  to  return. 
Scmetimes  a  person  is  banished  merely  from  a  particular  city  or  locality,  but  not  from 
the  entire  diocese  "  (Vol.  III.  p.  142). 

BAPTIZED  HERETICS  CAN  BE  PUNISHED. 

"  No  person  can  become  liable  to  the  punishments  of  the  Church  correctional  or 
punitive,  unless  lie  is  a  member  of  the  Church  by  baptism.  For  infidels,  that  is,  all 
those  who  are  unbaptized,  do  not  fall  under  the  power  of  the  Church.  The  case  is 
different  with  heretics,  schismatics,  and  apostates.  For  although  they  have  fallen 
away  from  the  Church,  they  nevertheless  remain  in  a  certain  sense  members  of  her 
pale,  by  reason  of  their  baptism,  and  are  subject  to  her  laws  and  authority.  Hence, 
per  se,  they  also  fall  under  her  punishments,  correctional  or  punitive  "  (Vol.  III. 
p.  161). 


612  Appendix. 


THE  POPE  CANNOT  BE  PUNISHED. 

"From  the  principle  just  laid  down  it  follows  that  the  Pope  cannot  incur  any 
reformative  punishments  whatever,  not  even  those  latce  sentential  inflicted  by  the 
general  law  of  the  Church.  For  he  has  no  superior  on  earth,  and  hence  there  is  no 
one  who  can  exercise  jurisdiction  over  him.  Again  the  highest  law-giver  is  not,  in 
the  ordinary  sense,  bound  by  his  own  laws,  since  no  one  can  be  his  own  Superior. 
Now  the  Pontiff  is  the  highest  law-giver  in  the  Church,  and  from  him  all  the  general 
laws  of  the  Church  emanate,  either  directly  or  indirectly  "  (Vol.  III.  p.  164). 

THE    EXCOMMUNICATED    TO   BE    SHUNNED. 

"  But  the  Church  goes  still  farther.  In  order  to  inspire  the  excommunicate  with 
salutary  feelings  of  repentance,  and  also  to  preserve  the  faithful  from  contagion  by 
contact  with  him,  the  Church  strictly  commands  the  faithful  to  shun  and  avoid  him 
or  his  society  and  company,  even  in  the  ordinary  social  and  civil  relations  and  inter 
course  of  daily  life  "  (Vol.  III.  p.  310). 

GLADSTONE  ON  THE  VATICAN  DECREES. 

FROM    "  THE   VATICAN    DECREES   IN   THEIR   BEARING    ON   CIVIL   ALLEGIANCE," 
HARPER   &    BROS.,    1875. 

"  All  other  Christian  bodies  are  content  with  freedom  in  their  own  religious 
domain.  Orientals,  Lutherans,  Calvinists,  Presbyterians,  Episcopalians,  Noncon 
formists,  one  and  all  in  the  present  day,  contentedly  and  thankfully  accept  the 
benefits  of  civil  order  ;  never  pretend  that  the  State  is  not  its  own  master  ;  make  no 
religious  claims  to  temporal  possessions  or  advantages  ;  and,  consequently,  never  are 
in  perilous  collision  with  the  State.  Nay,  more,  even  so  I  believe  it  is  with  the  mass 
of  Roman  Catholics  individually.  But  not  so  with  the  leaders  of  their  Church,  or 
with  those  who  take  pride  in  following  the  leaders.  Indeed,  this  has  been  made 
matter  of  boast : 

"  '  There  is  not  another  Church  so  called  [than  the  Roman],  nor  any  community 
professing  to  be  a  Church,  which  does  not  submit,  or  obey,  or  hold  its  peace  when  the 
civil  governors  of  the  world  command.'—  The  Present  Crisis  of  the  Holy  Sec.  By 
H.  E.  Manning,  D.  I).,  London,  1861,  p.  75. 

"The  Rome  of  the  Middle  Ages  claimed  universal  monarchy.  The  modern 
Church  of  Rome  has  abandoned  nothing,  retracted  nothing  "  (p.  12). 

"  I  will  state  in  the  fewest  possible  words  and  with  references,  a  few  propositions, 
all  the  holders  of  which  have  been  condemned  by  the  See  of  Rome  during  my  own 
generation,  and  especially  within  the  last  twelve  or  fifteen  years.  And,  in  order  that 
I  may  do  nothing  toward  importing  passion  into  what  is  matter  of  pure  argument, 
I  will  avoid  citing  any  of  the  fearfully  energetic  epithets  in  which  the  condemnations 
are  sometimes  clothed. 

"1.  Those  who  maintain  the  liberty  of  the  Press.  Encyclical  Letter  of  Pope 
Gregory  XVI.,  in  18.31  ;  and  of  Pope  Pius  IX.,  in  1864. 

"2.  Or  the  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  worship.  Encyclical  of  Pius  IX.,  Decem 
ber  8,  1864. 

"3.  Or  the  liberty  of  speech.  'Syllabus'  of  March  18,  1861.  Prop.  Ixxix. 
Encyclical  of  Pope  Pius  IX.,  December  8,  1864. 

"4.  Or  who  contend  that  Papal  judgments  and  decrees  may,  without  sin,  be  dis 
obeyed  or  differed  from,  unless  they  treat  of  the  rules  of  faith  or  morals.  Ibid. 


Appendix.  613 

"5.  Or  who  assign  to  the  State  the  power  of  defining  the  civil  rights  and  province 
of  the  Church.  '  Syllabus'  of  Pope  Pius  IX.,  March  8,  1861.  Ibid.  Prop.  xix. 

"6.  Or  who  hold  that  Roman  Pontiffs  and  Ecumenical  Councils  have  transgressed 
the  limits  of  their  power,  and  usurped  the  rights  of  princes.  Ibid.  Prop,  xxiii. 

"7.  Or  that  the  Church  may  not  employ  force.     '  Syllabus.'    Prop.  xxiv. 

"8.  Or  that  power,  not  inherent  in  the  office  of  the  Episcopate,  but  granted  to  it 
by  the  civil  authority,  may  be  withdrawn  from  it  at  the  discretion  of  that  authority. 
Ibid.  Prop.  xxv. 

"9.  Or  that  the  civil  immunity  of  the  Church  and  its  ministers  depends  upon  civil 
right.  Ibid.  Prop.  xxx. 

"10.  Or  that  in  the  conflict  of  laws,  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  the  civil  law  should 
prevail.  Ibid.  Prop.  xlii. 

"11.  Or  that  any  method  of  intruction  of  youth,  solely  secular,  may  be  approved. 
Ibid.  Prop,  xlviii. 

"  12.  Or  that  knowledge  of  things  philosophical  and  civil  may  and  should  decline 
to  be  guided  by  divine  and  ecclesiastical  authority.  Ibid.  Prop.  Ivii. 

"  13.  Or  that  marriage  is  not  in  its  essence  a  sacrament.     Ibid.  Prop.  Ixvi. 

"  14.  Or  that  marriage  not  sacramentally  contracted  has  a  binding  force.  Ibid. 
Prop.  Ixxiii. 

"15.  Or  that  the  abolition  of  the  temporal  power  of  the  Popedom  would  be 
highly  advantageous  to  the  Church.  Ibid.  Prop.  Ixxvi.  Also  Prop.  Ixx. 

"  16.  Or  that  any  other  religion  than  the  Roman  religion  may  be  established  by 
a  State.  Ibid.  Prop.  Ixxvii. 

"17.  Or  that  in  '  countries  called  Catholic '  the  free  exercise  of  other  religions  may 
laudably  be  allowed.  '  Syllabus.'  Prop.  Ixxviii. 

"  18.  Or  that  the  Roman  Pontiff  ought  to  come  to  terms  with  progress,  fiberalism, 
and  modern  civilization.  Ibid.  Prop.  Ixxx"  (pp.  15-16). 

"The  Pope's  infallibility,  when  he  speaks  ex  cathedra  on  faith  and  morals,  has 
been  declared,  with  the  assent  of  the  Bishops  of  the  Roman  Church,  to  be  an  article 
of  faith,  binding  on  the  conscience  of  every  Christian  ;  his  claim  to  the  obedience  of 
his  spiritual  subjects  has  been  declared  in  like  manner  without  any  practical  limit  or 
reserve  ;  and  his  supremacy,  without  any  reserve  of  civil  rights,  has  been  similarly 
affirmed  to  include  everything  which  relates  to  the  discipline  and  government  of  the 
Church  throughout  the  world.  And  these  doctrines,  we  now  know  on  the  highest 
authority,  it  is  of  necessity  for  salvation  to  believe  "  (p.  25). 

"  Individual  servitude,  however  abject,  will  not  satisfy  the  party  now  dominant  in 
the  Latin  Church  ;  the  State  must  also  be  a  slave. 

"  Our  Saviour  had  recognized  as  distinct  the  two  provinces  of  the  civil  rule  and  the 
Church  ;  had  nowhere  intimated  that  the  spiritual  authority  was  to  claim  the  disposal 
of  physical  force,  and  to  control  in  its  own  domain  the  authority  which  is  alone 
responsible  for  external  peace,  order,  and  safety  among  civilized  communities  of 
men  "  (p.  29). 

"  I  submit,  then,  that  my  fourth  proposition  is  true  ;  and  that  England  is  entitled 
to  ask,  and  to  know,  in  what  way  the  obedience  required  by  the  Pope  and  the 
Council  of  the  Vatican  is  to  be  reconciled  with  the  integrity  of  civil  allegiance " 
(p.  31). 

[Is  not  America  also  entitled  to  a  response  to  this  question  from  Rome,  and  not 
be  put  off  by  responses  from  political  prelates  who  state  one  thing  for  American 
consumption  and  then  proceed  to  make  humble  apologies  to  Rome  ?]. 


614  Appendix. 

"  Iu  the  absence  of  explicit  assurances,  we  should  appear  to  be  led,  nay,  driven, 
by  just  reasoning  upon  documentary  evidence,  to  the  conclusions : 

"1.  That  the  Pope,  authorized  by  his  Council,  claims  for  himself  the  domain  (a) 
of  faith,  (b)  of  morals,  (c)  of  all  that  concerns  the  government  and  discipline  of  the 
Church. 

"2.  That  he  in  like  manner  claims  the  power  of  determining  the  limits  of  those 
domains. 

"  3.  That  he  does  not  sever  them,  by  any  acknowledged  or  intelligible  line,  from 
the  domains  of  civil  duty  and  allegiance. 

"  4.  That  he  therefore  claims,  and  claims  from  the  month  of  July,  1870,  onward, 
with  plenary  authority,  from  every  convert  and  member  of  his  Church,  that  he  shall 
'  place  his  loyalty  and  civil  duty  at  the  mercy  of  another '  ;  that  other  being  himself  " 
(pp.  32-33). 


SOME   CHRONOLOGICAL   RECORDS  OF  THE  POPE'S   RELA 
TIONS  TO  THE  SPANISH  AMERICAN  WAR. 

"  Rome,  March  10. — Cardinal  Rampollasays  :  '  His  Holiness,  the  Pope,  desires  the 
cessation  of  the  conflict,  and  he  will  never  cease  to  give  advice  to  Spain  in  the  interests 
of  Spaniards,  Cubans,  and  civilization.  All  Catholics  are  sons  of  the  Church,  and  all 
have  a  right  to  the  equal  treatment  of  their  common  father '  "  (New  York  Journal, 
March  11,  1898). 

"Madrid,  April  4. — The  correspondent  of  the  Associated  Press  has  just  had  an 
interview  with  a  high  personage  of  great  authority,  who  shows  just  how  the  Papal 
intervention  occurred. 

"  '  The  Spanish  Ambassador  at  the  Vatican,'  he  said,  '  was  approached  by  Cardinal 
Rampolla  (Papal  Secretary  of  State),  who  told  him  that  the  President  of  the  United 
States  had  allowed  it  to  be  understood  that  Papal  intervention  would  be  acceptable  '  " 
(New  York  Herald,  April  5,  1898). 

"  London,  April  5. — The  Rome  correspondent  of  the  Daily  News  says  :  '  Although 
representations  made  through  Archbishop  Ireland,  and  also  Cardinal  Gibbons,  to 
President  McKinley  have  received  an  evasive  answer,  at  the  Vatican  the  Presi 
dent's  indisposition  is  regarded  as  of  a  political  nature,  and  is  considered  to  indi 
cate  a  triumph  of  their  policy,  and  it  is  affirmed  that  it  was  after  the  papal  action 
that  the  President  became  indisposed  and  proposed  his  message  which  all  indications 
show  would  have  meant  war. 

"  '  I  now  learn  from  the  best  source  that  besides  his  action  through  the  American 
prelates  in  the  United  States,  the  Pope  worked  especially  through  France,  inducing 
M.  Hanotaux  to  send  to  M.  Cambon,  the  French  Minister  at  Washington,  most 
precise  and  urgent  instructions  to  do  his  best  to  prevent  war. 

"  '  I  am  assured  also  that  the  Pontiff  induced  France  to  take  the  initiative  for  col 
lective  European  action,  to  take  effect  at  Washington  and  also  at  Madrid,  but  at  the 
latter  only  nominally.  However,  the  project  had  to  be  abandoned,  as  while  Spain 
has  kept  the  different  cabinets  informed  of  her  proceedings,  the  United  States  on  the 
contrary  has  maintained  a  complete  silence  '  "  ( New  York  Herald,  April  5,  1898). 

"  Madrid,  April  3. — The  Pope,  through  a  representative  at  Washington,  asked  Presi 
dent  McKinley  whether  it  would  be  agreeable  if  he  should  advise  the  Queen  Regent 


Appendix.  615 

to  grant  an  armistice,  and  it  is  understood  the  President  expressed  willingness  that 
the  Pope  should  do  anything  in  his  power. 

"  '  What  happened  was  that  the  Spanish  Ambassador  at  the  Vatican  was  approached 
by  Cardinal  Rampolla,  the  Papal  Secretary  of  State,  who  told  him  the  President  of 
the  United  States  had  allowed  it  to  be  understood  that  papal  intervention  would  be 
acceptable.  The  Spanish  Ambassador  telegraphed  here  to  that  effect,  and  thereupon 
we  indicated  that,  though  we  had  sent  a  categorical  reply  to  President  McKinley,  the 
terms  having  previously  been  conceded  to  the  last  point  consistent  with  Spain's 
honor,  we  were  certain  the  Pope  would  respect  the  rights  and  honor  of  Spain,  and 
agree  to  his  intervention'"  (New  York  Tribune,  April  5,  1898). 

"  London,  April  4. — Count  de  Rascon,  the  Spanish  Ambassador  to  Great  Britain, 
made  the  following  statement  in  an  interview  to-day:  '  I  am  able  to  assure  you  that 
the  mediation  of  the  Pope  was  proposed  to  His  Holiness  by  the  American  Govern 
ment.  The  Pope  agreed  to  undertake  it,  and  the  offer  was  telegraphed  to  Spain.'" 

"  Rome,  April  4. — It  is  believed  in  Vatican  circles  that  the  acceptance  of  the  Pope's 
mediation  by  the  United  States  is  assured.  Mgr.  O'Connell,  ex-rector  of  the  Ameri 
can  College  in  Rome,  had  a  conversation  on  the  subject  this  morning  with  Cardinal 
Rampolla,  Papal  Secretary  of  State,  and  United  States  Ambassador  Draper,  and  an 
answer  from  Washington  is  expected  to-day. 

"Paris,  April  4. — The  current  version,  both  from  Rome  and  Madrid, of  the  Pope's 
projected  intervention  is  that  he  proposes,  at  President  McKinley's  invitation,  to 
intercede  between  Spain  and  the  Cuban  insurgents,  stipulating  the  immediate  cessa 
tion  of  hostilities  in  Cuba  as  a  condition  of  his  intervention.  This  proposal  is  under 
stood  to  have  been  accepted  in  Spain  "  (New  York  Sun,  April  5,  1898). 

"If  there  is  to  be  mediation  by  the  Pope  it  will  undoubtedly  be  between  Spain  and 
the  Cubans  fighting  for  their  independence.  Obviously,  the  Pope  could  not  be  a 
mediator  between  the  United  States  and  Spain  or  in  any  international  question.  So 
far  as  his  relations  to  us  are  concerned  he  is  a  spiritual  sovereign  only,  and  not  in 
any  respect  a  temporal  sovereign  "  (NewYork  Sun,  Editorial,  April  5,  1898). 

"  Most  of  the  reconcentrados,  now  dead  and  sleeping  in  unmarked  graves,  were 
of  the  Catholic  faith,  but  the  Pope  did  not  offer  to  stand  between  them  and  Spain,  to 
which  the  United  States  would  have  urged  no  objection. 

"  Spain  must  now  deal  with  the  United  States.  Intermediaries  should  be  warned 
off"  (Evening  Sun,  Editorial,  April  5,  1898). 

"There  can  be  no  such  thing  as  papal  mediation  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States.  The  authority  of  the  Pope  is  spiritual  and  is  not  recognized  by  the  United 
States. 

"  As  a  mediator  in  the  literal  sense,  the  Pope  can  deal  only  with  Spain  and  the 
Cuban  insurgents.  If  he  can  bring  them  to  agreement  on  terms  of  peace,  on  what 
ever  authority,  spiritual  or  secular,  he  will  render  large  service  to  civilization  "  (New 
York  Commercial  Advertiser,  Editorial,  April  5,  1898). 

"  Unwarranted  and  sensational  '  news'  has  done  some  harm  again  in  connection 
with  the  proposed  mediation  of  the  Pope  between  Spain  and  Cuba.  The  statement 
has  been  put  forth  that  President  McKinley  asked  the  Pope  to  mediate  and  arbitrate 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain.  There  was  never  any  ground  for  that  state 
ment,  and  every  thoughtful  man  must  have  known  it  from  the  beginning. 

"  It  is  not  supposable  that  the  Pope  would  undertake  such  a  task.  It  is  certain  the 
United  States  Government  would  never  ask  him  to  do  so,  nor  agree  to  having  his  per 
formance  of  it  imposed  upon  this  country. 


G16  Appendix. 

"  The  arbitrator  between  two  nations  must  be  their  peer.  It  must  be  a  power  equal 
to  themselves  in  independent  sovereignty.  And  such  this  Government  does  not 
recognize  the  Pope  to  bo.  Spain  does  "  (New  York  Tribune,  Editorial,  April  6,  1898). 

"  London,  April  5.— A  special  dispatch  from  Rome,  published  here  this  afternoon, 
says  a  telegram  received  at  the  Vatican  from  the  United  States  has  announced  the 
failure  of  the  Pope's  intervention.  It  says  that  President  McKiuley  showed  himself 
extremely  sensible  of  the  initiative  taken  by  the  Pontiff,  but  it  was  impossible  for  him 
to  overcome  the  prejudice,  even  though  it  may  be  unjust,  entertained  by  a  majority 
of  the  American  people  against  the  Vatican's  intervention  in  political  affairs. 

"  Washington,  April  5. — Archbishop  Ireland  came  to  the  State  Department  at 
12.30  P.  M.  to-day.  He  had  evidently  arranged  for  the  call  beforehand  and  was 
expected,  for  he  was  shown  at  once  into  Assistant  Secretary  Day's  room.  To  reporters 
who  asked  his  mission  Archbishop  Ireland  was  evasive  and  said  he  came  simply  to 
pay  his  respects  "  (New  York  Journal,  April  6,  1898). 

"London,  April  7. — The  Rome  correspondent  of  the  Daily  News,  describing  the 
origin  of  the  statement  that  America  sought  the  Pope's  mediation,  says  :  '  This  "  lie 
from  Madrid,"  as  they  openly  call  it  in  the  Vatican,  has  upset  the  calculations  of  the 
Pope,  and  may  cause  thee  ntire  ruin  of  the  good  offices  of  the  Pontiff,  because  of 
the  dislike  among  Americans  of  intervention  by  the  Pope,  not  only  as  the  head  of  the 
Catholics,  but  as  a  European  Prince,  as  he  wishes  to  be  considered,  his  action  thus 
being  opposed  to  the  Monroe  Doctrine.' 

"  The  Italia  says  that  Mgr.  Martinelli,  the  Apostolic  Delegate  at  Washington,  has 
cabled  to  the  Vatican  that  President  McKinley  expresses  his  best  wishes  for  the  suc 
cess  of  the  Pope  in  obtaining  an  armistice  in  Cuba,  but  that  the  President  considers 
the  question  one  between  Spain  and  Cuba,  while  there  is  a  question  between  Spain 
and  the  United  States,  and  the  two  have  nothing  to  do  with  each  other. 

"  The  Rome  correspondent  of  the  Daily  CJironicle  says  :  '  Archbishop  Ireland  has 
cabled  the  Pope  that  mediation  is  almost  impossible  in  consequence  of  public  opinion. 
His  Holiness  is  much  grieved  by  this  check  to  his  good  intentions ' "  (New  York 
Tribune,  April  7,  1898). 

"  Such  activity  as  is  now  prevailing  at  the  Vatican  has  not  occurred  since  the  last 
Papal  Conclave.  It  might  be  thought  that  the  whole  Spanish-American  difficulty 
was  being  solved  there.  The  courtyard  of  San  Damaso,  from  which  a  staircase 
leads  to  the  apartments  of  the  Pope  and  Cardinal  Rampolla,  the  Papal  Secretary  of 
State,  was  to-day  thronged  with  the  carriages  of  diplomats,  cardinals,  and  prelates  " 
(New  York  Sun,  April  7,  1898). 

A  correspondent  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Freeman's  Journal  writes  from  Rome  on 
March  22,  1808,  illumiuatively  concerning  the  infallible  Pope's  relation  to  Spanish 
and  Cuban  affairs.  He  says  :  "  The  Pontifical  Nuncio  at  Madrid  was  present  recently 
at  the  departure  of  Spanish  troops  for  Cuba  and  solemnly  blessed  them  and  their 
arms,  but  if  there  are  any  chaplains  among  the  Cuban  forces  they,  too,  have  doubt 
less  offered  up  prayers  and  called  down  blessings  on  the  insurgents,  and  in  neither 
case  is  Pope  Leo  involved. 

"  What,  however,  is  certain,  is  this:  1st. — Pope  Leo  takes  the  kindliest  interest  in 
the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  who  is  a  pious  Catholic,  a  devoted  mother,  and  a  good 
queen.  A  few  years  ago  lie  conferred  on  her  the  Golden  Rose  for  her  maternal 
virtues;  and  2d,  the  official  attitude  of  the  Vatican  is  necessarily  one  of  recognition 
of  the  legitimacy  of  the  war  undertaken  by  Spain  in  Cuba. 

"  Rumors  having  been  circulated  that  the  failure  of  the  Pope's  efforts  was  owing 


Appendix.  617 

to  the  attitude  of  the  United  States,  the  Nunciature  here  has  issued  the  following 
note :  '  The  Nunciature  has  to-day  higher  hopes  than  ever  of  the  success  of  papal 
intervention.  It  is  not  true  that  President  McKinley  has  rejected  the  Pope's  inter 
vention  in  favor  of  peace.  Such  impoliteness  would  be  the  more  impolitic  not  only 
because  it  would  display  a  barbarous  intolerance,  but  becau-e,  however  much  any 
person  might  be  the  Pope's  enemy,  it  would  be  impossible  to  misinterpret  the  voice 
of  the  venerable  old  man  who  recommends  the  preservation  of  peace.  On  the  other 
hand  the  Catholics  of  North  America  would  never  pardon  such  a  disregard  of  the 
Vicar  General  of  their  Church.' 

"  Washington,  April  9. — Word  that  the  armistice  had  been  granted  by  Spain  spread 
rapidly  through  all  official  and  diplomatic  quarters,  and  aroused  great  interest  and 
activity  throughout  the  evening.  The  first  word  as  to  Spain's  concession  came  to 
Monsignor  Martiuelli,  the  papal  Delegate,  at  6.30  p.  M.,  and  announced  from  the 
Vatican  that  the  papal  Nuncio  at  Madrid  had  been  advised  that  an  armistice  was 
granted.  Monsignor  Martinelli  sent  for  Archbishop  Ireland,  and  shortly  after  the 
message  from  the  Vatican  was  repeated  by  telephone  to  the  White  House.  About 
the  same  time  the  dispatch  from  Minister  Woodford  was  received  "  (New  T&rk  Trib 
une,  April  9,  1898). 

The  official  Red  Book  of  the  Spanish  Government,  giving  its  diplomatic  history  for 
many  months  preceding  the  declaration  of  war,  contains  some  interesting  history. 
The  following  digest  is  worth  perusing: 

Under  the  date  of  April  2,  1898,  appears  a  message  from  Spain's  Minister  at  the 
Vatican,  stating  that  he  had  conferred  with  Cardinal  Rampolla.  The  President  was 
declared  to  be  very  desirous  of  having  the  help  of  the  Pope,  and  His  Holiness  was 
desirous  of  lending  his  aid,  but  wanted  to  know  if  the  intervention  of  His  Holiness 
would  preserve  the  national  honor,  and  if  this  intervention  was  agreeable  to 
Spain. 

Seiior  Polo  on  April  4  reported  that  he  had  received  a  call  from  Archbishop 
Ireland,  who  stated  that  he  saw  President  McKinley,  and  that  the  President  was  de 
sirous  of  peace,  but  that  there  was  little  doubt  that  Congress  would  vote  intervention 
or  war  if  Spain  did  not  assist  the  President  and  the  friends  of  peace.  He  insisted 
that  Spain  should  accede  to  the  proposition  of  the  United  States.  Senor  Polo  stated 
that  he  Informed  him  that  Spain  had  done  all  in  her  power  to  maintain  peace. 

In  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  the  message  from  Madrid,  notifying  him  of  the 
suspension  of  hostilities  in  Cuba,  Seiior  Polo  reports  on  April  10  that  he  had  con 
ferred  with  an  influential  Senator,  whose  name  he  does  not  give,  and  that  the  Senator 
had  gone  to  the  President,  and  after  an  interview  had  succeeded  in  inducing  the 
President  materially  to  modify  his  message  to  Congress. 

"  London,  April  25. — The  Rome  correspondent  of  the  Standard  says:  '  The  Queen 
Regent  asked  the  blessing  of  the  Pope  upon  Spanish  arms.  His  Holiness  replied  that 
he  sent  it  from  his  heart,  and  hoped  to  see  a  vindication  of  Spain's  rights,  which  had 
been  trampled  upon.' 

"London,  April  30. — The  Rome  correspondent  of  The  Daily  Chronicle  says: 
'  Archbishop  Martinelli,  Papal  Delegate  to  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  in  the 
United  States,  has  cabled  the  Vatican  to  abstain  from  all  demonstrations  of  sympathy 
with  Spain  which  would  incite  the  Protestant  sentiment  of  the  United  States  against 
the  Roman  Catholics  '  "  (New  York  Tribune). 

"  The  only  unanswered  question  is,  why  the  Pope  had  not  intervened  on  behalf 
of  his  suffering  subjects  in  Cuba. 


618  Appendix. 

"Then  came  the  Pope's  urgent  request  that  we  should  at  least  abstain  from  armed 
intervention  until  we  had  allowed  u  certain  number  of  days  to  elapse  in  which  the 
Vatican,  with  the  co-operation  of  certain  European  governments,  should  bring  moral 
pressure  upon  Spain  to  see  what  concessions  might  be  secured  at  Madrid  in  the 
interests  of  peace.  It  was  this  effort  of  the  Pope,  undoubtedly,  that  led  to  the  post 
ponement  of  President  McKiuley's  message  from  Wednesday  to  Monday. 

"It  is  simply  to  be  remarked  here  that  it  would  have  been  safe  enough  to  have 
allowed  the  country  to  know  the  facts.  It  was  a  mistake,  to  countenance  the  news 
reports  that  the  message  was  withheld  on  account  of  some  possible  danger  that  its 
delivery  to  Congress  might  inflict  upon  Americans  in  Cuba  "  (Review  of  Revieics,  May, 
1898). 

"  London. — The  Madrid  correspondent  of  the  Standard  says:  '  The  Church  and  the 
Catholics  are  very  anxious  as  to  the  fall  of  the  Philippines,  on  account  of  these 
religious  orders,  which,  they  consider,  have  been  the  best  auxiliaries  of  Spanish  rule 
since  the  discovery  of  the  islands  by  Magellan.  The  Spaniards  resent  the  idea  of 
Protestant  powers  like  the  United  States,  Germany,  or  England  harboring  designs 
against  their  archipelagoes  '  "  (New  York  Herald,  May  17,  1898). 

"  London. — The  Rome  correspondent  of  the  Standard  says:  '  Owing  to  the  serious 
news  from  the  Philippines,  the  Pope  wired  the  Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  placing  his 
services  at  her  disposal  if  she  considered  that  the  time  had  arrived  for  the  interven 
tion  of  the  Powers  in  favor  of  Spain.  The  Queen  Regent  in  reply  telegraphed  her 
thanks,  saying  that  at  an  opportune  moment  she  would  feel  the  Pope's  offer  to  be 
very  precious  '  "  (Neic  York  Herald,  June  13,  1898). 

"It  was  through  the  Pope  even  more  than  through  her  royal  relations  that  the 
Queen  of  Spain  labored  to  avert  war  without  yielding  to  the  just  demands  of  the 
United  States.  None  can  have  forgotten  the  earnest  efforts  made  at  Washington  by 
Catholic  clergymen  of  high  authority,  nor  the  incessant  endeavors  of  the  Pope  to 
bring  about  influential  action  by  other  European  Powers.  Men  who  cannot  conceive 
of  action  that  has  no  selfish  motive  saw  that  all  the  colonies  of  Spain  were  intensely 
Catholic,  that  they  contributed  enormously  to  the  revenues  of  the  Church,  and  that 
through  contracts  and  grants  from  the  colonial  authorities  the  Catholic  institutions 
and  clergy  received  advantages  almost  incalculable.  War  with  a  nation  not  Catholic 
and  the  possible  conquest  of  any  of  these  colonies  by  such  a  nation  would  inevitably 
affect  the  material  resources  of  the  Church  and  all  its  institutions  and  organizations  " 
(Neio  York  Tribune,  Editorial,  August  3,  1898). 

"  Rome,  August  10. — The  Tribuna  says  that  the  Vatican  is  in  constant  communi 
cation  with  Archbishop  Ireland,  Monsignor  Martinelli,  Apostolic  Delegate  in  the 
United  States,  and  Duke  Almodovar  de  Rio,  the  Spanish  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
endeavoring  to  secure  clauses  in  the  treaty  of  peace  that  will  safeguard  the  religious 
interests  of  Catholic  residents  in  countries  to  be  ceded  by  Spain  to  the  United  States" 
(New  York  Tribune,  August  11,  1898). 

"Justice  White's  familiarity  with  the  historical  and  legal  facts  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase,  his  knowledge  of  the  legal  customs  growing  out  of  the  practice  of  the 
Napoleonic  code  in  Louisiana,  his  acquaintance  with  the  French  language,  and  the  fact 
that  he  is  the  candidate  whose  appointment  has  been  urged  by  Archbishop  Ireland, 
representing  the  Catholic  Church,  were  facts  that  had  weight  with  the  President  in 
deciding  to  apppoint  him  "  (The  Sun,  August  20,  1898). 

"  Washington,  November  19.— The  immense  interests  of  tin-  Roman  Catholic 
Church  in  the  Philippines  and  Porto  Rico  will  likely  prove  one  of  the  most  difficult 


Appendix.  619 

problems  which  this  Government  will  have  to  face  when  the  treaty  of  peace  with 
Spain  is  signed. 

44  Rome,  November  30.— It  is  stated  here  that  the  Pope  intends  to  establish  a  Papal 
Nuncio  in  the  Philippines  and  has  summoned  Archbishop  Ireland  to  Rome  to  offer 
him  the  office  "  (Evening  Sun,  November  30,  1898). 


VATICAN  AND  PAPAL  AUTHORITIES  FRIENDLY  TO 
SPAIN  AND  HOSTILE  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES  DUR 
ING  THE  SPANISH-AMERICAN  WAR. 

If  there  has  been  a  lingering  doubt  in  the  mind  of  any  thoughtful  American  as  to 
the  sympathies  of  the  Vatican  and  the  Papal  authorities  with  Spain,  and  of  their  hos 
tility  to  the  United  States  in  the  late  Spanish-American  war  and  in  its  results,  that 
doubt  must  be  dissipated  by  the  following  quotations  from  the  Roman  Catholic  and 
clerical  press  of  Rome,  Milan,  and  Naples,  translated  and  furnished  by  an  eminent 
scholar  residing  in  Rome.  These  are  only  specimens  of  an  unbroken  succession  in  the 
same  spirit.  There  has  been  no  discordant  friendly  note  sounded  for  this  republic  in 
the  inspired  Roman  Catholic  press  at  the  seat  of  the  Papal  power  to  mar  the  harmony 
of  hatred  for  the  United  States. 
From  La  Voce  della  Verita,  Rome  : 

"April  5,  1898.— A  telegram  affirms  that  Spain  and  the  United  States  have 
accepted  the  mediation  of  the  Pope.  The  Nunzio  at  Madrid  assured  the  Queen 
Regent  that  the  Pope  was  seeking  to  influence  President  McKinley,  to  avoid  the  con 
flict,  through  Archbishop  Ireland." 

44  April  6,  1898.— We  are  assured  from  Washington  that  the  Government  is  not 
opposed  to  the  intervention  of  the  Pope.  We  are  assured  too  that  not  Spain  but 
President  McKinley  took  the  first  official  step  for  the  intervention  of  the  Pope." 

"  April  15,  1898. — There  is  nothing  more  to  hope.  If  the  haughty  President  should 
be  compelled  to  state  the  reasons  which  induced  him  to  satisfy  his  ambition  and  his 
mad  desire  to  inflict  ruin  and  misery  on  his  neighbor,  certainly  it  would  not  be  so 
easy  to  explain  his  injustice  and  violence.  The  President  of  the  Republic  has 
appealed  to  his  convictions  of  having  done  all  in  his  power  to  maintain  the  peace. 
We  are  curious  to  know  some  of  those  strong  motives  which  convinced  him  to  act 
to  the  contrary.  The  signing  of  the  Ultimatum  has  rendered  America  odious,  while 
Spain  has  the  sympathy  of  all." 
From  La  Vera  Roma : 

4 'July  17,  1898.— For  several  days  we  have  been  witnessing  a  very  sad  spectacle 
because  of  the  inertia,  or  better,  the  malevolence  of  old  Europe.  A  haughty  nation, 
greedy  of  conquest,  assaults,  without  any  motive  in  the  world,  another  nation  which 
legally,  by  right  of  discovery,  of  well-doing,  and  of  civilization,  possesses  a  most 
fertile  Island.  The  European  Powers  permit  at  Cuba  that  justice  be  strangled  by 
brutal  force  and  they  assist  impassible,  at  the  sad  tragedy,  without  moving  a  finger, 
without  offering  a  syllable  for  the  Latin  Sister  thus  vilely  assailed  and  oppressed. 
To-day  these  foreigners  devour  a  part  of  the  patrimony  of  Europe,  the  Spanish 
Colonies;  to-morrow  they  will  want  to  devour  those  of  other  European  nations. 
Meanwhile  we  are  as  ever  the  inflexible  defenders  of  the  right  and  admirers  of  the 
heroism  of  a  nation  truly  Catholic. 

"  After  the  violent  aggression  of  the   United  States  against  poor  Spain,  which 


620  Appendix. 

possessed  Cuba  and  Porto  Rico  by  indisputable  rights  and  the  occupation  of  those 
two  flourishing  islands,  comes  the  aggression  against  the  Philippines,  also  Spanish 
possessions.  But  the  insatiable  hunger  of  the  Americans  would  devour  also  these 
Islands,  thus  haughtily  dispossessing  Spain  not  only  in  American  waters  but  even  in 
the  extreme  Orient.  In  order  to  render  the  pill  less  bitter  for  the  Spaniards  they 
say  that  the  Government  at  Washington  may  offer  forty  millions  of  dollars.  But  the 
honor  of  Spain  is  of  too  much  consequence  to  accept  such  terms,  and  the  Powers 
of  Europe  will  not  be  so  indulgent  as  to  allow  these  American  dogs  to  take  this 
bone." 
From  La  Voce  della  Verita,  Rome  : 

"November  7,  1898.— It  is  hoped  that  the  elections  in  the  United  States,  on 
November  8,  may  be  a  victory  for  the  Democrats  and  go  against  the  Republican 
Party,  which  dominates  under  the  presidency  of  McKiuley.  Then,  too,  there  is  some 
opposition  in  the  Republican  Party  itself  against  McKiuley."  [Then  it  cites  the 
speech  of  Senator  Hoar  delivered  at  AVorcester.] 
From  La  Lega  Lombarodia  et  Milano  : 

"  December  4,  1898. — It  was  necessary  that  America  should  triumph  completely 
against  her  weak  rival,  and  that  she  should  succeed  by  the  insolence  of  force  to 
trample  under  foot  again  the  rights  which  Spain  had  over  the  colonial  empire  left 
her  by  Charles  V. ;  and  the  very  novel  attitude  of  the  United  States  as  conqueror  was 
also  necessary  in  order  that  Europe  might  open  its  eyes  to  the  importance  of  the 
victory  gained  over  the  exhausted  Power  while  the  other  Powers  did  nothing  but 
stand  and  look  out  of  their  windows.  One  of  these  Powers  not  only  did  not  help 
Spain,  but  became  the  open  friend  of  the  United  States  in  her  insolent  success." 
From  La  Liberta  Cattollica,  Naples: 

"  December  6,  1898. — The  treaty  of  peace  calls  for  serious  consideration  by  all 
lovers  of  right  and  justice.  It  is  too  true  that  title  to  property,  even  the  most  certain, 
becomes  of  no  account  when  interest  dominates  and  when  selfishness  is  the  rule 
in  human  affairs.  We  cannot  fail  to  observe  the  evolution  that  has  taken  place 
in  the  Americans  since  the  war  began.  Ambition  has  been  confounded  with  duty, 
and  interest  has  become  the  rule  of  right.  At  first  the  Americans  declared  that  they 
simply  desired  to  free  Cuba  and  they  have  ended  with  taking  as  booty  all  the  Spanish 
Colonies." 
From  L' Osservatore  Cattollica  di  Milano  : 

"  December  13,  1898. — As  the  intervention  of  the  Pope  before  the  Spanish- Ameri 
can  war  was  not  without  its  beneficial  effect  for  Spain,  so  his  intervention  among  the 
Peace  Commissioners  at  Paris,  in  the  person  of  Mons.  Chapelle,  Archbishop  of 
New  Orleans,  has  obtained  great  advantages  for  the  Church  in  the  newly  acquired 
American  Possessions,  that  is,  the  religious  orders  and  Catholic  Institutions  are  to  be 
free  and  are  to  retain  possession  of  all  the  property  which  they  now  have.  These 
rights  have  been  recognized  by  a  clause  in  the  treaty  of  peace  so  that  the  United 
States  will  guarantee  them  even  in  case  of  a  revolution.  This  great  advantage  has 
been  the  result  of  the  intervention  of  the  Pope  through  his  representative,  Mous. 
Chapelle." 
From  Osservatorc  Romano: 

"  December  15,  1898. — Of  the  treaty  of  peace  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States  at  Paris  last  Saturday,  the  general  terms  are  well  known  since  the  signing  of 
the  preliminaries  at  Washington,  except  the  lioulike  interpretation,  or  better,  the 
monstrous  sophistication,  of  the  third  article  of  the  Protocol  on  the  basis  of  which 


Appendix.  621 

America  lias  had  the  courage  to  tear  with  violence  from  Spain  the  entire  archipelago 
of  the  Philippines. 

"  December  18,  1898.— What  peace  is  that  just  signed  in  Paris?  The  stripping  of 
Spain  by  the  same  method  that  was  adopted  by  Piedmont  in  reference  to  the  States 
of  the  Church  in  Italy.  After  having  fomented  and  supplied  with  arms  and  money, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  Spanish-American  Masonry,  the  insurrection  in  the  Spanish 
colonies,  the  Government  at  Washington,  protesting  its  false  motives  of  humanity, 
claimed  the  independence  of  Cuba  and  then  turned  its  humanitarian  thought  toward 
Porto  Rico,  the  Philippines,  etc.  Now  we  hear  of  an  Anglo-Saxon  Alliance,  a  new 
triple  Alliance,  England,  United  States,  and  Germany,  a  triple  Protestant  Alliance 
which  threatens  Latin  Catholicism." 


THE  POPE'S  LETTER  ON  "AMERICANISM";  THE  SUB 
MISSION  OF  ARCHBISHOP  IRELAND  AND  THE 
PAULIST  FATHERS. 

No  American  citizen  of  ordinary  intelligence  and  candor  can  doubt  after  reading 
the  letter  of  Pope  Leo  XIII.  to  Cardinal  Gibbons,  bearing  date  of  January  22, 
1899,  that  Rome  never  changes;  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  liberal  Roman  Cathol 
icism;  that  any  liberal  and  patriotic  sentiments  uttered  in  this  country  by  prelates  and 
priests  have  been  absolutely  without  authority;  that  Father  Hecker  of  the  Paulist 
Fathers,  a  convert  from  Protestantism,  misrepresented  the  spirit  of  Rome  when  he 
claimed  that  Romanism  was  in  sympathy  with  American  institutions;  that  the  pres 
ent  Pope  is  absolutely  under  the  domination  of  the  Jesuits,  who  have  owned  him  since 
they  took  his  education  in  charge  when  he  was  eight  years  of  age;  that  politico- 
ecclesiastical  Romanism  is  the  abiding  peril  to  civil  and  religious  liberty  in  this  and 
in  all  lands. 

Extracts  from  the  letter  of  Leo  XIII. : 

"  It  is  known  to  you,  beloved  son,  that  the  life  of  Isaac  Thomas  Hecker,  especially 
as  interpreted  and  translated  in  a  foreign  language,  has  excited  not  a  little  contro 
versy,  because  therein  have  been  voiced  certain  opinions  concerning  the  way  of  lead 
ing  a  Christian  life." 

The  Pope  then  says  that  "  the  underlying  principle  of  these  new  opinions  is  that 
the  Church  should  regard  the  spirit  of  the  age,  and  relax  some  of  her  ancient  severity, 
and  make  some  concessions  to  new  opinions."  These  ideas  he  condemns  and  quotes 
the  Constitution : 

"  For  the  doctrine  of  faith  which  God  has  revealed  has  not  been  proposed,  like  a 
philosophical  invention,  to  be  perfected  by  human  ingenuity,  but  has  been  delivered 
as  a  divine  deposit  to  the  Spouse  of  Christ,  to  be  faithfully  kept  and  infallibly  de 
clared.  Hence  that  meaning  of  the  sacred  dogmas  is  perpetually  to  be  retained  which 
our  Holy  mother,  the  Church,  has  once  declared,  nor  is  that  meaning  ever  to  be 
departed  from  under  the  pretense  or  pretext  of  a  deeper  comprehension  of  them." 
— Constitutio  de  Fide  Catholica,  chapter  iv. 

He  says  that  he  and  his  predecessors  have  continued,  and  all  his  successors  must, 
"  in  one  and  the  same  doctrine,  one  and  the  same  sense,  and  one  and  the  same  judg 
ment." 

The  Pope  then  says:  "From  the  foregoing  it  is  manifest,  beloved  son,  that  we 
are  not  able  to  give  approval  to  those  views  which,  in  their  collective  sense,  are  called 


622  Appendix. 

by  some  '  Americanism.'  For  it  would  give  rise  to  the  suspicion  that  there  are  among 
you  some  who  conceive  and  would  have  the  Church  in  America  to  be  different  from 
trfuit  it  is  in  the  rest  of  the  world. 

"But  the  true  Church  is  one,  as  by  unity  of  doctrine,  so  by  unity  of  government, 
and  she  is  Catholic  also.  Since  God  has  placed  the  center  and  foundation  of  unity 
in  the  chair  of  blessed  Peter,  she  is  rightly  called  the  Roman  Church,  for  '  where 
Peter  is,  there  is  the  Church.'  Wherefore,  if  anybody  wishes  to  be  considered  a  real 
Catholic,  he  ought  to  be  able  to  say  from  his  heart  the  self-same  words  which  Jerome 
addressed  to  Pope  Damasus:  'I,  acknowledging  no  other  leader  than  Christ,  am 
bound  in  fellowship  with  your  holiness;  that  is,  with  the  chair  of  Peter.  I  know 
that  the  Church  was  built  upon  him  as  its  rock,  and  that  whosover  gathereth  not 
with  you,  scattereth.'  " 

And  Americans  are  expected  to  believe  that  the  translation  of  the  biography  of 
Father  Hecker  so  absolutely  changed  the  character  of  his  teachings  that  they  merited 
elaborate  papal  condemnation. 

The  following  notices  appeared  in  the  daily  press  of  Rome,  Italy,  February  2,  1899: 

"MONS.    IRELAND   AND   THE   VATICAN. 

"Specific  orders  have  been  given  by  Cardinal  Rampolla  to  the  Catholic  press  of 
Rome  and  of  Italy  that  there  be  no  discussion  of  American  Catholicism  such  as  might 
disturb  the  favorable  disposition  of  the  mind  of  Mons.  John  Ireland,  who  has  come 
to  Rome  already  prepared,  so  it  would  seem,  to  declare  himself  fully  submissive  to 
the  will  of  the  Jesuits  and  hence  to  the  policy  of  the  Vatican. 

"  He  will  condemn  in  skillfully  worded  diplomatic  language  those  American  ideas 
which  are  contrary  to  papal  authority  and  to  the  union  of  Catholicism  which  the 
Hecker  party,  protected  by  Ireland,  threatens. 

"  Mons.  Keane  is  charged  with  the  duty  of  removing  all  the  difficulties  in  the  way 
of  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Paul  in  order  that  he  may  fully  accept  the  will  of  the  Pope." 

The  Osservatore  Romano  of  Rome  on  February  24,  1899,  published  the  letter 
from  Archbishop  Ireland  to  the  Pope  regarding  the  Pontiff's  letter  to  Cardinal 
Gibbons  on  "  Americanism,"  from  which  we  make  the  following  extracts  : 

"  With  all  the  energy  of  my  soul  I  repudiate  all  the  opinions  the  Apostolic  letter 
repudiates  and  condemns — those  false  and  dangerous  opinions — whereto,  as  His 
Holiness,  in  brief,  says  certain  people  give  the  name  of  Americanism. 

"Most  Holy  Father,  they  are  enemies  of  the  Church  in  America  and  false  inter 
preters  of  the  faith  who  imagine  there  exists,  or  who  desire  to  establish  in  the  United 
States,  a  church  differing  a  single  iota  from  the  Holy  Universal  Church,  recognized 
by  other  nations  as  the  only  Church  Rome  itself  recognizes  or  can  recognize  as  the 
infallible  guardian  of  the  revelation  of  Jesus  Christ." 

Archbishop  Ireland  concludes  with  begging  the  Pope  to  accept  his  assurances  of 
love  and  devotion,  and  to  give  him  the  Apostolic  blessing. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Archbishop  Ireland  has  negatived  all  his  liberal 
utterances  in  America  while  at  Rome,  and  that  the  Pope  in  his  letter  to  Cardimd 
Gibbons  has  designed  to  crush  liberality  among  American  Romanists  in  his  condem 
nation  of  "  Americanism,"  and  lias  designedly  couched  the  letter  in  such  rhetorical 
verbosity  that  while  prelates  and  priests  will  understand  its  repressive  meaning, 
Archbishop  Ireland  and  the  Paulist  Fathers  can  still  go  on  claiming  to  the  American 
people  that  American  Romanism  is  liberal.  The  Pope's  letter  indorses  and  intrenches 
Jesuitism,  Corriganism,  and  Bouibouism,  and  condemns  and  destroys  the  so-called 


Appendix.  623 


liberalism  of  Father  Hecker,  Cardinal  Gibbons,  Archbishop  Ireland,  and  their  follow 
ing.  Rome  never  changes. 

A  letter  of  the  infallible  Pontiff,  pronouncing  upon  the  merits  of  a  heated  con 
troversy  where  both  parties  claim  a  victory,  forces  infallibility  into  the  position  of 
Mohammed's  coffin. 

The  New  York  Tribuneof  February  26, 1899,  said  of  the  Pope's  letter :  "  The  truth 
probably  is  that  the  sharp  and  sometimes  bitter  controversy  which  for  some  years  has 
rent  the  American  Catholic  Church  made  it  necessary  for  the  Pope  to  say  something. 

"He  took  the  erroneous  views  embodied  in  the  translation  of  Father  Hecker's 
'  Life,'  and  out  of  them  constructed  a  beautiful  and  symmetrical  man  of  straw,  which 
he  then  proceeded  to  demolish.  By  thus  doing  he  will  probably  satisfy  both  parties 
and  allay  the  controversy.  For  the  conservatives  will  say  :  '  there,  you  see  ;  the 
Holy  Father  has  condemned  the  false  Catholics  who  deny  the  "faith."  '  While  the 
liberals  will  say  :  'yes  ;  and  so  do  we.  Where  are  the  impious  "  wretches  "  ?  '  And 
in  the  common  hunt  for  the  mythical  straw  man  old  differences  may  be  forgotten 
and  new  bonds  of  unity  and  sympathy  created." 

And  this  is  the  infallible  Pope,  the  Vicegerent  of  God  on  the  earth.  For  one 
moment  imagine  Jesus  Christ  writing  such  a  letter  for  such  purposes. 

The  Paulist  Fathers  have  promptly  repudiated  Father  Hecker,  whose  writings 
and  character  gave  them  standing  before  the  world.  The  daily  press  of  March  10, 
1899,  gives  the  following  official  statement  as  to  the  action  of  the  Paulist  Fathers  on 
the  publication  of  the  recent  letter  of  the  Pope  on  Americanism,  which  touched  on  the 
teachings  of  the  late  Father  Isaac  T.  Hecker,  the  founder  of  the  Congregation  of 
Missionary  Priests  of  St.  Paul  the  Apostle: 

"It  makes  a  detailed  statement  of  the  absolute  obedience  of  the  Paulist  Fathers  to 
the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Pope's  teachings,  quoting  their  rule  as  to  the  thorough 
spirit  of  obedience  and  loyalty  to  Rome  prescribed  for  the  Fathers. 

"When  a  new  edition  of  the  '  Life  of  Father  Hecker '  is  prepared,  it  will  emphasize 
the  Pope's  teaching  and  conform  to  his  judgment  in  every  respect." 

"THE  TRUE  AMERICAN   CATHOLIC. 

"  Organ  of  the  Roman  Committee  for  the  Anti-American  Campaign."  Dated, 
Rome,  February  4,  1899. 

"  OUR  AIM. 

"  The  object  we  have  in  view  in  commencing  the  publication  of  T/ie  True  Ameri 
can  CatJwlic,  is  to  protect  the  true  Catholic  faith  from  the  infernal  machinations  of 
a  sect;  which  under  the  name  of  Americanism  attacks  and  attempts  to  destroy  the 
real  foundations  of  Christianity.  But  the  attacks  of  the  above  sect,  made  to  forward 
the  interests  of  the  enemies  of  Christ  and  of  His  Catholic  Church;  namely  Jews, 
Masons,  and  International  Protestants,  will  be  thoroughly  frustrated  by  our  daily 
constant  intervention. 

"  These  new  American  Catholics  have  raised  the  banner  of  rebellion  and  treason, 
and  in  the  name  of  Christ  and  Paul,  with  the  protection  of  the  millionaire  bishop 
without  conscience  and  without  religion,  attack  the  true  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  and 
the  Papacy. 

"We  tell  you  at  once,  oh  Monsignor  Ireland,  that  your  sacerdotal  garb  of  Archbishop 
of  the  Holy  Roman  Catholic  Church  will  never  allow  you  to  become  unfaithful  to 
that  pure  faith  which  shines  brilliant  on  the  brow  of  the  shepherds  intrusted  by  God 
with  the  mission  of  leading  the  flock  of  Jesus  Christ. 


624  Appendix. 

"  The  miter  that  you  wear  renders  you  incompatible  with  the  place  of  combat  you 
have  taken  against  the  whole  organization  of  the  Church  of  Rome. 

"  Put  the  mask  aside,  oh  Monsignor  Ireland!  For,  acting  as  you  do  is  utterly  un 
becoming  of  a  gentleman  and  a  priest. 

"  In  any  case  let  us  remind  you  that  here  in  Rome,  Apostolic  seat  of  Peter  and  Paul; 
on  this  soil  rendered  sacred  and  venerated  by  the  blood  spilled  by  the  first  Christian 
martyrs,  you  would  bring  in  vain  the  sacrilegious  echo  of  an  American  schism.  Here 
in  Rome  where  Christ  himself  is  Roman,  where  the  old  and  the  new  world  centers, 
rises  sublime  and  makes  itself  felt  the  only  true  holy  spirit  of  the  man  of  Nazareth. 
And  the  mighty  voice  of  this  sublime  spirit  enjoins  to  you,  through  the  medium  of 
his  poor  and  humble  followers,  in  the  name  of  the  Almighty  God  and  of  the  Arch 
angel  Michael  to  bow  down  before  the  Vicar  of  Jesus  Christ  and  deny  the  blasphe 
mous  theories  of  the  heretical  sect  styled  with  the  name  of  American  Catholicism, 
which  is  embodied  by  you. 

"  Trying  to  reconcile  the  American  Catholicism  to  the  aspiration  of  Protestantism, 
as  is  dreamed  by  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Paul  of  Minnesota  and  by  the  followers  of 
the  dictates  of  the  Paulists,  of  Father  Hecker,  would  mean  the  destruction  of  the  true 
Catholic  faith  in  America  and  its  substitution  by  Protestantism. 

"  This  is  the  true,  and  only  meaning  of  the  great  question  which  is  now  agitated 
in  the  United  States. 

"  It  is  a  real  war,  much  more  terrible  and  disastrous  than  that  recently  fought  with 
Spain.  For  that  war  was  waged  for  worldly  ends  and  material  interests,  and  this  is 
carried  on  for  the  conquest  of  souls  in  the  name  of  religious  beliefs  ;  in  a  word  it  is 
naught  else  but  a  religious  war. 

"  It  is  well  known  that  following  the  theories  of  the  party  of  Father  Hecker  and 
the  Paulists,  as  well  as  those  of  Monsignors  Ireland  and  Klein  ;  the  American  or  Na 
tional  Catholic  should,  instead  of  the  orders  and  counsels  of  the  bishops,  in  matters 
of  religion,  follow  his  own  personal  inspiration.  He,  the  National  Catholic,  should 
follow  only  his  inner  impulse  which  he,  good  or  bad,  believes  in,  and  says  he  feels 
within  himself,  as  if  he  could  dispose  in  a  permanent  way  at  his  pleasure  of  the 
Divine  inspiration  of  the  Holy  Ghost. 

"  While  Monsignor  Ireland,  Archbishop  of  St.  Paul,  Minn.,  proclaims  with  great 
daring,  the  so-called  principles  of  liberty  and  independence  of  the  American  Church 
from  the  Church  of  Rome,  what  is  the  Cardinal  Secretary  of  State  to  the  Holy  See 
doing?  Which  are  the  measures  taken  by  Cardinal  Rampolla  in  order  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  spread  of  the  ambitious  ideas  of  the  apostate  of  St.  Paul  ? 

"  The  Jesuits,  the  only  ones  who  have  upheld  the  interests  of  the  Holy  See  in  this 
question  of  the  National  Catholicism  in  America,  are  looked  upon  by  the  Secretary 
of  State  with  diffidence,  and  everything  is  done  in  order  to  lessen  their  influence  with 
the  Pope. 

"  Cardinal  Rampolla,  who  is  the  only  one  responsible  for  this  sad  state  of  affairs 
cannot  and  probably  will  never  say  to  the  Archbishop  of  St.  Paul,  you  lie  !  And 
Ireland  becomes  daily  more  proud  and  daring,  casting  right  and  left  the  dollars  of 
which  he  is  the  fortunate  possessor,  and  the  corrupted  crowd  which  is  represented  by 
Cardinal  Rampolla  and  his  satellites,  blinded  by  this  shower  of  gold,  prefer  to  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  real  interests  of  the  Papacy  the  sound  of  the  American  yellow 
precious  metal." 

Archbishop  Ireland  abjectly  submitted  to  the  Pope's  condemnation  of  "  American 
ism,"  and  the  paper  from  which  we  have  quoted  was  satisfied  and  proceeded  to  die. 


Appendix. 


625 


STATISTICS   OF   IMMIGRATION. 
From  Dorchester's  "  Christianity  in  the  United  States." 

[By  permission  of  Eaton  &  Mains.] 

ARRIVALS,  BY  NATIONALITIES  AND  BY  DECADES,  OF  ALIEN  PASSENGERS  AND  IMMI 
GRANTS  [ALIEN  PASSENGERS  FROM  OCTOBER  i,  1820,  TO  DECEMBER  31,  1867,  AND 
IMMIGRANTS  FROM  JANUARY  i,  1868,  TO  JUNE  30,  1892].  (See  footnote.) 


COUNTRIES 
WHENCE 
ARRIVED. 

1821 
to 

1830. 

1831 
to 
1840. 

1841 
to 
1850. 

1851  to 
Dec.  31, 
1860. 

Jan.   i, 

1861,  to 
June  30, 
1870. 

Fiscal 
years 
1871   to 
1880. 

Fiscal 
years 
1881  to 
1890. 

Fiscal 
years 
1891  and 
1892. 

Total. 

Austria-Hungary. 

7,800        72,069 
6,734          7,221 
17,094         3T,77i 
35,984!        72,206 
787,468'      718,182 
",728         55,759 
9,102         16,541 

109,298      211,245 
4,536      52,254 

8,493           9,893 
23,286         28,293 

353,719 
20,177 
88,132 
50,464 
1,452,970 
307,309 
53,701 

568,362 
265,088 
6,535 
81,988 

1511178 
7,340 
21,252 
13,291 
244,312 
138,191 
12,466 

107,157 
192,615 

5,657 
14,219 

585,666 
5i,333 
163,769 

379,637 
4,748,440 
526,749 
113,340 

1,032,188 
517,507 
49,266 
185,488 

£ 

8,497 
6,761 
408 
1,078 

91 
9' 
2,622 
3,226 

22 

1,063 

45,575 
i52,454 
2,253 
1,412 

I,2OI 
646 

2,954 
4,821 

5,074 
539 
77,262 
434,626 
1,870 
8,251 

13.903 
656 
2,759 
4,644 

4,738 

3,749 

951,667 
9,231 
10,789 

20,931 

1,621 

io,353 
25,011 

Denmark  

France  
Germany  

Italy         ...      . 

Netherlands  
Norway  and  Swe- 

Russia  and  Poland 
Spain  and  Port'gal 
Switzerland  

United  Kingdom: 
England  a  
Scotland  

22,167 
2,912 
50,724 

73,H3 

2,667 
207,381 

263,332 
3,712 
780,719 

385,643 
38,331 
914,119 

1,338,093 

568,128 
38,768 
43S778 

1,042,674 

460,479 
87,564 
436,871 

984,914 

657,488 
149,869 
655,482 

104,575 
24,077 

i",i73 

239,825 

2,534,955 
347,900 
3,592,247 

6,475,102 

Ireland;  

Total    United 
Kingdom.  .  . 

All  other  countries 
of  Europe  

Total  Europe. 

British  N.  Ameri 
can  Possessions. 
Mexico 

75,8o3 

283,191 

1,047,763 

1,462,839 

43 

96 

155 

116 

210 

656 

10,318 

4,954 

16,548 

98,816 

2,277 
4,817 
105 
53i 

3,834 

495,688 

13,624 
6,599 

856 
12,301 

1,597,502 

41,723 
3,27i 
368 
3,579 
13,528 

2,452,657 

59,309 
3,078 
449 
1,224 
10,660 

2,064,407 

153,871 
2,191 

,£ 

9,043 

2,261,904 

383,269 
5,362 

210 

928 
13,957 

4,721,602 

392,802 

i,9i3 
462 
2,304 
29,042 

61,152,457 

w 
w 

576 

1,344 
5,673 

14,845,033 

1,046,875 
27,231 
2,310 
12,162 
98,038 

Central  America.  . 
South  America  .  .  . 
West  Indies  

Total  America 
Isl'sof  the  Atlantic 

",564 

33,424 

62,469 

74,720 

166,597 

403,726 

426,523 

7,593 

1,186,616 

352 

103 

337 

3,ooo 

3,446 

10,056 

15,798 

2,484!         35,666 

2 

8 

8 
40 

35 
47 

4i,397 
61 

64,301 

308 

123,201 
622 

61,711 
6,669 

5,564!        296,219 
10,826          18,581 

All  other  countries 
of  Asia  

Total  Asia... 
Africa. 

10 

48 

82 

4i,458 

64,609 

123,823            68,380 

»<S3W       314,800 

16 

52 

55 
29 
52,777 

210 

312 
221 
15,232 

229}             437 

382 

1,693 

Isl's  of  the  Pacific. 
All  other  countries 
and  islands  

Aggregate  

2 

32,679 

9 
69,801 

158 
25,921 

10,913 
1,540 

12,574 
1,299 

3,862 

235 

27,768 
199,484 

143,439 

599*125 

1,713,251 

2,598,214 

2,314,824 

2,812,191 

5,246,613 

1,183,403 

16,611,060 

a  Includes  Wales  and  Great  Britain  not  specified. 
b  Includes  777  from  Azores  and  5  from  Greenland. 
c Immigrants  from  British  North  American  Possessions  and  Mexico  are  not  included  since  July  i,  1885. 

NOTE. — The  immigrants  for  years  1820-1892  have  been  reported  at 16,611,060 

The  immigrants  for  year  ending  June  30,  1893,  have  been  reported  at.      497,936 
The  immigrants  for  year  ending  June  30,  1894,  have  been  reported  at.       311,404 


Total  1790  to  1820 

Aggregate  1790  to  June  30,  1894. . 


17,654,400 


626 


Appendix. 


QUALIFICATIONS  FOR  VOTING   IN  EACH  STATE  OF  THE  UNION. 
(Communicated  to  the  "  World  Almanac  "  and  corrected  to  date  by  the  Attorneys  General  of  the  respective  States  ) 

In  all  the  States  except  Colorado,  Idaho,  Utah,  and  Wyoming  the  right  to  vote  at  general  elections  is  restricted  to 
males  of  21  71  are  of  age  and  upward.  Women  are  entitled  t<>  vote  at  school  elections  in  several  States.  They  are  entitled 
by  law  to  full  suffrage  in  the  Slates  of  Colorado,  Idaho,  Utah,  and  Wyoming. 


PREVIOUS  RESIDENCE  REQUIRED. 

STATES. 

Requirements  as  to  Citizenship. 

In 

In             In          In  Pre- 

Persons  Excluded  from  Suffrage. 

State. 

County. 

Town.       cinct. 

Alabama.* 

Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien 

lyr. 

3  mo. 

30  dys.     30  dys. 

Convicted   of   treason   or  other 

who  has  declared  intention. 

felonies,  idiots,  or  insane. 

Arizona  Tr. 

Citizen  of  United  States  (a) 

lyr. 

90  dys. 

10  dys.     10  dys.    Indians  and  Chinamen. 

Arkansas.* 

Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien 

lyr. 

6  mo. 

30  dys.     30  dys.    Idiots,  insane,  convicted  of  fel 

who  has  declared  intention. 

ony,  until  pardoned,  failure  to 

California.* 

Citizen  by  nativity,  naturaliza 
tion  (90  days  prior  to  election), 
or  treaty  of  Queretaro. 

lyr. 

90  dys. 

30  dys. 

pay  poll-tax. 
Chinese,   idiots,   insane,  embez 
zlers  of  public   moneys,   con 
victed  of  infamous  crime,  t 

Colorado.* 

Citizen  or  alien,  male  or  female, 
who    has    declared    intention 

6  mo. 

90  dys. 

30  dys.     lOdys. 

Convicted  of  crime,  bribery   in 
public  office. 

4  months  prior  to  election. 

Conn.* 

Citizen  of  United  States  who  can 

1  yr. 

6  mo  

Convicted  of  heinous  crime,  un 

Delaware.* 

read  English  language. 
Citizen   who   shall  have  paid  a 
registration  fee  of  $1,  and  who 
is  duly  registered  as  a  qualified 

lyr. 

3  mo. 

30  dys. 

less  pardoned. 
Insane  i>ersons  and  paupers   or 
persons  convicted  of  felony. 

voter. 

Dis.  of  Col. 
Florida.*    . 

See  foot  note  on  following  page. 
Citizen  of  the  United  States.         I    1  yr. 

6  mo. 

Idiots,  duelists,  convicted  of  fel 

ony  or  any  infamous  crime. 

Georgia.*      i  Citizen  of  the  IT.  S.  who  has  paid     1  yr. 
:    all  his  taxes  since  1877. 

6  mo. 

Convicted  of  felony,  unless  par 
doned,  idiots,  iind  insane. 

Idaho.*          Citizen   of   the    United    States,!    6  mo. 

30  dys. 

3  mo       lOdvs    Idiots,  insane,  convicted  of  fel- 

male  or  female. 

J          ony  or  treason. 

Illinois.*       Citizen  of  the  United  States.             lyr. 

90  dys. 

SOdvs      <tf)rlv<3     Convicted  of  felony  or  bribery 
wa>s'  1    in  elections,  unless  restored  to 

citizenship,  idiots  lunatics. 

Indiana.*      Citizen  or  alien  who  has  declared    6  mo. 
intention  and  resided  one  year 

60  dys. 

60  dys      30  dys     United   States   soldiers,   sailors, 
and  marines,  and  i>ersons  con- 

in  United  States. 

victed  of  infamous  crime. 

Iowa.* 

Citizen  of  the  United  States.             6  mo. 

60  dys. 

Co)             (e)       ildiots,  insane,  convicted  of  in- 

famous  crime. 

Kansas.*        Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien     6  mo 
who  has  declared  intention.       ( 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

30  dys.    Felons,    insane,   rebels   not    re 
stored  to  citizenship  (d). 

Kentucky.*    Citizen  of  the  United  States.         |    l  yr. 

6  mo. 

60  dys. 

60  dys.    Convicted  of  felony,  idiots,  and 
insane. 

Louisiana.*    Citizen  of  United  States  (f)              2  yrs. 

* 

lyr. 

6nio      Idiots,  insane,  convicted  of  fel 

ony   or   treason,    unless    i>ar- 

doned,  with  express  restoration 

of  franchise. 

Maine.*    .     Citizen  of  the  United  States.         :    3  mo. 

3  mo. 

3  mo. 

3  mo. 

Paupers  and  Indians  not  taxed. 

Maryland.*    Citizen  of  the  United  States.         :    lyr. 

6  mo. 

Convicted  of  felony,  unless  par 

doned,  lunatics.  i>ersons  "non 

Mass.*            Citizen  who  can  read  and  write     1  yr. 

6  mo. 

6  mo. 

6  mo. 

compos  mentis." 
Paupers     and     persons      under 

(b). 

guardianship. 

Michigan.,    Citizen  or  alien  who  declared  in-     6  mo. 

20  dys. 

20  dys. 

20  dys. 

Indians    with    tribal     relations, 

tention    to   become   a   citizen 

duelists,  and  accessories. 

prior  to  May  8,  1892  (b) 

Minnesota.*  Citizen  of  United  States  who  has     6  mo. 
been  such  for  3  months  preced- 

30  dys. 

Convicted  of  treason  or  felony, 
unless  "pardoned,  under  guar 

1    ing  election. 

dianship,  insane,  Indians  un 

MisaiBsippi.*  Citizen  of  the  United  States  who 

2  yrs. 

lyr. 

lyr. 

1  yr.  (c)  :  Insane,  idiots,  Indians  not  taxed, 

can  read  or  understand  Consti 

felons,  persons  who  have  not 

tution. 

j 

paid  taxes. 

Missouri.*      Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien      1  yr. 

60  dys. 

60  dys. 

60  dys. 

Persons   in   i>oorhouscs   or  asy 

who  has  declared  intention  not 

lums  at  public  expense,  those 

less  than  1  year  or  more  than  5 

in   prison    or  who  have   been 

before  election. 

convicted  of  infamous  crimes. 

Montana.*    iCitizen  of  the  United  States  (b)        1  yr. 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

SOdys. 

Convicted  of  felony,  unless  par 
doned,    idiots,    insane,    U.     S. 

soldiers,  seamen,  and  marines, 

Indians 

Nebraska.*    'Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien     6  mo. 

40  dys. 

10  dys. 

10  dys.    Convicted  of  felony,  unless  re- 

who    has    declared     intention 

stored  to  civil  rights   i>crsons 

thirty  day«  before  election. 
Nevada.*        Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

6  mo. 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

30  dyn. 

"  non  compos  mentis. 
Idiots,  insane,  unpardoned  con 

| 

victs.  Indians.  Chinese. 

N.   Hamp.* 

Citizen  of  the  United  States  (b) 

6  mo.       6  mo. 

6  mo. 

6  mo.     Insane'  or  paupers. 

•  Anirtralian  ballot  law  or  a  modification  of  it  in  force.  \  Or  a  j>crson  unable  to  read  the  Constitution  in  English  and 
to  writ«  his  name,  (a)  Or  citizens  of  Mexico  who  Khali  have  elected  to  become  citizens  under  (he  treaties  of  1848  and  18M. 
(D)  Women  can  vote  In  school  elections,  (c)  Clergymen  are  qualified  after  six  months'  residence  in  precinct,  (d)  Also  those 
under  guardiaiiHhip,  public  i.mhf/./.lers.  guilty  ofbribery,  or  dishonorably  .lisclinrg<¥l  from  the  United  Stales  service,  (c) 
Only  actual  residence  required,  if)  If  unahlc  to  road  and  write  as  provided  by  the  Constitution,  then  he  shall  he  entitled 
to  renter  and  vot«-  if  he  Bhall.  at  the  time  he  offers  to  register,  be  the  bona  fide  owner  of  property  assessed  to  him  In  tho 
HUit.-  nt  a  valuation  of  not  less  than  $300  on  th»-  assessment  roll  of  the  current  year  in  which  ho  offers  to  register,  or  on  the 
roll  of  the  preceding  y<-ar,  If  the  roll  of  the  current  vent  shall  not  then  have  been  completed  and  filed,  and  on  which,  If 
mi<  h  property  be  personal  only,  all  taxes  due  shall  have  bten  paid. 


Appendix. 

QUALIFICATIONS  FOR  VOTING—  Continued. 


627 


PREVIOUS  RESIDENCE  RK<JUIUED. 

STATES. 

Requirements  as  to  Citizenship. 

In 

In 

In       !  In  Pro- 

Persons  Excluded  from  Suffrage. 

.  tat.'. 

County. 

Town,       cinct. 

N.  Jersey.* 

Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

lyr. 

5  mo. 

Idiots,     pauiiers,     insane,    con 

victed   of  crime,   unless    par 

N.  M.  Ter. 

Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

6  mo. 

3  mo. 

30  dys. 

doned  or  restored  by  law. 
Convicted  of  felony,  unless  par 

doned     United    States  sol.li.-r 

or  camp  follower,  Indians,  (h) 

N.  York." 

Citizen  who  shall  have  been  a 

lyr. 

4  mo. 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

Convicted    and   sentenced  to   a 

citizen  for  ninety  days  prior  to 

State  prison  or    penitentiary 

election. 

for  felony  or  other  infamous 

crime-   persons  who   have   re 
ceived  or  offered  to  receive,  or 

who  have  paid  or  promised  to 

pay,  compensation  for  giving 

or  withholding-  votes,  or  who 

have   laid   any   bet  or  wager 

N.  Carolina. 

Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

1  yr. 

90  dys. 

HI  Mm  the  result  of  an  election. 
Convicted  of  felony  or  other  in 

famous  crime,  idiots,  lunatics. 

and  those  who  deny  the  being- 

of  Almighty  God. 

N.  Dakota.* 

Citizen    of    the    United   States, 

lyr. 

6  mo. 

30  dys. 

Under    g-uardianship,      persons 

alien  who  has  declared  inten 

"  non  compos  mentis,"  or  con 

tion   one  year  and  not  more 

victed  of  felony  and  treason, 

than  six  years  prior  to  election, 
and  civilized  Indian.  t  (a) 

unless  restored  to  civil  rig-hts. 

Ohio.* 

Citizen  of  United  States,  (a) 

lyr. 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

20  dys. 

Idiots,  insane,  and  felons. 

Okla.  T.  (a) 

Citizen  of  United  Statos  or  alien 

6  mo. 

60  dys. 

60  dys. 

30  dys. 

Indians  having-  tribal  relations. 

who  has  declared  intention. 

Oreg-on.* 

White   male   citizen   of    United 

6  mo. 

30  dys. 

30  dys. 

Idiots,  insane,  convicted  of  fel 

States  or  alien  who  has  declared 

ony   punishable  by  imprison 

Penna.* 

intention,  (a) 
Citizen  of  the  United  States  at 
least  one  month,  and  if  22  years 

lyr. 

2  mo. 

ment  in  the  penitentiary. 
Convicted  of  perjury  and  fraud 
as  election  officers,  or  bribery 

old  or  more  must  have  paid  tax 

of  voters. 

within  two  years. 

Rhode  I.* 
8.  Carolina. 

Citizen  of  the  United  States. 
Citizen  of  the  United  States,  (e) 

2  yr  .(b) 
2  yr.  (c) 

'lyr.  ' 

6  mo. 
4  mo. 

4  mo. 

Paupers,  lunatics  (g-) 
Convicted  of  felony  or  bribery 

in  elections,  unless  pardoned, 

idiots,  insane,  paupers. 

S.  Dakota.* 

Citizen  of  the  United  States  or 

6  mo.§ 

30  dys. 

10  dys. 

10  dys. 

Under      g-uardianship,      insane. 

alien  who  has  declared  inten 

convicted  of  treason  or  felony. 

tion,  (a) 

unless  pardoned,  U.  S.  soldiers, 

Tenn.* 
Texas.* 

Citizen  of  the  U.  S.  who  has  paid 
poll-tax  of  preceding-  year. 
Citizen  of  the  U.  S.  or  alien  who 

1  yr. 
1  yr. 

6  mo. 
6  mo. 

(d) 

seamen,  and  marines. 
Convicted  of  bribery  or  other  in 
famous  offense. 
Idiots,   lunatics,   paupers,    con 

has     declared     intention    six 

victed  of  felony,  United  States 

months  prior  to  election. 

soldiers,  marines,  and  seamen. 

Utah.* 

Citizen   of  the    United    States, 

lyr. 

4  mo. 

|  60  dvs. 

Idiots,      insane,    convicted     of 

Vermont.* 

male  or  female,  who  has  been  a 
citizen  ninety  days. 
Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

lyr. 

3  mo. 

30  dys. 

treason  or  crime  against  elec 
tive  franchise,  unless  pardoned. 
Those   who   have   not   obtained 

the  approbation  of  the  board 

of  civil  authority  of  the  town 

in  which  they  reside. 

Virginia.* 
Waeh'n.* 

Citizen  of  the  United  States. 
Citizen  of  the  United  States. 

lyr. 
lyr. 

3  mo. 
90  dys. 

3  mo 
30  dys. 

Idiots,  lunatics  (f) 
Idiots,  lunatics,  convicted  of  In 

30  dys. 

famous  crimes,    Indians    not 

taxed. 

West  Va.* 

Citizen  of  the  State. 

1  yr. 

60  dys. 

(d) 

Paupers,   idiots,    lunatics,    con 

victed  of   treason,   felony,     or 

bribery  at  elections. 

Wisconsin.* 

Citizen  of  United  States  or  alien 

lyr. 

lyr. 

10  dys. 

10  dys. 

Indians  having1  tribal  relations, 

who  has  declared  intention. 

insane,   convicted  of    treason 

or  felony. 

Wyoming-.* 

Citizen  of    the    United    States, 
male  or  female. 

lyr. 

60  dys. 

tdiots,  insane,  convicted  of  in 
famous  crimes,  unable  to  read 
State  Constitution. 

*  Australian  ballot  law  or  a  modification  of  it  in  force,  t  Indian  must  have  severed  tribal  relations.  §  One  year  s 
residence  in  the  United  States  prior  to  election  required,  (a)  Women  can  vote  In  school  elections,  (b)  Owners  of  real  es 
tate,  one  year,  (c)  Ministers  in  charge  of  an  organizer!  church  and  teachers  of  public  schools  are  entitled  to  vote  after  six 
months'  residence  in  the  State,  (d)  Actual  residence  in  the  precinct  or  district  required,  (e)  Who  has  paid  six  months 
before  election  any  poll-tax  then  due,  and  can  read  and  write  any  section  of  the  State  Constitution,  or  can  show  that 
he  owns  and  has  paid  all  taxes  due  the  previous  year  on  property  in  the  State  assessed  at  $300  or  more,  (f)  Or  convicted 
of  bribery  at  election,  embezzlement  of  public  funds,  treason,  felony,  and  petty  larceny,  duelists  and  abettors,  unless 
pardoned  by  legislature,  (g)  Or  persons  "non  compos  mentis,"  convicted  of  bribery  or  infamous  crime,  until  restored  to 
right  to  vote,  under  guardianship,  (h)  Except  Pueblo  Indians  if  "  acequia  "  officers. 

Residents  of  the  District  of  Columbia  never  had  the  right  to  vote  therein  for  nationnl  officers,  or  on  other  matters 
of  national  concern,  after  it  became  the  seat  of  the  general  government.  But  from  1802  to  June  20,  1874,  the  citizens  of 
Washington,  and  from  January  1,  1790,  to  said  date  the  citizens  of  Georgetown  were  entitled  to  vote  on  municipal  subjects 
and  for  certain  municipal  officers;  the  citizens  of  the  portion  of  the  district  outside  of  Washington  anrl  Georgetown  were 
entitled  to  the  same  privilege  from  April  20  1871,  to  June  20, 1874.  but  that  suffrage  was  abolished  in  the  District  of  Co 
lumbia  and  was  rescinded  June  20, 187*,  by  the  Act  of  Congress  of  that  date. 


628  Appendix. 

THE   FLAG. 

Washington,  during  the  early  days  of  his  Presidency,  aided  by  a  committee  author 
ized  by  the  Continental  Congress  to  design  a  suitable  Hag  for  the  nation,  presented  a 
rough  drawing  to  Mrs.  Betsy  Ross,  which,  upon  her  suggestion,  was  redrawn  by 
General  Washington  in  pencil  in  her  back  parlor  at  her  residence,  239  Arch  Street, 
Philadelphia,  Pa.;  and  there  Mrs.  Ross  made  the  Stars  and  Stripes  under  the  per 
sonal  supervision  and  direction  of  Washington,  between  the  dates  of  May  23  and 
June  7,  1777. 

The  flag  thus  designated  was  adopted  by  Congress,  and  was  the  first  Stars  and 
Stripes  to  be  officially  recognized  by  the  thirteen  States  of  the  Union. 

The  first  recorded  "  legislative  action  "  by  the  American  Congress  in  session  at 
Philadelphia,  Pa.,  for  the  adoption  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  was  in  resolution  offered 
Saturday,  June  14,  1777,  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved,  That  the  flag  of  the  thirteen  United  States  be  thirteen  stripes,  alternate 
red  and  white  ;  that  the  union  be  thirteen  stars,  white  in  a  blue  field,  representing  a 
newr  constellation." 

The  Stars  and  Stripes  remained  unchanged  for  about  eighteen  years  after  their 
adoption  in  1777.  By  this  time  two  more  States  (Vermont  and  Kentucky)  had  been 
admitted  into  the  Union  ;  and  on  January  15,  1794,  Congress  enacted  : 

"  That  from  and  after  the  first  day  of  May,  1795,  the  flag  of  the  United  States  be 
fifteen  stripes,  alternate  red  and  white;  that  the  Union  be  fifteen  stars,  white  in  a 
blue  field." 

This  flag  was  the  national  banner  from  1795  to  1818,  during  which  period  occurred 
the  War  of  1812  with  Great  Britain. 

Indiana,  Ohio,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  and  Mississippi,  having  been  admitted  into 
the  Union,  a  further  change  in  the  arrangement  of  the  flag  seemed  necessary. 

After  considerable  discussion  in  Congress  on  the  subject,  the  act  of  March  24,  1818, 
was  passed  and  approved  by  President  Monroe,  April  4,  1818,  which  is  as  follows  : 

"  Section  1.  Be  it  enacted,  that  from  and  after  the  fourth  day  of  July  next,  the  flag 
of  the  United  States  be  thirteen  horizontal  stripes,  alternate  red  and  white  ;  that  the 
Union  have  twenty  stars,  white  in  a  blue  field. 

"  Section  2.  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  on  the  admission  of  every  new  State 
into  the  Union  one  star  be  added  to  the  union  of  the  flag,  and  that  such  addition  shall 
take  effect  on  the  fourth  day  of  July  next  succeeding  such  admission." 

Since  1818  there  has  been  no  act  passed  by  Congress  altering  the  flag.  It  is  the 
same  to-day  as  then  adopted,  except  as  to  the  number  and  arrangement  of  the  stars. 

By  this  regulation  the  thirteen  stripes  represent  the  number  of  States  whose  valor 
and  resource  originally  effected  American  independence,  and  the  additional  stars  will 
mark  the  increase  of  the  States  since  the  present  Constitution. 

The  first  flag  of  the  present  des-ign  was  made  by  the  wife  of  Captain  Samuel  Ches 
ter  Reid,  United  States  Navy,  assisted  by  several  patriotic  young  ladies,  at  her  resi 
dence  on  Cherry  Street,  New  York  City,  and  was  first  unfurled  over  the  Capitol  of 
the  United  States,  April  13,  1818. 

November  8,  1867,  the  Stars  and  Stripes  were  first  unfurled  in  Alaska,  and  in  1898 
on  the  following  islands  captured  by  the  United  States  of  America  from  Spain  :  May 
1,  and  August  13,  Philippines  ;  May  12  and  August  17,  Cuba  ;  and  July  25,  Porto 
Rico  ;  officially  raised  on  Hawaii  Islands,  August  12,  1898. 

[By  permission  of  CaptaiuWallace  Foster.] 


INDEX. 


"  A  "  in  connection  with  a  reference  directs  the  reader  to  the  Appendix. 


Abbott,  Dr.  Lyman,  on  the  issues  of  the  Spanish- 
American  War,  161 

Abjuration,  Dutch  Declaration  of  Independence 
14  ;  date  of,  18 

Abjuration  of  Protestantism  by  Henry  IV.,  14 

Acadia,  Nova  Scotia,  46 

"  Act  of  Assembly  of  State  of  Maryland,"  307 

Act  of  Toleration  (1689),  to  Unitarians  (1813),  to 
Koman  Catholics  (1829),  to  Jews  (1858),  85 

Adams,  President,  74 

"  Address  of  the  Editor,"  Father  Phelan  retracts, 
371 

African  Slavery  in  Cuba,  introduced  by  Spain,  148 

Agricultural  Department,  religious  percentages  of 
employees  in,  313 

Alarm,  reasons  for,  499-501 

Albany,  15  ;  Bishop  Burke  of,  239 

Albay,  volcano  of,  167 

Albigenses,  38 

Aldndge,  George  W.,  connection  of,  with  Roman 
political  machine,  281 

Alexander  VI.,  decree  of,  136 

Alger,  Secretary  of  War  Russell  A.,  refers  Lament's 
West  Point  grant  to  Catholics  to  the  President, 
305 

Alton,  Bishop  James  Ryan  of,  259 

Alya,  Duke  of,  in  Netherlands,  127  ;  his  own  descrip 
tion  of  his  massacres,  128 

Ambassadors,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
607  A  ;  privileges  of,  607  A,  608  A 

Amendment,  First,  to  Constitution  of  United 
States,  83,  88 

American,  Baptist  Home  Mission  Society,  resolu 
tion  of,  521  ;  Canon  Law,  603  A  ;  Federation  of 
Labor,  401;  flag  as  object  lesson,  547;  Flag  Associa 
tion,  559;  Flag  Protectors,  505;  history,  Garfieldon 
study  of,  545  ;  memorable  events  in,  595  A  ;  insti 
tutions,  Powers  to  Protect,  518  et  seq.;  journal 
ism,  Joseph  Cook  on,  119;  legates,  nuncios,  and 
delegates,  607  A;  Mechanics  (Junior  Order  of 
United)  adopt  Sixteenth  Amendment,  521  ;  Patri 
otic  League,  165  ;  programme  for  free  common 
schools,  545,  546 ;  Protective  Association,  264- 
267,  272,  387,  564  ;  allusion  of  Mr.  Minturn  to, 
177  :  Republican  Christian  civilization,  sources 
of,  13  ;  Sabbath,  assaults  on,  233 

"  American  Catholic,"  speech  of  Mr.  Minturn  on, 
177 

"  American  Citizenship,"  Archbishop  Ireland's 
lecture  on,  235 

"  American  Commonwealth,"  517 

"  American  Ideals,"  Roosevelt's,  quoted,  405,  482 

American  Journal  of  Politics,  233 

"  Americanism,"  Pope's  letter  on,  621  A 

Americanism  and  foreignism,  Lyman  Beecher  on, 
217 

Americanizing,  Theodore  Roosevelt  on,  482 

America's  founders  and  defenders,  557 

Amsterdam,  Pilgrims  mierate  to,  22 

Andrews,  Ex-Chief  Judge,  on  church  and  state 
91 

Anglo-American  Arbitration  Treaty,  opposition  to, 
by  Roman  Catholic  Senators,  516 

Anglo-American  unity,  essential  elements  of,  144  ; 
Alliance,  154  ;  grounds  and  character  of  opposi 
tion  to,  471 

Anglo-Saxon  alliance,  154;  English  Statesman's 
opinion  as  to,  159  ;  grounds  for  assault  on,  144; 
assailants  of,  ecclesiastically  product  of  Latin 
civilization,  144 

Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin  civilizations,  121  ;  races, 
statistics  of,  as  to  world-control,  145 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization,  progress  of,  133  ;  Roman 


Catholic  tribute  to,  141  ;  theory  of,  134 ;  element, 

preponderance  of,  140 

Anne,  Pilgrim  ship,  arrival  of,  at  Plymouth,  26 
Anniversaries,   effect  of,   in  arousing    patriotism, 

Appeal  to  civil  from  ecclesiastical  power  prohibited, 

604  A 
Aquinas,  Thomas,  on  source  of  human  government, 

"  Archbishop  Ireland  as  He  Is,"  278 

"  Armada,  The  Invincible,"  128 

Arnold,  Matthew,  quoted,  59,  134 

Aryan     races,     contest     between     irreconcilable 

branches  of,  560 
Assassination,  conspiracy,  417;  of  Mgr.  Bedini,  plot 

for,  192 

Atheists,  exclusion  of,  from  office,  88 
Attorney  General  (McKenua),  opinion  of,  205 
Audubon,  51 

Australian  Ballot  Law,  571 
Aztec  Club,  555 

Bacon,  Dr.  Leonard  Woolsey,  quoted,  49 

Baker,  General,  417 

Balance  of  power,  Roman,  490 

Ballot  reform  law,  Mr.  Saxton's  advocacy  of,  569- 
71 

Ballot,  safeguarding,  569 

Ballou,  Hosea,  52 

Baltimore  (cruiser),  153 

Baltimore,  Archbishop  Spalding  of,  quoted,  505; 
circular  published  at,  on  school  funds,  331  ;  im 
portant  decision  at,  332;  Heat  of  only  Koman 
Catholic  Cardinalate  in  United  States,  00  ;  Third 
Plenary  Council  of,  293 ;  Third  Plenary  Council 
of,  on  education,  326 

Baltimore,  Lord,  colonizes  Maryland,  59 

Bancroft,  George,  quoted,  88;  on  relations  of 
church  and  state,  92 

Baptism,  Council  of  Trent  on,  379 ;  heretical,  valid, 
379 

Baptist  declaration  (1611),  88 

Baptized  heretics,  punishment  of,  611  A 

Barclay,  Robert,  Quaker  declaration  of,  54 

Bartholomew,  St.,  massacre  of,  41 

Basis  of  our  civilization,  577 

Bayle,  44 

Bedini,  Mgr.  Cajetan,  papal  Nuncio  to  America,  192 

Beecher,  Lyman,  on  conflict  between  Americanism 
and  foreisrnism,  217 

Belleville,  Bishop  John  Janssen  of,  259 

"  Belshazzar's  feast,"  412 

Benedict  XIV.  (Pope),  Constitution  of,  379;  hia 
theory  of  baptism,  379 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  opposes  free  scbools  and 
free  press,  114 

Bert,  M.  Paul,  opinion  of.  regarding  Rome's  rela 
tions  to  French  affairs,  212 

Beth  Jacob  Synagogue,  prayer  for  American 
success  in,  quoted,  160 

Better  element,  Catholic,  abuse  of,  272,  273 

Beza,  Fri-nch  author,  quoted,  40 

Bible,  Tyndale's  version  of,  116 

Biennial  School; Census  Bill,  Roman  Catholic  op 
position  to,  349 

Bismarck,  on  papal  election,  254  ;  opinion  of,  of 
Pope's  power,  254 

Blacklisting,  States  prohibiting,  actually  and 
virtually,  408 

Blanco,  General  Ramon,  162 

Blaine-Cleveland  election,  remarks  on,  411 

Blaine,  James  G.,  apprehension  of,  over  effect  of 
on  poor  voters,  or  bankers'  dinner  to,  412  ;  bear- 


630 


Index. 


ing  of  Dr.  Burchard's  speech  on  election  of,  411  ; 
ministers'  meeting  to  meet,  409 

Blnir,  Hon.  Henry  W.,  quoted  on  Jesuit  interference 
in  United  States  Senate,  290 

Blanket  Ballot  Bill,  571 

Bliss,  Colonel  George,  honored  by  Leo  XIII.,  386  ; 
prepares  hill  to  secure  State  funds  for  sectarian 
institutions,  372  ;  presented  with  loving  cup  hy 
Catholic  Club,  380 

Blue,  Congressman ,  538 

Board  of  Estimate  and  Apportionment,  meetings 
of,  described,  448 

Bogardus,  first  minister,  16 

Bologne,  Austrians  at,  192 

Boniface  VIII.,  198 

Boss  and  boss-ship,  Bourke  Cockran  on,  405;  de 
rivation  of,  403  ;  description  of,  408  ;  disquisition 
on  .403-405 

Boston,  33 

Botton  (cruiser),  153 

Boniface  VIII.,  Unam  Sanctam,  bull  of,  606  A 

Bouquillpn,  Rev.  Thomas,  discusses  source  of 
authority  to  educate,  334 

Bowdoin,  .James,  51 

Boycott,  Captain,  401 

Boycott,  the  date  and  place  of  invention  of ,  402 ; 
derivation  of,  401  ;  definition  of,  402  ;  menace  of, 
287  ;  States  prohibiting,  407  ;  States  virtually 
prohibiting,  408 

Bradford,  William,  20  ;  elected  Governor  of  Plym 
outh  colony,  26;  his  "History  of  Plymouth 
Plantations,"  20  ;  re-elected  Governor,  27  ;  Salem 
colonists  aided  by,  31 

Brainerd,  Cephas,  316,  519 

Brazil,  Archbishop  Bedini,  Nuncio  to,  192;  ex 
pulsion  of  Jesuits  from,  504 

Brewster,  William,  20  ;  Post  at  Scrooby,  21 

Bright,  John,  quoted.  63 

Brooklyn  (cruiser),  153 

Brooklyn,  Bishop  McDonnell  of,  239;  Eagle,  Hugh 
McLaughlin  in,  271 

Brondell,  Bishop  John  B.,  293 

Browne,  Rabbi,  40 

Brownson.  Dr.  Orestes  A.,  claims  Catholic  Church 
brings  foreignism  to  this  country,  and  its  adhe 
rents  remain  foreigners,  481  ;  declares  parochial 
schools  perpetuate  foreignism,  344  ;  on  relations 
of  church  and  state,  84  ;  quoted  on  "  Protestant 
ism  and  Infidelity,1'  413  ;  sketch  of  life  of,  201 

Bryce,  Professor,  104  :  on  American  institutions, 
547;  on  religious  freedom,  89 

Buckle,  quoted,  133 

Buffalo,  Bishop  Ouigley  of,  239 

Bulkeley,  Peter,  37 

Bull  I'nam  Sanctum.  606  A 

Httllelin  de  la  Presse,  Le,  364 

Bun-hard,  Rev.  Dr.,  S.  D.,  exact  facts  ns  to  "Rum, 
Romanism,  and  Rebellion"  speech  of,  410;  re 
fusal  of,  to  publicly  retract  or  explain,  411 

Bureau  of  Catholic  Indian  Missions,  52-2 ;  General 
Morgan's  victory  over,  301  ;  relations  between, 
and  Indian  office  severed,  297  ;  Report  of,  261  ; 
sketch  of,  292  ;  strictures  on,  294,  295  ;  work  of 
schools  under,  299 

Bureau  of  Engravings,  promotions  in,  313 

Burke  (quoted),  66,  211 

Burlington  CN.  J.),  54 

Businger  and  Shea,  quoted,  191,  202;  on  Catholic 
relations  to  Civil  War,  417;  on  Godless  schools,  321 

"  Business  of  the  Books,  Censures  niul  Index, 
The,"  .'{58 

Butler,  Rev.  Dr.  William,  on  Jesuitism,  255  ;  on  the 
attitude  of  the  papacy  in  our  Civil  War,  415; 
Win.  Allen,  316;  argues  in  favor  of  Sixteenth 
Amendment  in  Congress,  525 

Byron,  Thomas  F.,  claims  Catholic  laymen  do  not 
want  parochial  schools,  345 

Cadiz,  Drake's  work  at,  allusion  to,  159;  English 

naval  victory  at,  128 
Cienar.  13 

California,  effect  of  acquisition  of,  586 
Calvin,  44  ;  characterisation  of,  .'58 
Cambon,  M..  instructed  hy  M.  Hanotaux  to  prcv  nt 

war  with  Spain,  614  A 
Canada,  clerical  intimidation  in,  236,  237 
Cau on  Law,  defined,  602  A  ;  Eight  sources   of,   and 


ultimate  source  of ,  602  A  ;  why  BO  named,  60V  A  r 
Von  Schulte's  digest  of,  188 

Canonical  admonition  of  Father  Ducey,  432 

Cantor,  Senator,  punished  by  Croker  f^r  disobe 
dience,  437 

Cape  Cod,  Pilgrims  arrive  at,  24 

Capital  and  labor,  relations  between,  how  compli 
cated,  393 

Carlisle,  attack  on  Indian  School  at,  349 

Carlyle  quoted,  181,  198 

Carroll,  Anna  Ella,  gives  history  and  perversion  of 
Tammany,  418  ;  Charles,  of  Carrollton,  60  •  Henry 
K  LL.  D.,  93  ;  John  F.,442  ;  Croker's  lieutenant 
in  his  absence,  452 

Carmelites,  barefooted,  320 

Caroline  Islands,  Pope's  arbitration  between  Spain 
and  Germany,  472 

Carr,  Lieut.  J.  A.,  quoted,  130 

Carter,  Thomas  H.,  National  Committeeman,  314  ; 
Archbishop  Ireland's  letter  to,  265 

Cartier,  Jacques,  46 

Carver,  John,  joins  Pilgrims  at  Leyden,  23  ;  made 
Governor  of  Pilgrim  colony,  25  ;  death  of,  26  ; 
secures  grant  for  Pilgrims,  23 

Castile  and  Aragon,  union  of,  121 

Catherine  de  Medici,  duplicity  of,  40,  41 

"Catholic  and  Protestant  Countries  Compared," 
488 

"  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  The,"  324, 
512 

Catholic,  Church,  State  within  a  State,  287  ;  Club, 
fig_ht  of,against  anti-sectarian  amendment  to  Con 
stitution,  384;  Congress,  Columbian  Exposition, 
Miss  Elder  at,  quoted,  508;  liberalism,  condemna 
tion  of,  236,  237  ;  majority  in  America,  Froude 
on,  257;  organization,  Rev.  D.  C.  Cunnion  on, 
401,  402  ;  press,  when  deserving  of  canonical 
censure,  367  ;  Protectory,  390  ;  teachers,  political 
duty  of,  501 

Catholic  Citizen,  opinion  of,  on  the  public  schools, 
345 

"  Catholic  Directory  "  (Hoffmann's),  quoted,  293 

Catholic  Herald,  366.  367 

Catholic  Mirror,  on  drink  and  Catholicism,  414 

Catholic  Review,  quoted,  238,  261,  363;  on  Arch 
bishop  Ireland's  defeat  of  Constitutional  amend 
ment  in  1896,267 

Catholic  Times,  quoted,  507 

Catholic  World,  quoted,  200,  414  ;  on  duty  of  Catho 
lics  in  politics,  493 

Cavalier,  the  characterization  of,  58  ;  part  of,  in 
settling  America,  57 

Cavite,  treachery  at,  465 

Cebu, 167 

Censorship  of  the  Press,  114 

Centenary,  of  R.  C.  Hierarchy  in  U.  S.,  199;  ser 
mon  of  Archbishop  Ireland  quoted,  199 

Central  News  dispatch,  463 

Century  Magazine.  Captain  Sigsbee  in,  on  Maine 
funeral,  497 

Cession  of  Cuba  to  Pope,  463 

Chameleon,  description  of,  200 

Chapelle,  Archbishop  P.  L.,  293;  useful  to  Rome, 
amongst .members  of  Peace  Commission,  620 A 

Chaplaincy,  Father  Rosen's  fight  for,  278 

Charles  I.,  21 

Charles  II.,  55,  87 

Charles  V.,  14  ;  empire  of,  Motley  on,  126 

Charles  X.,  71 

Charles,  Prince,  distrust  of,  30 

Charlestown,  33 

Charlevoix,  County,  election,  236 

Chateaubriand  (quoted),  64 

"Chautauqna,  Movement,"  111;  Lit.  and  Sci. 
Circle,  object  of,  111,  112 

Chester,  Justice,  upholds  Supt.  Skinner  in  Water- 
vliet  school  appeal,  348 

Chicago,  Archbishop  Fechan  of,  259  ;  Peace  Jubilee 
in,  157 

Chidwick.  Chaplain,  ostentatiously  advertises  his 

church  connections,  484 
Chief  Justice  of  II.  S.,  first.  51 

Children  of  the  American  Revolution,  559;  of  the 
Light  (Quakers,  Friends),  53,  54  ;  religious  pro- 
vinions  for  "  non-parochial,""  328 

"Children  of  the  Bible,"  Huguenots,  44 
Children's  Aid  Society,  382 


Index. 


631 


Child-Study  Congress  of  Paulist  Fathers,  339 

Christian  Advocate,  allusion  to,  363 

Christian  Herald,  services  of,  147  •  statistics  pub 
lished  by,  148 

"Christianity  in  the  United  States,"  quoted,  512 

Christianity,  part  of  law  of  the  laud,  378:  the 
national  religion  (Bryce),  89 

Christmas,  a  festival  with  Dutch,  17 

Church  and  state,  State  Constitutions  on,  89  ;  sepa 
ration  of,  Leo  XIII.  on,  221  ;  dangers  from  union 
of,  82  ;  separation  of,  81  ;  sphere  and  function  of, 
79  ;  theories  as  to,  81 

Church,  a  Sovereign  State,  603  A,  610  A  ;  can  inflict 
temporal,  physical,  and  spiritual  punishments, 
611  A;  in  U.  S..  603  A;  judicial  powers  of,  608  A  ; 
legislative  and  executive  power  of,  604  A;  Prot 
estant  errors  as  to  status  of,  608  A ;  property, 
reason  for  remission  of  taxes,  96 

"  Church,  The,  and  The  Age,"  Archbishop  Ireland's 
sermon  on,  quoted,  478,  479 

Churches,  R.  C.  and  Evangelical,  comparative  sta 
tistics  of,  513 

Cincinnati,  Bishop  Purcell  of,  attitude  as  to  public 
schools,  343 ;  History  of  the  Society  of,  551  ; 
Order  of,  420 

Circular  letter,  Archbishop  Kain  prepares,  370 

"Civic  Interrogations,1'  238  ;  Archbishop Corrigan's 
comments  on,  240-243  ;  strictures  on  Archbishop 
Cprrigan's  answer  to,  244,  245 

Civil,  and  Common  law,  65 ;  and  ecclesiastical 
power;  which  to  prevail,  209;  and  Religious 
Liberty,  relations  of,  78  ;  liberty,  claims  of,  con 
demned,  217;  liberty,  essential  character  of,  208  ; 
Service,  572  et  seq.;  Service  Reform  Law  and  Its 
effects,  577-579;  War,  attitude  of  Papacy  during, 
415  ;  reason  for  its  hostility,  415  ;  War,  disabilities 
of,  abolished,  150  ;  War,  R.  C.  Church  deprecated, 
417 

Civilita  Cattolica,  228 

Civilizations,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin,  121  ;  English 
and  Latin,  vital  difference  between,  135  ;  Latin 
and  Anglo-Saxon  contrasted,  143 

Clement  V.  (Pope),  enacts  church  law  of  summary 
judicial  proceeding  in  matrimonial  causes,  609  A 

Clement  VII.,  a  foe  to  Reformers,  40 

Clement  XIV.,  abolishes  Jesuits,  198 

Clerical,  intimidation  in  Canada,  236,  237,  496  ;  vote 
in  Rome,  507 

Clergymen,  exclusion  of,  from  office,  88 

Cleveland,  President,  316 

Clifton,  Mr.  Richard,  clergyman,  20 

Cloistered  nuns,  privileges  of,  as  superior  to  the 
law,  310 

Cockran,  Bourke,  on  the  political  "  boss,"  405 

Coligny,  44 ;  aids  Huguenots  in  colonizing  Brazil 
and  North  America,  45 

Collegio  Romano,  restoration  of,  to  Jesuits,  196 

Collum,  Senator,  173 

Colonial,  Dames  of  America,  559  ;  Daughters  of  the 
Seventeenth  Century,  559 ;  Order,  558 ;  Society, 
558 

Colonization,  Dutch,  aristocratic  features  of,  16 

Columbia,  District  of,  composition  of  Court  of  Ap 
peal,  309 

"Columbian  Orations  "  of  Mr.  Depew,  quoted,  567 

Columbian  Order,  395 

Columbus,  45 ;  discovers  Cuba,  164 ;  discovers 
Porto  Rico,  166 ;  heirs  of,  lawsuit  against,  136 ; 
statue  of,  stoned  at  Granada,  162 

"  Columbus,  Knights  of,"  395 ;  object  of.  396 ; 
membership,  how  increased,  396 

Commercial  Advertiser^  on  papal  mediation,  615  A 

Commission  to  Satolli,  Pope's,  language  of,  194 

Commissioner,  McCartney,  verbal  order  of,  441  ; 
Morgan,  suggested  price  for  confirmation  of,  296; 
of  Indian  Affairs,  General  Morgan,  260  ;  of  Indian 
Affairs,  General  Morgan,  attempt  to  defeat  con 
firmation  of,  292 

"Committee  of  Correspondence,    Inter-colonial," 

Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  report  of,  157 

Compact  of  Pilgrims,  24 

Compulsory  school  attendance  laws,  Archbishop 

Spalding  on,  505 
Common  and  civil  law,  65 
Common  schools,  assaults  on,  100 ;  Dr.  McGlynn 

on,   344 ;   free,  necessity  for  defense  of,  542,  et 


9tq. ;  origin  of,  97  ;  religious  question  in  conduct 
of,  100 ;  sources  of  support  of,  99  ;  system,  96 

Concord,  153 

Concordat,  second  article  of,  between  Spain  and 
Holy  See,  320 

Coude,  Prince  of,  44 

Confessional,  abuse  of,  123 

Congregational  Church  of  Massachusetts,  first,  32 

Congress,  resolutions  of,  relating  to  Cuba,  148 

Conkling.  Roscoe,  412 

Connecticut,  Cleveland's  success  in  (1892),  ex 
plained,  261  ;  settlement  of,  35 

Connolly,  Richard  B.,  preceptor  of  Croker,  455 

"  Consent  of  the  governed,"  comment  on,  68 

"Constitutio  de  Fide  Catholica,"  quoted,  621  A 

Constitution,  anti-sectarian  amendment  to,  how 
defeated,  385  ;  result  of  defeat,  386  ;  English,  un 
written,  70  ;  of  U.  S.,  written,  70  •  of  U.  8.,  Firct 
Amendment  to,  83  ;  Spanish,  of  1876,  quoted,  219 

Constitutional,  amendment  of  1896,  attempted, 
reasons  for,  264,  265 ;  defeat  of,  through  Arch 
bishop  Ireland,  266 ;  Convention,  Mr.  Coudert 
before,  336  ;  amendment  suggested  by  Committee 
on  Education,  338 

Contract-school  system,  question  of,  to  be  re 
opened,  302 

Convent  of  Mercy,  remarks  on,  439 

Coogan,  James  J.,  459 

Cook,  Captain,  discovery  of  Hawaiian  Islands  by, 
171 ;  Joseph,  on  American  journalism,  119 

Cooley,  Judge,  quoted,  90 ;  on  law  and  religion, 
100 ;  opinion  of,  on  relation  of  civil  law  to 
Christianity,  92 

Corcoran,  Father,  succeeds  in  establishing  sec 
tarian  public  school  at  Stillwater,  Minn.,  329 

Corning,  assault  on  school  fund  at,  348 

Cornwall,  Dr.  Edward  E.,  in  N.  Y.  Sun,  quoted, 
140 

Correspondence  between  Archbishop  Corrigan  and 
Father  Ducey,  432-435 

Corrigan,  Archbishop,  177,  293,  301,  343,  426; 
abuses  Italian  Government,  283;  Jnbilee  of,  428; 
parochial  school  children  at,  484;  letter  of. 
denying  papal  interference  in  American  politics, 
240;  the  letter  dissected,  244,245;  letter  of,  show 
ing  interference  in  New  Jersey  politics,  247; 
threatening  letter  of,  to  Catholic  Herald,  367 

Corrigan,  Father,  attempt  of,  to  secure  New  Jersey 
public  funds  for  school,  328 

Corrupt  Practices  Bill,  570 

Cortez,  characterization  of,  126 

Cosgrove,  Bishop,  compares  circulation  of  Catholic 
and  Protestant  papers,  363 

Cosmopolitan,  defiance  to  Crokerism  in,  450,  451 

Cotton,  John,  37 

Coudert,  Hon.  Frederic  R.,  criticism  of  Attorney 
General's  opinion  on  West  Point  Catholic  grant, 
by,  306;  opposes  our  expansion,  463;  presented 
with  loving  cup  by  Catholic  Club,  386;  withdraws 
Catholic  opposition  to  Constitutional  Amend 
ment  protecting  schools,  336 

Council  of  Trent,  Fourth  Canon  on  Baptism,  379; 
Eighth  Canon,  379 

"  Council  of  Troubles,"  127 

Court,  Antoine,  44 

Crowell,  Dr.,  on  Divine  Right,  116 

"  Creoles,"  definition  of,  165 

Crimmins,  John  D.,  442 

Cristobal  Colon,  162 

Cristobal  Colon  Cemetery,  498 

Croker,  Richard,  absolutism  of,  rests  on  Catholic 
vote,  460;  account  of  assault  committed  by,  455; 
announces  his  determination  to  retain  control  of 
Tammany,  453;  amasses  a  fortune  in  politic*,  456; 
a  pupil  of  Connolly  and  Genet,  456;  biographical 
sketch  of,  454;  his  control  of  Manhattan,  428;  his 
demands  on  Judge  Daly,  and  results  to  latter  of 
refusal,  438;  is  Emperor  of  New  York,  428;  leads 
gang  of  repeaters  to  Philadelphia,  454;  letter  to, 
from  Sister  Mary  Dnvid,  429;  master  of  Demo 
cratic  party,  275;  New  York  Times  on,  459;  on 
Tammany's  influence  on  local  and  national  poli 
tics,  423;  orders  Tammany  to  subscribe  $20,000  to 
the  suffering  poor,  430;  punishes  recalcitrant 
Tammanyites,  437;  reply  of,  to  Sister  Mary 
David,  430;  tried  for  murder,  and  discharged  on 
disagreement  of  jury,  456 


632 


Index. 


Cromwell,  89 

Crowley,  Father,  assaults  Indian  schools  in  appeal 

to  Ojibway  Indians,  349 
Cuba,  147;  description  of,  164 
Cuba's  hunger  statistics,  148 
Cunnion,  Rev.  Daniel  C.,  advises  organization  of 

Catholic  young  men,  399 
Curry,  Dr.,  on  the  necessity  of  schools  to  safety  of 

the  republic,  544 
Cushman,  Robert,  secures  grant  for  Pilgrims,  23 

Daily  Chronicle  on  prospects  of  papal  mediation, 
010  A 

J tally  JVVf/vf,  Mr.  Gladstone's  postcard  in,  506 

Daily  Sews,  on  attitude  of  Pope  and  President 
before  Spanish  War,  G14  A;  on  papal  mediation, 
010  A 

Daily  Telegraph  (London),  interviews  with  Weyler 
published  in,  148 

Daly,  Judge  Charles  P.,  abused  by  Catholic  lawyers 
on  opposing  sectarian  appropriations,  487;  Judge 
Joseph  F.,  387:  defeated  by  Croker's  orders, 
456;  New  York  Herald  on  Croker's  ordering 
defeat  of,  4.%;  refused  renoininatipn  for  de 
clining  to  submit  to  Croker's  dictation,  438 

Dames  of  the  lie  volution,  559 

Daughters  of  Holland  Dames,  559;  of  Liberty,  559, 
564;  of  the  American  Revolution,  559;  of  the 
Cincinnati,  559;  of  the  Revolution,  559 

Davenport,  John,  37 

Davis,  Jefferson,  letter  to,  from  Pius  IX.,  415;  Sena- 
ator,  277 

Death  for  religious  opinions,  first  date  of,  in  Eng 
land,  21 

Declaration  of  Independence,  55;  quoted,  208;  of 
intention  of  alien,  quoted,  208 

De  Courcey,  59 

Definitions,  ecclesiastical,  601  A 

De  Gourgues  retaliates  on  Menendez'  garrison,  46 

Delaware,  Swedes'  colony  in,  67 

Delegate  vs.  Archbishop,  277,  278 

De  Leon,  Ponce,  founds  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico,  166 

Delft  Haven,  first  Pilgrim  expedition  from,  24 

"  Democracy  and  Liberty,"  quoted,  256,  287 

Democrat,  American,  Mr.  Richards'  estimate  of, 
274,  275 

"  De  Moribns  Eccleshe,"  quoted,  242 

Denominational  Colleges,  number  of,  109;  system, 
Cardinal  Gibbons  recommends,  325;  Father  Phe- 
lan  on,  368 

Denominations,  table  of,  94 

Department  of  Charities  and  Corrections,  remarks 
on, 438 

Depew,  Chauncey  M.,  quoted,  49  ;  in  opposition  to 
promiscuous  immigration,  567  ;  on  Destiny,  587 

Deposition  of  princes,  right  of,  606  A 

De  Tocqueville,  on  Christianity  and  popular  educa 
tion  in  the  United  States,  581 

Devare  translation  of  "Syllabus  Errorum  "  of, 
324 

Devery,  Chief  of  Police,  career  of,  in  brief,  443; 
what  his  return  signalizes,  443 

Dewey,  Commodore  (Admiral),  153,  159 

Diocletian,  115 

Districtof  Columbia,  Appropriation  Bill,  537  ;  Court 
of  Appeal  of,  309  ;  final  non  sectarian  decision  of, 
539  ;  joint  committee  on,  538 

Division  of  the  school  fund,  Dr.  McGlynn  on,  346 

Divorce  and  ecclesiastical  power,  609  A 

Divorces,  causes  and  varieties  of,  610  A,  involun 
tary,  610  A 

Divver  Club,  migratory  member  of,  439,  440 

Dockery,  Congressman,  538 

Dods  worth,  W.,  believes  in  American  ability  to 
properly  govern  Philippines,  592 

Dole,  President  Ban  ford  B.,  173 

Dollinger,  Dr.,  on  infallibility  dogma,  318 

Dorchester,  Dr.  Daniel,  292,  520;  declares  Romanism 
is  on  the  decline,  512 

Doyle,  Rev.  Alexander  P.,  on  power  of  Catholic 
Church  to  compel  obedience,  234;  on  the  vileness 
of  the  average  saloon,  446 

Dniper,  Hon.  Andrew  S.,  on  New  York's  early 
schools,  98 

Dreyfus  cane,  135 

DuboiB,  44 

Ducey,  Rev.  Thomas  J.,  letter  to,  from  Archbishop 


Corrigan,  forbidding  attendance  at  Lexow  invefl- 
tigation,  432;  opposition  of,  to  Tammany  cor 
ruption,  431  ;  response  of,  denying  Archbishop's 
right  to  forbid  such  attendance,  433 

Dudley, sails  from  Southampton  for  Plymouth, 

33 

Duffy,  Lieutenant  Colonel,  494 

Du  Monts,  leads  Huguenot  expedition  to  Port  Royal, 
N.  S.,  46 

Dunn,  "Tom  "442 

Dutch,  colonization,  aristocratic  features  of,  16; 
history  an  aid  to  solution  of  American  problems, 
19;  religious  toleration  of,  18;  social  life  of,  17 

Dyer,  Rev.  E.  R.,  293 

Dykman,  Justice,  decides  Myers  voting  machine 
unconstitutional,  23(5 

Kagle,  Brooklyn,  anonymous  R.  C.  in,  quoted,  272  ; 
J.  Seton  in,  quoted,  273  :  James  M.  Richards  in, 
274 

Early  removals  for  party  reasons,  576 

Eaton,  Dorman  B.,  316,  519  ;  "  Father  of  Civil  Ser 
vice  Reform,"  572 

"  Ecclesia  est  in  Statu,"  why  false,  603  A 

Ecclesiastical  Definitions,  601  A  ;  reasons  for  giv 
ing,  601  A 

Ecclesiastics  forbidden  to  sue  in  civil  courts,  605  A 

Edict  of  Nantes,  date  of,  89;  Revocation  of,  42; 
Revocation  of,  Effects  of,  43 

Edict  of  Toleration,  558 

Editors,  R.  C.,  memorial  of,  to  Leo  XIII.,  361 

Education  Bill  (1888),  Blair  on,  290;  in  U.  S.,  main 
principles  recognized  in,  103;  Leo  XIII.  reverses 
attitude  on,  330;  out  of  school,  110 

"  Education:  To  whom  does  it  Belong?  "  334-336 

Egan,  Patrick,  483 

"Eidgenossen,"  38 

Eighteen  propositions  condemned  by  the  Popes, 
612  A-643A 

El  Comercio  of  Madrid,  letter  of  Archbishop  of 
Manila  in,  468,  469 

Elder,  Miss  M.  T.,  finds  her  Catholic  co-religioniets 
have  little  to  be  proud  of,  508 

"Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Canon  Law,"  602  A- 
612  A 

Eliot,  John,  Indian  apostle,  37 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  21;  appointment  of  Puritans  to 
church  positions  by,  29 

Elizabeth's  desire  for  good  will  of  subjects,  28 

Elliott,  Father  Walter  A.,  confesses  that  Catholics 
monopolize  liquor  traffic,  414 

Emancipation  Proclamation  of  the  Western  Hemi 
spheres,  149 

Emigration,  from  Western  Hemisphere,  only 
instance  of,  507;  without  license  forbidden,  22 

Emmanuel,  Victor,  234,  282 

Encyclical  letters,  referred  to  as  condemning 
modern  ideas,  612  A,  613  A;  of  1888,  quoted,  215, 
of  1890,  extract,  from,  210;  of  1895,  on  isolation  of 
Catholics,  481;  of  Leo  XIII.  (November  1,  1885); 
quoted,  253;  of  Leo  XIII.,  quoted,  209;  defined, 
602  A 

Endicott,  John,  leads  Puritan  expedition  to  Salein, 
31;  sends  party  to  settle  at  Charlestown,  33 

English  language,  increase  in  use  of,  146 

Essential  elements  of  Anglo-American  Unity,  144 

Established  religion,  U.  S.  Constitution  repudiates, 
184 

Evening  Xun,  363 

Evening  Telegram,  on  Police  Department,  443 

Everett",  Edward  (quoted),  138 

Examination  papers  in  advance,  how  to  be  pro 
cured,  315 

"  Ex  Attache,"  quotation  from,  as  to  BucceBsorehip 
to  Leo  XIII  ,  254 

Ex-Cathedra,  defined,  605  A 

Excommunicated  to  be  shunned,  612  A 

Executive  departments  nt  Was-hington,  Dr.  Her- 
shey's  animadversions  on.  312,  313 

Exile,  ecclesiastical,  defined,  (ill  A 

Expurgated  school-books,  480 

"  Faith  of  our  Fathers,"  quoted,  507 

"  Familiar  Explanation  of  Catholic  Doctrine,"  Rev. 

M.  Muller  in,  quoted,  213 
Faneuil  Hall,  51 
Fanueil,  Peter,  51 


Index. 


633 


Parel,  44 

Farewell  Address  of  Washington,  on  instability  of 
morality  without  religion,  580;  quoted,  550 

"Faribault  plan,"  330;  Archbishop  Ireland's  pur 
pose  in,  342;  object  of,  330,  331 

Faribault,  school  question  at,  329 

"  Faribault  with  fringes,"  368 

"  Father  of  Civil  Service  Reform,"  572 

Faulkner,  Senator,  538 

Ferdinand,  of  Spain,  121, 122,  124,  et  seq. 

Field,  David  Dudley,  quoted,  90 

Final  conclusions  of  Mr.  Gladstone  as  to  claims  of 
the  Pope,  614  A 

First,  female  college  graduate  in  U.  S.,  109;  Re 
formed  Dutch  Church,  N.  Y.,  4? 

FitzGerald,  Bishop,  at  Havana,  496;  Representa 
tive,  deems  it  necessary  to  assert  It.  C.  loyalty, 
475 

Five  things  unlawful  under  any  of  the  American 
Constitutions  (Cooley),  101 

Flower,  Governor,  signs  sectarian  bill,  373 ;  vetoes 
ballot  measure,  571 

Foley,  Father  M.  F.,  claims  Catholic  squalor  and 
vice  the  result  of  drink,  415 

"  Footprints  of  the  Jesuits,"  quoted,  503 

Forefathers'  Day,  19 

Foreignism  in  the  parochial  schools,  Brownson 
on, 344 

Foreman,  Mr.,  quoted  on  Philippines,  169 

Fortifications,  erection  of,  in  New  England,  33 

Fortnightly  Review,  M.  Paul  Bert  in,  212 

Fort  Orange  (Albany),  18 

Fortune,  Pilgrim  ship,  arrival  of,  at  Plymouth,  26 

Forum,  404 

"  Four  questions,"  of  Professor  Bouquillon,  334 

Fox,  George,  preaches  Quakerism,  53 ;  visits 
American  Colonies,  54 

France,  republic  of,  only  so  nominally,  160 

Francis  I.,  policy  of,  toward  French  Protestants, 
39  ;  succeeded  by  his  son  Henry  II.,  40 

Frear,  Judge,  173 

Frederic,  Harold,  463 

Frederic  II.,  deposed  by  Innocent  IV.,  605  A 

Free  common  schools,  American  programme  for, 
545,  546;  necessity  for  defense  of,  542  et  seq.; 
Talleyrand  on,  542  ;  Horace  Mann,  543 

Freedom  of  Worship,  American  idea,  374  ;  idea  of, 
in  Syllabus,  374  ;  in  "countries  called  Catholic" 
condemned,  613  A  ;  right  of,  denied  by  R.  C. 
Church,  380;  bill,  371,  524;  contest,  375  et  seq.: 
Governor  Flower  passes,  374 ;  obiect  of,  373 ; 
text  of,  372 ;  bills,  deserving  of  defeat,  381  ;  who 
favor  and  who  oppose,  381 

Freeman's  Journal,  on  Pope's  relation  to  Spanish 
and  Cuban  affairs,  616  A 

Freemasons,  Encyclical  against,  397 

Free,  press,  the,  as  educator,  112;  will  and  Pope,  602 

"  French  Catholic  Press,  The,"  364 

French  people  unfitted  for  self-government  (Lafay 
ette),  71 

Friends  (Children  of  the  Light,  Quakers),  53,  54 

Fronde,  on  Catholicism,  201  ;  on  the  assumptions 
of  the  Holy  See,  206 ;  on  results  of  a  Catholic 
majority  in  America,  257 

Fuller,  Samuel,  31 

Gaddanes,  168 

Gainsborough,  Pilgrims  first  worship  at,  20 

Gardiner,  Asa  Bird,  peculiar  political  platform  of, 

429 

Garfield,  President  James  A.,  52  ;  on  separation  of 
church  and  state,  84;  opposes  public  support  of 
sectarian  schools,   101  ;    would    make  all  study 
American  history,  545 
Gear,  Senator,  267 

Genet,  Henry  W.,  preceptor  of  Crpker,  455 
George,  Henry,   influence  of,  on  independent  vot 
ing,  569  ;  on  Archbishop  Corrigan's  meddling  in 
politics,  246  ;  supports  ballot  reform,  570 
George  Washington  Memorial  Association,  559 
Gibbons,  Cardinal,  214.  293,  336,  614  A;  acknowl 
edges  receipt  without  comment  of  request  from 
National    League  to  desist  seeking  Government 
appropriations,  529 ;  on  religion  in  schools,  325; 
petitions  Congress  to  reopen  contract -school  ques 
tion,  301  ;  President  of  Bureau   Catholic   Indian 
Missions,  293 


Gilmour,  Bishop,  on  Catholic  relations  to  church 
and  state,  487 

Gilroy,  ex-Mayor,  448 

Gladstone,  Rt.  Hon.  William  E.,  210,  218;  believes 
Catholics  in  a  minority  of  Christians,  506  ;  on  the 
demands  of  the  Pope,  207 ;  on  the  Vatican  de 
crees.  612  A 

Glasgow  Evening  News,  405 

Godefroy,  44 

God  in  the  Constitution,  Presupposed,  70 

Gorman,  Senator,  presents  Cardinal  Gibbous1  peti 
tion  in  Senate,  302 

Gosnold  names  Cape  Cod,  24 

Goujou,  44 

"Governor  and  Company  of  the  Massachusetts 
Bay  in  New  England,"  32 

Governor's  council,  established,  27    -•- 

Grace,  ex-Mayor,  448 

Grady,  Senator,  punished  by  Croker  for  disobedi 
ence,  437 

Granada,  statue  of  Columbus  stoned  at,  162 

Grant,  President,  153 ;  on  free  schools,  101 ;  school 
legislation  of,  defeated  by  Francis  Kernan,  291 

"  Great  American  Battle,  The,"  418 

Great  Britain,  treaty  with,  how  defeated,  288 

Green,  quoted,  29 

Gridley,  Captain  Charles  V-,  quoted,  153 

Gualian  (Guam),  170 

Gustavus  Adolphus,  61 

Gutenberg,  John,  inventor  of  printing,  113 

Hagner,  District  Judge,  anti-sectarian  decision  of, 
overruled  by  Catholic  Judges,  309 

Half  Moon,  15 

Hallam  quoted,  86 

Halliday,  Rev.  S.B.,410 

Hanna,  Mark,  267 

Hanotaux,  M.,  instructs  M.  Cambon  to  prevent  War 
with  Spain,  614  A 

Harper's  Weekly,  Franklin  Matthews  in,  on  "  Wide- 
open  New  York,"  445 

Harris,  Hon.  William  T.,  believes  in  complete  secu 
larization,  339;  defines  province  of  schools  in 
relation  to  morality,  338;  Senator,  538 

Harrison,  President,  522;  Catholic  Review's  opinion 
of,  261  ;  defeat  of,  explained  by  Western  Catholic 
News,  259  ;  false  charge  against,  261;  N.  Y.  Press 
explains  hostile  vote  of  Connecticut,  261  ;  sup 
ports  Commissioner  Morgan  against  Romanist 
attack,  295 

Hartford,  Pioneers  of.  36 

Harvard,  College  founded,  34;  John,  bequest  to 
college,  death  of,  34 

Havana,  164;  Bishop  of,  at  Maine  funeral,  497 

Hawaiian,  Commission,  members  of,  173  ;  Islands, 
description  of,  171;  Republic,  annexation  of,  173 

Hawaiians,  description  of,  172 

Hawks,  Dr.  Francis  L.,  on  Lord  Baltimore's  policy, 
59 

Healey,  Bishop  James  A.,  293 

Hecker,  Father,  astounding  statement  of,  510 ; 
opinion  of  proper  relations  of  church  and  state 
of,  324 ;  quoted,  130 ;  spirit  of  Rome  misrepre 
sented  by,  621  A  ;  sums  up  the  Catholic  situation, 
512 

Helena,  Bishop  Brondell  of,  293 

Henry  II.,  of  France,  persecution  of  Protestants  by, 
40 

Henry  IV.,  of  France,  abjures  Protestant  Faith,  41; 
assassination  of,  42 

Henry  of  Navarre,  44 

Henry  VIII.,  28 

Henry,  Patrick,  56 

Herald,  New  York,  361;  Archbishop  Ireland's  let 
ter  to  the  Pope  in,  491;  on  anxiety  of  Vatican  as 
to  Philippines,  618  A;  on  nomination  of  Judge 
Daly,  435;  on  Papal  intervention,  614  A  ;  quoted, 
312;  quoted,  on  Maine  funeral,  498 

Herald  of  Gospel  Liberty,  The,  118 

Heresy,  great,  of  the  nineteenth  century,  216 

Hershey,  Rev.  Dr.,  on  Catholic  coercing  of  Pension 
Department  Clerks,  312 

Hierarchy,  defined,  604  A 

Higginson,  Francis,  confession  of  faith  drawn  up 


by,  32 
High 


gher  education,  accessibility  of,  106;  meaning  of, 
106 


634 


Index. 


Highland  Falls,  N.  Y.,  303 

Hill,  Governor  David  B.,  opposes  ballot  reform, 
569;  opposes  continuation  of  Wheeler  H.  Peck- 
ham,  while  senator,  -il6;  vetoes  reform  bill,  5^0 

Hill  School,  Stillwater,  Minn.,  329 

Hicpaniola,  fate  of  its  inhabitants,  126 

"  llistorvof  Civilization,"  Bnrkle,  quoted,  132 

"  History  of  Catholic  Church,"  Busiuger  and  Shea's, 
quoted  183,  202,  408,  401),  417;  summary  of  his 
tory  in.  during  18(51;  417,418 

Hitchcock,  Dr.  Roswell,  quoted,  138 

Hilt,  Congressman,  173 

Hoar,  Senator,  quoted  approvingly  by  La  Voce 
dflla  Verita,  620  A 

Huffman  House,  editorial  dinner  at,  363;  Irish- 
American  meeting  at,  483 

Huffman's  Catholic  l)irtctory,  quoted,  2'J3,  512; 
statistics  of  Catholicism,  512 

Hogau,  M.  J.,  4*3 

Holland,  Uames  of  New  Netherlands,  559;  Society, 
558 

Hollow  Land  (Low  Land),  13 

"  Holy  experiment."  55 

Holinan,  W.  S.,  529 

Honolulu,  172 

Hooker,  Rev.  Thomas,  pioneer  of  Hartford,  op 
poses  restricted  suffrage,  36 

House  of  Refuge  (Randall's  Island),  390 

Howland.  Henry  E.,  316,  519 

Hudson,  Henry,  15 

Hughes,  Archbishop  (quoted),  134;  Hugh  Price, 
declares  Romanism  to  be  declining  all  over  the 
world,  507 

Hugo,  Victor,  discusses  Rome  as  an  educator,  320 

Huguenot,  colonization,  first  attempts  at,  45,  4(5; 
derivation  of,  38;  history  in  France,  three  periods, 
39;  name  imported  from  Geneva,  38;  period  of 
immunity,  40;  Society,  47;  Society  of  America, 
558 

Huiruenots,  characterization  of,  49,  50;  "Children 
of  the  Bible,"  44;  origin  of,  38;  persecuted  by 
Richelieu,  42 

Humboldt  (quoted),  135 

Hussites,  38 

Hu.'chinson,  Mrs.  Anne,  banished  from  Plymouth, 
settles  Newport  and  Portsmouth,  36 

Iggoiotes,  168 

Ignorance  of  the  voter,  Dr.  Curry  on,  544 

Illegal  registration,  442 

Immigration,  Bill,  defeat  of,  288;  restriction  of, 
567;  statistics  of.  625 

Independent,  410;  letter  of,  333;  Mr.  Byron's  allu 
sion  to.  345;  symposium  on  Sixteenth  Amend 
ment,  525 

Index,  Catholic  culture  controlled  by,  360 

Indian,  Appropriation  Bill,  how  amended  in  House 
<>f  Representatives,  537;  retrograde  action.  538; 
Bureau,  appropriations  for  eect;irinn  education 
cut  down,  523;  education,  in  Fifty-third  Con 
gress,  535;  schools,  Catholic,  enumeration  of. 
293;  schools,  Government  and  Catholic,  con 
trasted,  300;  school  service,  President  places, 
under  civil  service  rules,  296;  Service,  two  con 
trolling  principles  in  appointments  to,  295 

"  Indigestible  morsels  "  of  I  he  body  politic,  568 

Individual  rights,  restriction  of,  374;  sovereignty, 
Declaration  of  Independence  announces,  208 

Infallibility  dogma,  Dr.  DO) linger  on,  318;  dogma 
of,  denned  by  Vatican  Council  of  1870,  206 

"  Influence  of  Sea-Power  upon  History,"  128 

Innocent  IV.  (Pope),  60")  A 

Inquisition.  14,  127,  161;  and  inquisitors.  60S  A: 
penalties  of,  123;  restrictions  of,  on  printing,  116; 
sketch  of,  122 

"  Insulars,"  165 

"  Intercolonial  Committee  of  Correspondence,"  58 

International  law,  requirements  of,  exceeded  by 
President's  proclamation,  157 

Intolerance,  Romish,  Palmerston  on,  218 

Iowa,  153 

Ireland,  Archbishop,  177;  n«  agent  of  the  Vatican, 
614  A;  an  a  politician,  475;  attempts  of,  to  influ 
ence  appointments  on  Peace  Commission,  475; 
"  brevet  commission  from  Holy  See,"  277;  claims 
to  be  friendly  to  State  achools,  340;  defends  bin 
Faribault  plan  to  the  Pope,  341;  efforts  of, 


in  connection  with  Spanish  bonds,  476:  extract 
from  letter  of,  to  the  Pope,  853;  Faribault 
plan  of,  330;  indorses  Father  Muller's  abusive 
book  on  public  schools,  340;  interference  of,  in 
New  York  politics,  279;  letter  of,  to  National 
Committeemun  Thomas  H.  Carter,  265;  letter  re 
Faribault,  342,  343;  liberal  utterances  of,  do  not 
represent  Rome's  purpose.  214;  meddling  of,  with 
Indian  Department  of  Government,  314;  on 
"American  Citizenship,'1  235;  on  future  of 
Catholicity  in  the  U.  S.,  199,  200;  opposes  isola 
tion  of  Catholics  in  a  letter  to  Leo  XIII.,  491; 
later,  in  addressing  laymen,  advises  solidaiity, 
492;  plea  of,  to  the  Pope,  for  toleration  of  Fari 
bault  plan,  330;  sermon  of,  on  "The  Church  and 
the  Age,"  478;  submission  of,  621  A;  vacillation 
of.  278 

Ireland,  Board  of,  National  Education  of,  as  re 
visers,  3-2;  Nortli  and  South  of,  educational  con 
trast  between,  320 

Irving,  Washington,  126;  first  president  of  St. 
Nicholas  Society,  558;  quoted,  135 

Isabella  of  Spain,  121,  122,  134.  ?.t  seq. 

Italia  cables  Vatican  of  President  McKinley's 
friendly  attitude,  616  A 

Italian-American  press,  criticisms  of  papacy  in, 
contrasted,  365 

Jackson,  Andrew,  President,  leader  of  Tammany, 

420 
James    I.  (England),  72  ;    ascends  throne,  22,  29  ; 

failure  of,  to  understand  English  spirit,  29 
Jay,  John,  519  ;  William,  51 
Jefferson,  President,  74,  75;  declares  free  schools 

essential  to  the  republic.  542  ;  quoted  on  separation 

of  clmrch  find  state,  88 
Jenkins,  Rev.  Thomas  J.,  pamphlet  of,  on  Godless 

schools.  325 

Jerusalem,  Beth  Jacob  Synagogue  in,  160 
Jesuit  allies  of  Indians,  48  ;  priest,  letter  of,  against 

Education  Bill,  290 
Jesuitism,  progress  of,  505 
Jesuits,    abolition    of,    by    Clement    XIV.,     198  ; 

Carlyle's  characterization  of,    198  ;  Dr.    William 

Butler  on.  255;  instrumental  in  securing  decree 

of  papal   infallibility,   197;  Leo  X11I.   pupil   of, 

195  ;  Leo  XIII.  restorer  of,  to  power,  198  :  Order 

of,  sketch  of,  197  ;  remarks  on,  473,  474 
Jewish  liberality,  227 
Jews,  expulsion  of,  from  Spain,  124 
Jownal,  New  York,  interview  with  Leo  XIII.  in, 

514 ;    on   Pope's  interest    in   Spain,  614  A  ;    on 

"Tammany  Hall  clique,"  442 
J&urnalof  Commerce,  on  "  imperialism,"  591,  592 
Judieo-Ronuin  combinations,  281 
"Judges of  Faith  and  Godless  Schools,  The,"  325 
Junior  Order  American  Mechanics,  564 
Jury  trial  established  among  Pilgrims,  27 
Jus  canonicum,  and  equivalent  terms,  602  A 
Jus  commune,  003  A 
Jus  rationale,  603  A 

Kaiser,  William,  obtains  support  of  Centrists  by 

protecting  Catholic  interests,  254 
Kamehameha  III.,  172 
Katzer,  Archbishop,  343 
Kearney,  "Kd.,"442 

Keller,  John  W.,  Charities  Commissioner,  440 
Kelly,  John,  relations  of,  with  Richard  Croker.  456 
Kensington,  Cardinal  Manning's  sermon  at,  208 
Kerens,   R.    C.,    kills    Republican    plank    against 

sectarian  appropriations,  266 
Kernan,  Francis,  defeats  school  legislation  in  U.  S. 

Senate,  291 
King,  James  M.,  519 
Klopsch,  Dr.,  147 

Knights  of  Columbus,  396,  397  ;  of  Malta,  565 
Knox,  John,  56,  97 

Know-Nothingisrn.  in  Low  vote,  272,  273 
Know-Nothings,  192;  General  Grant  classed  with, 

321 
Kiihle,  School    Superintendent,  relations  of,  with 

Archbishop  Ireland,  348 

Labor  organizations,  Leo  XIII.  on,  394  ;  relations 

of  Romanism  to,  392 
Ladrone  Islands,  168  ;  description  of,  170 


Index. 


635 


Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  71  ;  on  American  liberties, 
184 

Laishley,  Chevalier,  report  of,  on  American  educa 
tional  system.  103 

Lakewood,  Croker  at,  429,  451 

La  Lega  Lombarodia  et  Milano,  on  triumph  of 
America,  620  A 

La  Liberia  Cattolica  (Naples),  on  American  "  evo 
lution  "  during  war,  620  A 

Lnmont,  Secretary  of  War,  grants  permit  to  erect 
R.  C.  chapel  on  West  Point  grounds,  303  ;  revokes 
it,  304  ;  on  political  pressure,  again  grants  it,  305 

La  Montagne,  Dr.,  17 

Langevin,  Hon.  Mr.,  elected  to  Canadian  Parliament 
by  clerical  intimidation,  236 

Langlois,  Rev.  Father,  on  liberalism  in  Canada,  237 

La  Rabida,  Juan  Perez,  prior  of,  130 

La  Rochelle,  siege  of,  42 

"Las  Marianas,"  170 

Lathrop,  George  Parsons,  on  "  Religious  Tolera 
tion,"  228 

Latin  and  Anglo-Saxon  Civilizations,  121 

Latin  civilization,  reason  for  failure  of,  143 ; 
Powers,  decadence  of.  131 

Lattimer  (Pa.),  prosecuting  committee,  composition 
of,  399  ;  riots  at,  399 

Laurier,  Sir  Wilfrid,  memorializes  the  Pope  against 
ecclesiastical  interference  in  Canadian  politics, 
496 

Lauterbach,  Edward,  kills  Republican  plunk 
against  sectarian  appropriations,  x!66 

Lavelle,  Rev.  M.  J.,  429 

La  Vera  Roma,  on  aggression  of  the  United  States, 


La  Voce  della  Verifa  (Rome),  on  Papal  mediation, 
619  A  ;  hopes  for  Democratic  success,  620  A 

Law,  civil  and  common,  65 

Lawrence,  Rev.  Mr.,  410 

League  of  the  Red,  White,  and  Blue,  559 

Lecky,  Walter,  on  political  power  of  priests  in  Ire 
land,  256  ;  quoted  on  relations  of  Catholic  Church 
to  the  state,  287 

Lee,  General  FitzHugh,  153,498-  Richard  Henry, 
58 

Leicester,  Francis  Higginson  of,  32 

Le  Lievre,  A.,  on  numerical  strength  of  Romanism, 
506 

Leo  XII.  restores  Collegio  Romano  to  the  Jesuits, 

Leo  XIII.,  accused  by  catholic  layman  of  illiberally, 
422  ;  advises  Catholics  to  exert  political  power  in 
United  States,  215  ;  advises  isolation  of  Catholics, 
481  ;  anxiety  of,  to  arbitrate  in  Spanish-American 
War,  4(52:  arbitrates  between  Spain  and  Germany, 
472  ;  declares  himself  prisoner  of  the  Vatican, 
283  ;  deplores  American  principle  of  separation  of 
church  and  state,  221,  222;  educated  by  Jesuits, 
196  ;  encyclical  of,  against  Freemasonry,  397  ; 
encyclical  of  1803,  opinion  of  Catholic  on,  422  ; 
encyclical  of,  in  labor  organizations,  394 ;  en 
cyclical  of,  on  Manitoba  school  law,  339 ;  his 
opinion  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  209;  instructs 
Catholics  in  their  political  duties,  253 ;  intjmate 
knowledge  of  obscure  politicians  of,  285;  letter  of 
submission  of  American  Catholic  editors  to,  361  : 
many-sided  political  ability  of,  205  ;  on  duty  of 
Catholics  in  politics,  263  ;  on  religious  freedom, 
375  ;  on  Spanish-American  War,  514  ;  political 
ambition  of,  195 ;  regrets  Protestant  move 
ment  in  Italy,  376;  restores  Jesuits  to  power, 
198;  teaches  resistance  to  civil  law,  when  it  con 
flicts  with  laws  of  Church,  210 

Lepanto,  battle  of,  128 

Lessons  from  our  history,  583,  584 

Letter  of  Pius  IX.,  facsimile  of,  to  Jefferson  Davis, 
415;  of  Roman  Catholic  Archbishops  at  outbreak 
of  Spanish  War,  465 

Lewis,  Charities  Superintendent  Herbert  W.,  report 
of,  on  inefficient  government-supported  Catholic 
charities,  383 

Lexow  Investigating  Commission,  422,  431,  433,  434 

Leyden,  Pilgrims  remove  to.  22 

Liberal,  Catholicism,  Schroeder  on,  216  ;  Catholics, 
Pius  IX.  condemns,  214 

Liberty,  and  Law,  definitions  of,  61-65;  civil,  and 
religions  limitations,  of,  80 ;  modern,  Leo  XIII. 
on,  215 ;  of  the  press,  date  of,  in  European 


countries,  115  ;  religious,  in  America,  history  of, 

"Liberty  of  perdition,"  185 

"Liberty  of  Unlicensed  Printing,"  115 

Lieber,  quoted,  64,  187 

"  Life  of  Columbus,"  126 

"  Life  of  Leo  XIII.,"  quoted,  142,  193,  196,  472 

Liliuokalani,  Queen,  172 

Lima,  assault  on  school  fund  at,  348 

Little  James,  Pilgrim  ship,  arrival  of,  at  Plymouth, 

26 
Lobby,  R.  C.,292;  incorporators  of  reconstructed, 

302;  peril  from,  outlined,  303 
Loco  Foco  party,  origin  of,  420 
Lodge,  Senator,  267 
Lollards,  38 
London  Company,  23 
"Los  Ladrones,"  170 

Louis  XIV.,  oppression  of  Huguenots  by,  42 
Louisiana  purchase,  effect  of,  587 
Low  Land  (Hollow  Land),  13 
Low,  Seth,  defeat  of,  explained  by  Hugh  McLaugh- 

lin,  271 ;  vote,  the,  Hugh  McLaughlin  on,  271 
Lowell,  James  Russell,  quoted  on  immigration,  568 
Loyal,    Orange    Institution    of  the   United  States 

of  America,  564  ;  Women  of  American  Liberty, 

564 
Loyalty  to  church  or  state,  conflict  as  to,  211  ;  to 

church  before  state,  Bishop  Gilmour  prescribes, 

"  Loyalty  to  Church  and  State,"  extract  from,  176 
Lusk,  Charles  S.,  293 
Luther,  Martin,  38,  45,  122 
Luzon.  167 

MacArthur,  Rev.  Dr.  R.  S.,  410 

Macaulay.  on  church  and  state,  83 ;  on  polity  of 
Church  of  Rome,  187  ;  quoted,  28,  43,  114 

Mack,  Commissioner  Jacob  W.,  on  Mayor  Van 
Wyck's  school-board  appointments,  449 

Madison,  President,  74  ;  on  religion  and  govern 
ment,  84 

Magellan,  Hernando,  discovers  I  ad  rone  Islands, 
170  ;  Philippines,  167  ;  reaches  Straits  of  Magellan, 
168 

Mahan,  Captain,  quoted,  128 

Maine  (battleship),  chaplain  of,  484  ;  destruction 
of,  156 ;  Father  Phelan  on,  371  ;  funeral  of  vic 
tims  ;  experiences  of  Bishop  Fitz  Gerald  and  Cap 
tain  Sigsbee  in  connection  therewith,  496,  497 

Maine,  attempted  amendment  to  Constitution  of, 
226  ;  chief  sectarian  aggressors  in,  Protestants, 
530;  fate  of  amendment,  530;  theory  and  prac 
tice  of  a  certain  college  president  in,  227 

Maintenon,  Mine,  de,  42 

Mainz,  113 

Malone,  Father  Sylvester,  279  ;  address  of,  on  Tam 
many's  opportunities  for  good,  427 

Manhattan  Island,  15  ;  first  American  public  school 
on.  98;  price  of,  16 

Manifest  destiny,  585 

Manila,  170;  Bay,  129 

Manitoba  school  law.  Encyclical  of  Leo  XIII.  on, 
339 

Manning,  Cardinal,  on  relations  of  the  Church  to 
society  and  the  state,  189  ;  quoted  on  infallibility, 
191  ;  on  the  claims  of  the  Pope,  208 

Manning's  (Rev.  Dr.  H.  E.)  "  The  Present  Crisis  of 
the  Holy  See,"  612  A 

Margaret  of  Valois,  44 

Marion,  Francis,  protest  of,  to  South  Carolina 
Colonial  Convention,  52 

Marot,  44 

Marriage  and  ecclesiastical  power,  609  A 

Mars,  Rev.  Father,  opposes  Catholic  liberalism  in 
Canada,  237 

Marsh,  George  P.,  on  Index  Expurgatorius,  860 

Martin,  "Jimmy,"  442 

Martinelli,  Mgr..  Delegate,  decision  of,  in  re 
Father  Rosen,  277;  important  dispatch  to  Vatican, 
617  A  ;  news  as  to  Spanish  armistice  reaches  him 
first,  617  A  ;  on  President  McKinley's  good  wishes 
for  success  of  papal  mediation,  616  A 

Marty,  Bishop  M.,  278,  293 

Mary.  Queen  of  Scots,  41 

Maryland,  religious  toleration  in,  220  ;  R.  C.  coloni 
zation  of,  59 


636 


Index. 


Massachusetts,  school  law  (1647),  107  ;  first  Ameri 
can  college  in,  108 
"Massachusetts  Bay  in  New  England,   Governor 

and  Company  of  the,"  32 
Massasoit,  Indian  chief,  25 
Matanzas,  164 

Material  resources  and  strength  of  U.  S.,  72 
Mather,  Cotton,  quoted,  50;  Richard,  37 
Matrimonial  causes,  summary  judicial  proceedings 

in,  609  A 
Matthews,  Franklin,  scores  Tammany  in  Harpers 

Weekly  for  its  corruption,  445 
Maximilian,  501 
Mayaguez,  166 

Mayflower,  557;  first  Pilgrim  ship,  leaves  Plymouth, 
24;  returns  to  England,  26;  second  expedition  of, 
32 

Mayflower  compact,  24,  55 
Mayor  of  New  York,  S.  F.  B.  Morse's  candidacy, 

for,  420 
McCarren,  Senator  Patrick  H.,  as  a  link  between 

Rome  and  the  press,  363 
McCartney,  Commissioner,  allows  Sisters  of  Charity 

only  to  collect  money  in  his  Department,  441 
McDonnell,  Bishop,  orders  removal  of  U.  S.   flag 

decorating  Brooklyn  church,  494 
McDonough,  John  1.,  483 
McGee,  Professor,  declares  the  expansion  of  1898 

will  make  us  the  naval  nation  of  the  earth,  586 
Mann,  Horace,  on  legislators'  influence  for  good  or 

evil  in  schools,  543 

McGlynn,  Father  Edward,  182;  baptizes  Richard 
Croker,  455;  denounces  traducers  of  public 
schools,  345;  on  origin  and  peril  of  temporal 
power.  223;  on  Pope's  influence  in  politics,  284; 
on  temporal  power  of  the  Popes,  203;  supports 
ballot  reform,  570 
Mclntire,  Congressman,  presents  Cardinal  Gibbons' 

petition  in  House  of  Representatives,  302 
McKenna,  Attorney  General,  abused   by  his  core 
ligionists  for  his  decision  in  West  Point  Catholic 
chapel  case,  487;  opinion  of,  on  Went  Point  Catho 
lic  chapel  grant,  305;  disappointment  of  corelig 
ionists  of,  over,  306;  John,  killed  in  altercation 
in  which  Croker  was  engaged,  456 
McKinley,   President,  declares    American    policy, 
589;  Message  of,  to  Congress  on  the  Cuban  War, 
148,  149;    on  Hawaiian  assimilation,  173;    refers 
Lament's  West  Point  grant  to  Catholics  to  At 
torney  General,  305;  speech  of,  at  Chicago  Peace 
Jubilee,    157;    speech  of,   concerning    work    of 
Hawaiian  Commission,  quoted,  173 
McLaiighlin,  Hugh,  admits  Catholic  interference  in 
Brooklyn    politics,  271;     master  of    Democratic 
party,  275;  thanked  by  Sunday  Democrat,  272 
McLellan,  John,  519 
McMahon,  Daniel  F.,  452 
McMillan,  Senator,  538 
Mi  Murdy,  Rev.  Dr.,  409 

AlcC^uaid,  Bishop,  a  candidate   for    Regent,  279; 
criticism  of,  by  Sunday  Democrat,  277;  preaches 
against  Archbishop  Ireland,  280;  rebuked  therefor 
by  Rome,  281 
Meaiix,  40 

Mecklenburg  (N.  C.J.  declaration  of,  57 
Medueval  to  modern  history,  transition  from,  38 
Medici  de,  Catherine,  duplicity  of  40,  41 
Memorable  events  in  American  history,  595  A 
Menendez    (Melendez),    72;     murders    Huguenot 

net  tiers,  46 

Mennouite  Mission  Board,  536 
Merchant  Adventurers.  27 
Merriuin,  Governor,  277 
"  Me.-sengerof  the  Press,"  114 
MeKsenqer  of  the,  Hacred  Heart,  323 
Methodist  iJook  Concern,  363 
Methodist  Times,  quoted,  507 
Mexico,  conquest  of.  126-  liberation   of,  126;   Dr. 

William  Butler  on,  255 
"Mexico  in  Transition  from  the  Power  of  Political 

Romanism  to  Civil  and  Religious  Liberty,"  255 
MlrliHellus,  John,  16 
Military  Order  of  Foreign  Wars,  555 
Mill,  John  Stuart,  on  American  popular  intelligence , 

Miller,  Rear  Admiral,  at  Hawaii,  173 
Milton,  John,  114,  115;  on  Popery,  191 


Mindanao,  167;  discovered  by  Magellan,  168 

Mindoro,  167 

Ministers,  conference  of,  on  Spanish  crisis,  155 

Minnesota,  refractory  priest  in,  episode  of,  314 

Minturn,  Lawyer,  quoted,  177 

Minuit,  Peter,  first  governor,  15 

Misgovernnent  of  cities,  Dr.  Orestes  A.  Brownson 
on,  413 

Mission  of  Mgr.  Satolli,  objects  of,  193 

Missionary  enterprise,  95 

Modern,  civilization,  genesis  of,  595  A;  history, 
three  chapters  in,  502;  society,  Cardinal  Man 
ning's  definition  of,  190 

Monroe,  doctrine,  589,  587;  James,  74 

"  Monks  and  their  Decline,"  extract  from,  515;  pro 
scribed  by  Sacred  Congregation,  515 

Moors,  expulsion  of,  from  Spain,  125 

"  Morality  in  the  Schools,"  quoted,  338 

Morey  letter,  261 

Morgan,  Indian  Commissioner  Thomas  J.,  confir 
mation  of,  opposed  by  R.  C.  Indian  lobby, 
2'J4;  efficiency  of,  300;  R.  C.  interference  with, 
314;  severs  official  relations  with  Bureau  of 
Catholic  Indian  Missions,  297:  Senator,  173;  Wil 
liam  Fellowes,  519 

Moriarty,  School  Commissioner,  449 

Mormonism,  defense  of  school  funds  by,  289 

Morse,  Professor  Samuel  F.  B.,  184;  as  a  native 
candidate  for  Mayor,  420 

Morton,  Governor,  approves  ballot  reform  bill,  571 

Moss,  Hon.  Frank,  letter  of,  to  Governor  Roosevelt 
on  demoralized  police  force,  444 

Motley,  quoted,  14 

M tiller,  Rev.  Michael,  book  of,  abusing  public 
schools,  341;  on  the  Pope's  Divine  authority,  213 

Mulry,  Thomas  J.,  interest  of  Church  authorities 
in  appointment  of,  440 

Municipal  employment,  indorsement  of  religious 
order  in  connection  with,  392 

Murphy,  Edward,  Jr.,  master  of  Democratic  party, 
275 

Murray,  Father,  relation  of,  to  city  administration, 
439 

Myers  voting  machine,  unconstitutionality  of,  236 

Naguabo,  166 

Napoleon  III.,  501 

Naragansett  Bay,  35,  36 

National,  debt,  amount  of,  73;  Educational  Asso 
ciation,  Archbishop  Ireland's  address  before,  340; 
his  explanation  thereof,  341;  League  for  Pro 
tection  of  American  Institutions,  52,  289,  S03,  347, 
385,  387;  address  R.  C.  Archbishops  and  Legate 
Satolli,  529;  future  purposes  of,  542;  incorpora- 
tors  and  officers  of,  519;  Law  Committee  of,  316, 
objects  of,  316,  520;  proposes  amendment  to  U. 
S.  Constitution,  520;  work  of,  513  f/  aeq. 

"National  ulcer,"  what  it  is,  404 

Nationality  and  sovereignty,  66 

Naughton,  Daniel  J.,  483 

Namnkeag  (Salem),  31 

Naval  Order  of  the  II.  S.,  556 

Niciea,  Council  of,  115 

Negritos,  168 

Negro  domination  in  South,  effect  of  fear  of,  418 

Negros,  167 

Netherland  nation,  Motley's  characterization  of,  14; 
state  of,  under  Alva,  127 

New  Amsterdam,  16,  17 

Newark,  Bishop  Corrigan  of,  on  taxation  of  clerical 
property,  247;  Bishop  Wigger  of,  239 

Newburgh,  birthplace  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincin 
nati,  551 

New  England  Society,  557 

New  Hampshire,  settlement  of.  35 

New  Mexico,  English  language  for  schools  defeated, 
288;  reason  for  non-admission  of,  into  Union,  504 

New  Netherland,  15 

New  patriotism,  disquisition  on,  549  et  seq.\  the, 
152 

Newtown  renamed  Cambridge,  34 

New  Year  visits,  among  Dutch,  17 

New  York,  Archbishop  Corrigan  of,  293;  Bishop 
Farley  of,  239;  City  public  schools,  state  of  affairs 
in,  315;  first  licensed  teachers  in,  98;  "gangs  "  in 
the  Sixties,  nomenclature  of,  454;  services  of.  to 
education,  98;  State  Revised  Constitution 


Index. 


637 


adopted,  534;  Union  of  Catholic  Yom:g  Men's 
Societies,  sermon  before,  399;  Herald,  on  politi 
cal  Romanism,  252;  Journal,  306;  Presn,  261; 
Tablet,  opinion  of,  as  to  conflict  between  civil 
and  ecclesiastical  courts,  310;  Times,  on  defeat  of 
Charities  Amendment,  388;  on  important  epoch 
in  the  life  of  Mr.  Croker,  455 

New  Zealand  report  on  State  education,  extract 
from,  102 

North,  American  Rnitw,  Professor  Waldsteln  in, 
144;  Richard  Croker  in,  423 

"  Notes  on  Second  Plenary  Council  of  Baltimore," 
quoted,  610  A 

Nozaleda  de  Villa,  Archbishop,  hopes  some  strong 
Western  Power  will  hold  Philippines,  466 

"Numerical  Strength  of  Romanism,"  article  on, 
506,507 

Oahu,  172 

Oaths,  administering  of,  to  officials  and  witnesses 
in  matrimonial  causes,  609  A 

O'Bierne,  Commissioner,  avowedly  appointed  by 
Mayor  Strong  to  represent  Catholic  interests,  439 

O'Brien,  Judge  Morgan  J.,  387;  School  Commis 
sioner,  449 

Ogdensburg,  Bishop  Gabriels,  of.  239 

O  Keefe,  Father,  applies  for  permission  to  erect 
R.  C.  chapel  on  West  Point  grounds,  303 

Old  books,  rarity  of,  explained,  360 

Old  Guard,  556 

Olympia,  cruiser,  153,  188 

Orange,  Prince  of,  14 

Order  of  Descendants  of  Colonial  Governors,  558; 
Founders  and  Patriots  of  America,  557;  Golden 
Rose,  616  A;  Washington,  556 

Oregon,  battleship,  153 

O'Reilly,  on  arbitration  by  Leo  XIII.,  472;  on  rela 
tions  of  the  Papacy  to  governments,  193;  quoted, 
142 

Organizations  for  defense  against  politico-ecclesi- 
ticism,  561  et  seq. ;  common  platform  of,  562 

Osiervatore  Romano,  432;  Archbishop  Ireland's 
letter  in,  622  A;  on  Papal  intervention,  620  A;  on 
the  treaty  of  peace,  621  A 

"  Our  Christian  Heritage,"  214,  325 

Oxford  (Mass.),  48 

Palawan,  167 
Palissy,  44 

Palmer,  Ex- Attorney  General,  399 
Palmerston,  Lord,  on  Roman  intolerance,  218 
Pan ay, 167 

Papacy,  attitude  of,  to  French  Republic,  212;  un 
dying  nature  of,  202 

"  Papacy,  and  the  Civil  Power,  The,"  184 
Papal  authorities  friendly  to  Spain  in  the  War, 
619-620;  election,  interest  of  Germany  in,  254;  of 
Austria,  of  France  and  America,  255;  envoys, 
powers  of,  607  A;  infallibility,  belief  in,  neces 
sary  to  salvation,  613  A;  Nuncio  in  the  Philip 
pines,  619  A ;  supremacy,  rights  of,  605  A;  Zouaves, 
allusion  to,  417 
Papers,  R.  C.,  small  support  of,  363;  warned  against 

criticism  of  bishops,  362 
Parents  and  guardians,  right  of  control,  how  lost, 

378 

Paris,  First  National  Synod  of  Reformed  Churches 
in  France,  40;  first  Protestant  Church  in,  40;  jour 
nals,  statistics  of,  364;  press,  result  of  Roman 
attempt  to  control,  364 

Parnell,  Charles  S.,  invents  the  boycott,  402 
"  Parochial  Free  School  Bill  "  (1893),  328 
Parochial  schools,  American  Catholics  hostile  to, 
345;  schools,  Archbishop  Corrigan's  demonstra 
tion  in  favor  of  343;  schools,  Dr.  Brownson  on, 
344;  schools,  regulations  as  to,  326 
Parties  in  city  management,  absurdity  of,  575 
Party  organization  in  city,  Roosevelt  on,  405 
Passaro,  Cape,  destruction  of  Spanish  navy  at,  129 
Patriotic,  Daughters  of  America,  559  ;    League  of 
the  Revolution,  559  ;  Order  Sons  of  America,  564; 
orders,  harmony   between,  suggested,  566 ;   Or 
ganizations   of  U.  S.,  National  Council  of,  522 ; 
societies,  utility  of,  560 
Patroon,  system,  17;  title  of,  16 
Paul,  "constitutional  lawyer  of  N.  T.,"  65 
Paulist  Fathers,  Child-study  Congress  of,  339  ;  one 


of,  quoted,  234  ;  submission  of,  821  A  ;  repudiate 
Father  Hecker,  623  A 

Pavani,  Father  Vincent,  196 

Peace  Jubilee,  in  Chicago,  157  ;  protocol,  debate 
on,  161 

Peckhani,  Wheeler  II.,  520;  denies  antagonism  to 
Catholic  Church,  317;  election  to  U.  S.  Supreme 
Court  defeated  by  R.  C.  influence,  317 

Penal  institutions,  R.  C.,  contributions  to,  414 

"  Peninsulars,"  165 

Penn,  William,  colonizing  of  Pennsylvania  by,  48  ; 
founding  of  Philadelphia  by,  55  ;  Quaker  declara 
tion  of,  54 

Pension  Bureau,  religious  tax  levied  on,  313 

Peoria,  Bishop  J.  L.  Spalding  of,  259 

Perigueux,  Bishop  of,  letter  of  Leo  XIII.  to,  222 

Persecution  of  Protestants  by  Henry  II.  of  France, 

Peru,  conquest  of,  126  ;  liberation  of,  126 

Peter's -pence,  283;  collection  (1897),  Archbishop 
Corrigan's  Letter  at,  239 

Phelan,  Rev.  Father  D.  S.,  opposes  parochial 
schools  in  Western  Watchman,  367;  ordered  to 
apolpgi/e  by  Archbishop  Rain,  369;  vigorously 
declines  to  do  so,  370 ;  but  finally  recants 
publicly,  370 

Philadelphia,  Archbishop  Ryan  of.  293 

Philip  II.,  14  ;  sketch  of,  127 

Philip,  Commodore,  quoted,  158 

Philippine  Islands,  description  of,  167  ;  effect  of 
acquisition  of,  586 ;  Spanish  Archbishop  of,  on 
situation,  466 

Philippinos,  characteristics  of,  168;  excessive 
Spanish  taxation  of,  169  ;  superstition  of,  169 

Picquartcase,  135 

Pilgrims,  19  ;  arrival  of,  at  Cape  Cod,  24;  celebrate 
first  Thanksgiving  Day,  26  ;  first  worship  of,  at 
Gainsborough,  20 ;  grant  to,  from  London 
Company,  24;  landing  of,  at  Plymouth,  25; 
migration  of,  to  Amsterdam,  22 ;  removal  of,  to 
Leyden,  22  ;  treaty  of,  with  Massasoit,  25  ;  com 
pact  of,  24 

Pilot,  333  ;  on  submission  to  Pope,  quoted,  211 

Piuar  Del  Rio,  164 

Pint  a,  137 

Pinzon,  Martin  Alonzo,  quoted,  136 

Pius  IX.,  282 ;  alleged  liberality  of,  195 ;  declares 
against  freedom  of  worship,  221  ;  encyclical  of, 
on  "  Errors,"  503  ;  letter  of,  to  Jefferson  Davis, 
415  ;  on  civil  law,  209 ;  on  rights  of  church  and 
state,  222 

Pizarro,  characterization  of,  126 

Platform,  Republican  and  Democratic,  in  1892, 
quoted,  262 

Platt,  Senator  O.  II.,  presents  Sixteenth  Amend 
ment  in  Senate,  525 

Penary  Council,  Third,  of  Baltimore,  603  A 

Plymouth,  Pilgrims  land  at,  24 

Police  Department,  history  of,  under  Tnmmnny, 
443,  444  ;  letter  of  Hon.  Frank  Moss  on,  444 

Police  Gazette,  allusion  to,  363 

Political,  not  religious,  Roman  Catholicism  objected 
to,  489 

Politico-ecclesiastical  penalties  in  politics,  i'l'istra- 
tipns  of,  437 

Politico-ecclesiastical  Romanism,  ns  partner  of 
Tammany,  457,  458;  attitude  of,  in  Spanish 
War,  461  ;  claims,  relations,  and  methods  of, 
175  ;  claims  of,  as  to  union  of  church  and 
state,  218  et  seq.  ;  as  to  the  voter,  230  ;  concerted 
action  of,  481 ;  indictment  of,  427 ;  relations  of, 
to  party  politics,  250 

Polo,  Seflor,  proceedings  of,  previous  to  outbreak 
of  Spanish-American  War,  617  A 

Polygamy,  grounds  for  prohibition  of,  80 

Ponce,  166 

Pope,  and  free-will,  602  A  ;  and  national  canon 
law,  603  A  ;  a  prisoner,  objects  of  assertion, 
283;  (Leo  XIII.),  biography  of,  quoted,  196; 
Bismarck  on  power  of,  254  ;  cannot  >>e  punished, 
612  A  ;  his  efforts  at  mediation  in  Spanish  War, 
463  ;  influence  of,  in  politics,  McGlynn  on,  284  ; 
intimate  knowledge  of  local  affairs  by,  285  ;  letter 
of,  as  to  Satolli's  mission,  328 ;  nations  favored 
by,  501,  502;  nations  still  faithful  to,  502;  sove 
reignty  of,  canon  law  on,  208 ;  claims  concern 
ing  education  condemned  by,  323,  824  ;  power  of, 


638 


Index. 


in  temporal  things  ;  four  opinions  as  to,  605  A  ; 
proofs  of  temporal  power,  606  A 

"Pope's  hull  against  civilization,  what,"  503; 
benediction  and  anathema  in  history,  503,  504  ; 
letter  on  "Americanism  "  ;  submission  of  Arch 
bishop  Ireland  and  the  I'aulist  Fathers,  621  A; 
relations  to  Spanish-American  War,  chronological 
record  of,  614  A-619  A ;  right  to  determine 
province  of  his  own  right?,  Gladstone  on,  207 

Population,  Anglo-Saxon,  proportion  of,  HO;  Teu 
tonic,  141;  Celtic,  141 

Porter,  Mrs.  J.  Addison,  130 

Portland,  Bishop  Ilealy  of,  293 

Port  Royal  (Acadia),  46;  (S.  C.),  45 

Porto  Rico,  description  of,  166 

Post,  otlice  of,  21 

Potestas  coercitiva,  604  A;  judicialis,  604  A 

Poughkeepsie,  assault  on  school  fund  at,  348 

Presbyterian  Church,  General  Assembly  of,  make 
addition  to  proposed  Sixteenth  Amendment,  526 

Prescott,  characterization  of  Torquemada  by,  122 

Presentation  Nuns,  322 

"Present  Crisis  of  the  Holy  See,"  quoted  (1861), 
612  A 

Press,  428 

Press,  censorship  of  the,  114;  Roman  censorship  of, 
365 

Preston,  Vicar-General,  oil  civil  liberty,  210 

Price,  Kev.  Mr.,  410 

Private  property,  exempt  from  seizure,  157 

Privateering,  abstinence  of  U.  S.  from,  157 

"  Profanation  of  sacred  Soil,"  498 

Propaganda,  decree  of,  as  to  Masonic  funerals,  258 

Propositions  condemned  by  Holy  See,  1831-1864, 
612  A 

Protection,  74 

Protestant  Alliance,  on  "Numerical  Strength  of 
Romanism,"  506,507 

Protestants  persecuted  by  Henry  II  of  France,  40 

"Protestantism  and  Infidelity,"  413 

Providence,  settlement  of,  35;  (R.  I.),  Roger  Wil 
liams  at,  59 

Prussia,  educational  pre-eminence  of,  98 

Publication  statistics,  120 

Public  school,  at  Philadelphia,  55;  education,  Rev. 
M.  Muller  on,  213;  cost  of,  104;  proportion  of 
State  tax  for  support  of,  104;  system,  object  of, 
according  to  Rev.  Michael  Muller,  340 

"Public  School  Education"  (Rev.  M.  Muller),  ex 
tracts  from,  341 

Puck,  425 

Puerto  Principe,  164 

Punishments  and  death  penalty,  power  of  church  to 
inflict,  604  A 

Pnrcell,  Bishop,  343 

Puritans  the,  28 

Puritan  Sunday,  chimera  of,  426 

Pym,  John,  30 

Quaker,  declaration,  54;  The,  53 

Quakers  (Children  of   the   Light,  Friends),  53,  54; 

organized  as  church,  53;  pecularities  of,  54 
Queen  Regent  of  Spain,  615  A-619  A 
Questions  which  must,  be  answered,  357 
Quimper,  Pius  IX. 's  address  to  Catholic  Society  of, 

214 
Quintard,  Bishop,  52 

Raleigh,  153;  historical  parallel,  129 

Rampolla,  Cardinal,  614  A,  615  A;  advises  Spain  to 
abandon  Cuba  on  condition  of  establishment  of 
Roman  Catholic  republic,  463 

Randall's  Island,  qualifications  for  positions  in 
institutions  on,  439;  to  vote  for  Strong,  a  dis 
qualification,  440 

Rascon,  Count  de,  Spanish  Ambassador  to  Great 
Britain,  quoted,  615  A 

Rnvaillar,  ai>sappin.ition  of  Henry  IV.  by,  42 

Raymond.  Henry  ,).,  on  cause  of  opposition  to  the 
Irish,  488 

Jffconcenfraffo  system,  results  of,  147 

Reconcentradot,  treatment  of.  156 

Red  Hook  of  Spanish  Government,  digest  of,  617  A 

Reform  victory  in  1891,  I*uck  on,  425 

Reformation,  14 

Registration  of  voters,  regulations  as  to,  571,  572 

"Religion  and  the  State,"  Father  Young's  indorse 


ment  of  Dr.  King's  lecture  on,  351;  reason  for 
author's  change  of  attitude,  352 

Religious,  equality,  encyclical  on,  375;  liberty, 
America's  contribution  to,  90;  liberty  in  America, 
history  of,  84:  liberty,  corner-stone  of  Dutch 
Republic,  87;  Liberty,  Virginia  and  New  York 
first  to  guarantee,  85;  liberty;  what  it  does  not 
mean,  229;  resources,  93;  tests,  abolition  of,  87; 
toleration,  absence  of,  in  Cuba,  165;  toleration, 
Leo  XIII.  on,  376;  toleration,  Syllabus  of  Pius 
IX.  on,  221 

"  Religious  Toleration,"  Lathrop's  lecture  on,  228 

Report,  of  Superintendent  of  Charities,  D.  C.,  383; 
(1897)  of  U.  S.  Commissioner  of  Education,  109 

Republic,  historic  origin  of,  69 

Reritm  Novarum,  allusion  to  encyclical,  394 

Resolutions  of  Congress  relating  to  Cuba,  149 

Resources,  religious,  93 

Restrictions  on  powers  of  Church,  confessed.  604  A 

Retreat  and  imprisonment  (ecclesiastical),  611  A 

Reviews  of  Reviews  on  postponement  of  President's 
Message,  618  A 

Revocation  of  Edict  of  Nantes,  42  ;  effects  of,  43 

Rhode  Island,  charter  of,  87  ;  settlement  of,  35 

Ribault,  Jean,  leads  Huguenot  expedition  to  Port 
Royal,  S.  C.,  45 

Richards,  James  M.,  on  desirability  of  Irish  Catho 
lic  officeholders,  274 

Richelieu,  Cardinal,  opposes  Huguenots,  42 

Right  of  Revolution,  source  of,  66 

Righter,  Judge  N.  H.,  unlawful  decision  of,  311 

Rio  de  Janeiro,  45 

"  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,"  quoted,  126 

Roberts,  Rev.  Dr.,  410 

Robinson,  John,  20  ;  becomes  pastor  of  Pilgrims  at 
Leyden,  22 ;  death  of,  at  Leyden,  27 

Rochester,  Bishop  McQuaid  of,  239  ;  gems  from 
sermon  by,  280 

Roman  attitude  on  school  question,  purpose  of, 
353  ;  conclusions  on,  summed  up,  353-356 

Roman  Catholic,  balance  of  power,  490  ;  charitable 
institutions,  non-existent,  under  Tweed,  420 ; 
Church,  decline  of,  Hugh  Price  Hughes  on,  507  ; 
increase  of.  Father  llecker  on,  511,  512;  Church 
in  U.  S.,  Dr.  Brownson  on  foreign  quality  of, 
481,  482;  Church  status  of,  in  various  countries, 
219,  220;  Foundling  Asylum,  390;  hierarchy,  in 
politics,  strength  of,  233  ;  isolation,  Archbishop 
Ireland's  comments  on,  491  ;  but  for  opposite 
view  at  Baltimore,  492;  loyalty,  animadversions 
on,  485 ;  political  leaders,  three,  275  ;  press,  in 
war  with  Spain,  403;  Protectory  (VVestchester), 
episode  on  history  of,  382  ;  saloon-keepers,  Dr. 
Brownson  on,  414  ;  Father  Elliott  on,  414  ;  school 
commissioners,  undue  proportion  of,  449 ; 
schools,  complaints  of  Indian  chiefs  concerning, 
349;  the  English,  59;  triumvirate,  452;  wealth, 
increase  of,  Father  Hecker  on,  510 

Roman  Catholicism,  as  a  political  unit,  231  ,  nu 
merical  and  political  decline  of,  501  et  seq.  \  two 
sources  of  strength,  514  ;  losses  of,  514.  515 

Roman  College,  Vincent  Pecci  pupil  at,  196 

Romanism,  and  Rebellion,  415  et  tfq.\  ecclesiasti 
cal,  demoralizing  features  of,  195;  foundation 
syllogism  of,  187;  political,  source  of  wealth  of, 

Rome  as  an  educator,  Victor    Hugo  on,  320,  321 ; 
capital   of  United   Italy,   502  ;  decision  of,  final, 
216  ;     opposition   of,    to  common  education  ac 
counted   for,  319  ;  refusal  to  take  politics  from, 
284  ;  secret  service  of,  at  Washington,  318 
Rondout,  assault  on  school  fund  at,  34s 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,   demands  Americanizing    of 
foreigners  remaining  here,  482  ;  on  city  politics 
and  the  "  boss,"  405 
Rosen,  Rev.  Peter,  decision  of  Delegate  Martinelli 

against,  277 

Ross,  Mrs.  Betsy,  makes  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  628 
"Rum,  Romanism,  and  Rebellion,"  409 et  feg. 

Sabbath,  physical  and  moral  utility  of,  582 

Sadowa,  50-1 

Sagasta,  Premier,  characterization  of  Spanish  race 

by, 161 

Salem  (Naumkcag),  31  ;  (N.  J.),  54 
Samar,  167 
San  Francisco,  Archbishop  Riordan  of,  293 


Index. 


639 


San  Joan  (Porto  Rico),  166 

San  Salvador,  45, 162 

Santa  Clara,  164 

Santa  Fe,  Archbishop  Chapelle  of,  393 

Santauder,  Bishop,  refuses  permission  for  Protes 
tant  services  over  Maine's  dead  in  Colon  ceme 
tery,  498 

Santiago,  129  ;  Red  Cross  at,  130 

Satolli,  Archbishop,  acknowledges  receipt  without 
comment  of  request  from  National  League  to  de 
sist  seeking  Government  appropriations,  529 ; 
address  of,  to  archbishops  on  school  question, 
326 ;  declares  Catholic  education  safeguards  the 
Constitution,  332 ;  object  of  mission  of,  193 ; 
Pope's  commission  to,  194  ;  efforts  of,  to  settle 
school  question,  194 ;  quoted  on  church  and 
state,  176 

Satiric^  44 

Saxony,  free-school  system  in,  97 

Saxton,  Hon.  Charles  T.,  elected  Lieutenant  Gover 
nor,  571  ;  introduces  ballot  reform  la \v  and  corrupt 
practices  bill,  582;  untiring  efforts  of,  for  ballot 
reform,  509 

Schaff,  Dr.  Philip,  217;  on  church  and  state,  91; 
on  separation  of  Church  and  State,  81;  quoted, 
100;  translation  of  "Syllabus  Errorum,"  323 

School,  question,  three  plans  as  to,  suggested  by 
Archbishop  Satolli,  326;  system,  legitimate  pur 
pose  of,  101 

Schools,  attack  of  Tammany  on,  448-450;  Indian, 
contrast  between  Government  and  Catholic,  300; 
parochial  and  public,  Dr.  McGlynn  on,  346 

Schroeder,  Mgr.,  defines  liberal  Catholicism,  216 

Scotch,  The,  importance  of ,  as  a  factor  in  settling 
America,  56 

Scrooby,  Pilgrims  meet  in,  20,  21,  22 

Secret  societies,  Roman,  395 

Secretary  of  War  (Alger),  favors  sectarian  invasion 
of  West  Point;  negative  opinion  of  Attorney 
General  McKenna,  306;  (Lament)  grants  permit 
for  erection  of  R.  C.  chapel  on,  303 

Sect  and  sectarianism,  definition  of,  224 

Sectarian,  appropriation,  82;  appropriations,  declar 
ation  of  TJ.  S.  Congress  against,  302;  appropria 
tions,  national,  abolition  of,  384;  appropriations, 
reductions  in,  540,  541;  classification  of  juvenile 
delinquents,  376;  fallacy  in  scheme,  377;  how  met 
by  R.  C.,  379;  schools.  Dr.  Oreetes  A.  Brownson's 
arguments  against,  344 

Sedan,  overthrow  of  imperialism  at,  502 

"  Senatorial  courtesy,"  instance  of,  317 

Separatists,  20;  organize  church,  21;  settlement  in 
Holland,  drawbacks  to,  23 

Servis,  Rev.  Father,  on  liberalism  in  Canada,  236 

Sewani,  Governor  William  H.,  546 

Sheedy,  Father,  claims  Catholic  Church  disapproves 
liquor  traffic,  425 

Sheehan,  John  C.,  and  William  F.,  punished  by 
Croker  for  disobedience,  437 

Shipman,  Chaplain  Herbert,  304 

Sigel,  Franz,  quoted,  136 

Sigsbee,  Captain,  statement  of,  showing  refusal  of 
Bishop  of  Havana  to  allow  Protestant  ceremonies 
over  Maine's  Protestant  dead,  497 

Single-tax  campaign,  232;  intimidation  in,  249 

Sisters  of  Christian  Charity,  322;  of  the  Holy  Child 
Jesus,  322 

Sixteenth  Amendment,  presented  to  Congress,  525; 
denominational  action  in  support  of,  526,  527; 
National  Conventions  evade,  528 

Sixty-ninth  Regiment,  attends  church,  how,  494; 
by  whom  reviewed  on  return  from  South,  495 

Skinner,  Hon.  Charles  R.,  decision  of,  in  St.  Bridget's 
(Watervliet)  school  case,  347;  upheld  by  Justice 
Chester,  348 

Smith,  Captain  John,  explores  New  England  coast, 
24;    Goldwin,  quoted,   92;    Rev.   Dr.   S.   B.,    on 
"Elements  of  Ecclesiastical  Law,"  602  A  et  seq. 
Society,  for  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Children,  382; 
of  American  Wars,  556;  of  Colonial  Wars,   555; 
of  Mayflower  Descendants,  557;  of  New  England 
Women,  559;  of  the  War  of  1812,  555 
Sonp  of  the  American  Revolution,  554;  of  the  Revo- 

luiiou,  419,  552 
Sorbonne,  Faculty  of,  39 

Sources  of  American  republican  Christian  civiliza 
tion,  13;  of  power  of  state,  68;  of  support  of 
common  schools,  99 


South,  American  republics,  attitude  of,  toward  U. 
S.,  163;  Carolina,  Constitutional  Convention  in^ 
088 

South,  reason  for  jwst-beUum  democracy  of,  271 

Sovereignty  of  races,  statistics  of,  508 

Spain,  and  Turkey,  political  decay  of,  145-  con 
cordat  between,  and  Holy  See,  320;  indictment 
against,  155;  military  depot  for  Charles  V  .  127- 
proceedings  of,  in  Cuba,  147;  numbers  of  force 
of,  in  Cuba,  148 

Spalding,  Archbishop,  on  the  results  to  Rome  of 
separation  of  church  and  state  in  the  U.  S.,  505 

Spanish,  -American  War  of  civilization,  146-  colonial 
control,  four  elements  of,  162;  Empire,  partition 
ing  of,  159;  mendacity,  129;  nation,  constituent 
elements  of,  121;  theory  of  government,  124 

Speedwell,  first  Pilgrim  ship,  proves  unseaworthy, 

Spoils  and  merit  systems  contrasted,  573,  574 
Springer,  Congressman,  presents  Sixteenth  Amend 
ment  in  House,  525 

Standard,  363  ;  controversy  of,   with  Archbi.-hop 
urngan,  246 ;   on    papal    blessing  of    Spanish 

Stanhope,  Lord,  on  religious  toleration,  90 

Star  Chamber,  114 

Stars  and  Stripes,  history  of,  628 

State,  aid  to  Roman  Catholic  institutions,  Father 
Phelan  on,  369;  Constitution,  Amendment,  Judge 
Charles  P.  Daly  on,  and  his  experience,  487; 
definition  of,  66;  education,  Father  Hecker  on, 
324;  election  of  1898,  facts  concerning,  441,  442; 
Greek  idea  of,  64;  Roman  idea  of,  64;  poweis  of, 
sources  of,  68;  raison  d'etre  of,  79;  right  of  to 
educate,  324;  limitations  of,  335;  teachers'  con 
vention,  first,  98 

States  adopting  anti-sectarian  provisions,  525 

Statistics,  Anglo-Saxon  and  Latin,  145 

Stephan,  Rt.  Rev.  Director,  J.  A.,  292,  301;  op 
poses  confirmation  of  General  Morgan,  291;  report 
of,  to  Superior,  concerning  Bureau  of  Catholic 
Indian  Missions,  260 

Stillwater,  Minn.,  school  question  at,  329 

St.  Augustine  (Fla.),  45 

St.  Bartholomew,  massacre  of,  41 

St.  Bridget's  Parochial  School,  346,  536  ;  decision  of 
State  Superintendent  Skinner  in  the  matter  of, 

St.  Cloud,  Bishop  Marty  of,  293 

St.  Gregory,  Order  of,  388 

St.  Nicholas  Club,  558  ;  Society,  558 

St.  Paul's  Croes,  Tyndale's  Bible  burned  at,  116 

St.  Tammany  Society,  or  Columbian  Order,  sketch 
of,  419,  420  ;  cardinal  doctrine  of,  419 

Storrs,  Dr.  Richard  S.,  quoted,  53;  on  the  pi-rma- 
nency  of  governments,  580 ;  on  the  power  of 
Christianity  to  liberate,  582 

Story,  Judge,  quoted  on  religious  liberty,  87 

Strong,  Dr.  Josiah,  on  separation  of  church  and 
state,  79,  113;  Mayor,  admits  sectarian  appoint 
ments.  439 

Stuckenberg,  Dr.,  declares  Catholicism  losing  its 
hold,  505 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  character  of,  17 

Subjection  of  all  men  to  Pope,  Boniface  VIII.  de 
crees,  198 

Sully,  44 ;  aids  Huguenots  to  obtain  edict  of  Nantes, 

Sun,  on  Judge  White's  appointment  on  Peace  Com 
mission,  618  A  ;  on  Papal  mediation  between  U. 
S.  and  Spain,  615  A,  616  A  ;  account  of  Catholic 
Club  reception  to  Colonel  Bliss  and  Mr.  Coudert, 

Sunday  Democrat,  273 ;  attacks  school  funds,  532; 

Dr.  Walsh  in,  on  division  of  school  funds,  257 ;  on 

Index  Expurgatorius,  360;  sectarian  division  of 

school  fund  advocated  by,  331 
Sunday  Union,  on  Mr.  Croker's  charities.  429,  430 
Superintendent  of  Indian  Schools,  Dr.  Dorchester, 

attempt  to  defeat  confirmation  of.  292 
Surratt,  John  H.,  escaping  from  U.  S.  is  found  in 

Papal  Zouaves,  417 

Suspension  Bridge,  assault  on  school  fund  at,  348 
Swedes'  colony  in  Delaware,  61 
"Syllabus   Errorum,"  Dr.  Schaff's  translation  of, 

217 ;  Props.  XLV.  and  XLVII.  (Devare's  transl. 

of)  323 


640 


Index. 


Syllabus,  of  Errors,  Pius  IX.  in,  quoted,  209;  of 
Pius  IX.  on  religious  toleration,  221  ;  on  rights 
and  powers  of  church,  222 ;  referred  to  by  Mr. 
Gladstone,  612  A,  013  A  ;  quotations  from,  374 

Talleyrand  declares  chief  object  of  state  to  teach 
its  children  to  become  good  citizens,  541 

Tammany  Society,  395;  cause  of  its  power,  436; 
Croker's  essay  in  defense  of,  423  ;  forced  levies  on 
business  men  by,  451 ;  indictment  of,  by  Franklin 
Matthews,  445;  municipal  government,  respon 
sibility  for  claimed  from  Cathedral  pulpit,  425  ; 
original  object  of,  552 ;  priestly  protestant 
against,  431  ;  religious  toleration  of,  in  politics, 

453  ;    restoration   of,   to    power,    in    1898,    423  ; 
sketch  of  Croker  as  boss  of,  456  ;  terrorism  prac 
ticed  by,  437;  triple  head  of,  454;  unlimited  cor 
ruption  fund  of,  450 

Temporal  power  of  Pope,  Civilita  Cattolicaoi\,228; 

Italian  vote  on,  234  ;  Jesuits  advocates  of,  197  ; 

origin  of,  606  A  ;  origin  and  peril  of,  223  ;  when 

lost,  204 

Thanksgiving  Day,  origin  of,  26 
Thebes,  Archbishop  of,  Mgr.  Cajotan  Bedini,  192 
Thompson,  Hon.  R.  W.,  on  Papacy  and  civil  power, 

184  ;  quoted,  on  the  Jesuits,  503 
"  Three  great  sources  of  our  institutions,"  49 
"Three  plans,"  Satolli  suggests,  326 
Times,  New  York,  Harold  Frederic,  in,  quoted,  463  ; 

Henry  Raymond  in,  on  Irishmen  in  America,  488  ; 

on  John  Kelly's  protection  of  Croker.  456 
Toby,  the  Indian,  tool  of  Governor  of  Canada,  48 
Toledo,  Archbishop  of,   forges  bull   of  dispensa 
tion,  121 
Tonelli,  Philippe,  interview  of,  with  Leo  XIII.  on 

Spanish-American  War,  514 
Torquemada,  Friar,  Spanish  Inquisitor,  122 
Trafalgar,  battle  of,  129 
Treaty  of  Peace,  signing  of,  170 
Trent,  Council  of,  and  freedom  of  the  press,  358  ; 

ten  rules  of,  on  prohibited  books,  359 
Tribuna  (Rome)  on  Catholic  interests  in  treaty  of 

peace,  618  A 
Tribune,  425;  on  papal  intervention,  615  A,  616  A  ; 

quoted,  395  ;  editorial,  quoted,  589  ;  on  Croker  as 

dictator,  459  ;  on  Croker's  early  political  activity, 

454  ;  on  Tammany  Board  of  Aldermen,  446,  447  ; 
on  Tammany  city  administration,  447,  448 

Trinidad  (W.  I.),  Archbishop  Flood  of,  239 

True  American  Catholic,  anti-American  campaign 

of,  623,  624 

Turkey  and  Spain,  political  decay  of,  145 
Tweed,  William  M.,  relations  of,  with  Catholic  in 
stitutions,  420 

Ultramontanism,  change  of  attitude  of,  271  ;  men 
ace  of,  270 

United,  Americans,  Order  of,  192;  American 
Mechanics,  563 

United  States,  Constitution,  and  the  Pope,  difference 
of  opinion  between,  185;  Blaine  Amendment  to, 
291  ;  defeat  of.  and  result  of  defeat,  291  ;  daugh 
ters  of,  1776-1812,  559  ;  Navy,  personnel  of,  158  ; 
new  possessions  of,  163  ft  serf.;  Nuncio  sent  to, 
by  Pius  IX.,  191  ;  police  of  seas  by,  156  ;  Supreme 
Court,  nomination  of  Whoelcr  II.  Peckham  for 
Justice  of,  how  defeated,  316 

Unlawful  thincs  under  any  of  the  American  Con 
stitutions  (Cooley),  101 

Ursuline  nuns,  exempt  from  appearance  as  wit 
nesses,  311 

Utah,  Constitutional  Convention  in,  535 

Utica,  First  State  Teachers'  Convention  at,  98 

Van  Twiller,  Governor,  16,  17 

Van  Wyck,  Mayor,  429;  appointments  of,  tend 
ing  to  Romanize  public  schools,  448  ;  appoint 
ments  of,  really  dictated  by  Croker,  451  ;  not 
permitted  to  reward  ex-Mayor  Grant,  452 

Vatican  Council.  213  ;  Decrees,  Gladstone  on.  210 

"Vatican  Decree*.  The,  in  their  Bearing  on  Civil 
Allegiance,"  612  A 


Vaticanism,  definition  of,  289 

"  Vaticanism  in  Germany  and  the  United  States," 

extracts  from,  269,  270 
Venezuela,  Vatican  repudiated  by,  504 
Vermont,  Orestes  A.  Browneon,  born  in,  201 
Villegagnon,  duplicity  of,  foils  Huguenot   expedi 
tion,  45 
Vincent,  Rev.  Dr.  John  H.,  originator  of  Chautau- 

qua  movement,  111 

Visitor  (Providence),  on  Catholic  losses,  514,  515 
Viterbo,  Leo  XIII.,  pupil  of  Jesuit  college  at,  1% 
Von  Schulte,  Dr.  G.  F.,  on  Roman  canon  law,  188 
Voice  of  Leo,  when  voice  of  Holy  Ghost,  210 
Voters,  power  of  the  Pope  over,  234 
Votes,  massing  of,  under  bosses,  406 
Voting,  qualifications  for,   in  States,  626  A;  soli 
darity  in,  490,  491 
Voxpopuli,  vox  Dei,  meaning  of,  65 

Wake,  Chief  Justice,  decision  of,  defining  limits  of 
religious  liberty,  80 

Waldstein,  Professor,  on  Anglo-Saxon  unity,  14 J, 
145 

Walker.  John  Brisben,  appeals  to  Democrats  to 
overthrow  Crokerism,  450 

Walter,  Father,  relations  of,  with  Lincoln's  assas 
sins,  417 

Walworth,  Father,  disapproves  of  Pope's  interfer 
ence  in  Spanish-American  War,  464 

Walsh,  Dr.  Michael,  277 ;  frank  statement  of,  of 
Catholic  position  to  public-school  funds,  258  ;  on 
bill  to  establish  denominational  schools,  331 

Warning  of  Gambetta,  215 

Washington,  George,  74  ;  president-general  of  order 
of  Cincinnati,  420,  522 

Washington,  Satolli's  educational  address  at,  332 

Watertown,  protest  of,  33 

\Vatervliet  (West  Troy),  deadlock  in  board  of 
education  at,  348  ;  school  question  in,  346  ;  Super 
intendent  Skinner's  course  described,  347,  348 

Webster,  Daniel,  91  ;  on  influence  of  the  press,  117  ; 
on  John  Jay,  51 

West  India  Compnny,  15 

West  Point,  Attorney  General  McKenna's  opinion 
on  R.  C.  chapel  at.  487 ;  bill  as  to  religious 
worship  at,  307,  308  ;  Cadet  and  Soldiers'  chapels 
at,  account  of,  303;  denominational  petitions, 
object  of,  304  ;  National  Board  of  Visitors,  306; 
R.  C.  Chapel  at,  advice  of  League  to  denomina 
tions,  540;  Roman  Catholic  Chapel  Bill,  history 
of,  303  ;  R.  C.  Chapel,  history  of,  539  et  seq. 

West  Jersey,  laws  of,  54 

Western  Catholic  Xeics,  Harrison's  defeat  explained 
in,  259 

Western  Watchman,  367  ;  editor  of,  recants,  370  ;  on 
school  question,  368,  369 

Weyler,  Captain  General  Valeriano,  132,  147  ;  con 
siders  himself  a  merciful  man,  148 

White,  Rev.  John,  relieves  colonists  at  Naumkoag 
(Salem),  31  ;  Senator,  confirmed  as  Supreme 
Court  Judge,  317 

Wickliffe,  21 

William  of  Orange,  87 

Williams,  Roger,  59,  88;  banished  for  claiming 
religious  liberty,  86  ;  settles  Providence,  35 

Winslow,  Kdward,  joins  Pilgrims  at  Leyden,  23 

Winthrop,  John.  Quoted,  86;  election  of,  as  Gov 
ernor  of  Plymouth  colony,  32 

Witherspoon,  John,  appeal  of,  to  signers  of  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  57 

Worms,  Luther  at,  45 

Young,  Father,  indorses  editor's  attitude  on  schools, 
351  ;  "  Protestant  and  Catholic  Countries  Com 
pared  ,"488 

Zola,  Emile,  478 

Zurcher,  Rev.  Father  George,  gives  some  statistics 
showing  Catholic  decline  in  U.  S.,515;  his  pam 
phlet  proscribed  by  the  Sacred  Congregation,  80 
lie  makes  "  submission,"  515 


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